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Criticism of Non-Intervention in Spain (1936): The Role of the Press.

In this post, I will base myself on the various criticisms of the policy of non-intervention in Spain, appearing in the press.

Without giving you a classic lesson, I will quote a lot from the various interventions of journalists and editorialists. This post is a bit long, but as long as I make myself clear, everything is fine...

From mid-July 1936, the editorialists of the newspaper L’Humanité (central organ of the French Communist Party since 1920) denounced the “interventionism” of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, that is to say the delivery of weapons to the rebels. The editorialists of L’Humanité rely on the information collected by Paul Vaillant-Couturier in August. This communist reporter witnessed the presence at Franco’s home of twenty Junker bombers, five planes displaying the swastika, and many German and Italian officers. The editorialists of L’Humanité rely on information gathered by Paul Vaillant-Couturier in August. This reporter (a member of the French Communist Party) witnesses the presence at Franco’s home of twenty Junker bombers, five planes displaying the swastika, and many German and Italian officers.

In the magazine Europe (founded by Romain Rolland), Jean-Richard Bloch shares his analysis of what is happening in Spain: “under our noses, with an impudence, a cynicism and almost a publicity that gave the measure of their contempt, Germans and Italians continued to supply the rebels”. Similarly, La Révolution espagnole also bears witness to the delivery of weapons for Franco’s militia.

La Révolution espagnole, as the weekly French edition of the POUM, was created on September 3, 1936. Colette Audry, an activist in the CGTU (the communist branch of the CGT from 1920 to 1936), editor at L’Ecole émancipée, member of the Comité de Vigilance des Intellectuels Antiascistes, was present in Spain throughout the summer of 1936.

She met Julian Gorkin and other POUM activists. Colette Audry was the main translator of La Révolution espagnole and the newspaper’s French correspondent. Responsible for distributing it, she played an important role in recruiting volunteers to fight. La Révolution espagnole, as a Franco-Spanish magazine, published only in the first months of the Spanish Civil War, was totally militant in its distribution. Its first page states: “Please reproduce” (in order to break a certain confidentiality, certainly…). The editorials of The Spanish Revolution are mostly anonymous, although the first issue is signed by Julian Gorkin. Gorkin denounces the moral and material support of the fascist military leaders by Hitler and Mussolini, going beyond international regulations.

On August 10, in The Proletarian Revolution (magazine of the "CGT - Syndicalist and Revolutionary"), Ida Mett comments on the situation: She mentions the lack of weapons, planes and gasoline for the Spanish antifascists (CNT, POUM), and specifies that "Every day of delay can cause disasters". The revolutionary syndicalists (CGT-SR) are the only ones to mention the idea of delivering weapons to the comrades in Spain.

At the end of August, in L’Humanité, Marcel Cachin proclaimed that if the Spanish Republicans, Socialists and Communists had received the same armed support “that Franco and Llano enjoyed” (the latter being a commander of the Carabinieri who took possession of Seville on July 18), “our friends would already be victorious and the murderous fascism of Franco and Llano would be on the ground! That is the truth! And that is why, while pursuing a prudent and resolutely peaceful policy, the French Popular Front has the duty to take the greatest account of the energetic wishes of the workers who have entrusted them with power.” (L’Humanité, August 23).

The term “blockade” is the first term that becomes recurrent in communist speeches strongly opposed to non-intervention. Paul Vaillant-Couturier denounces “the unbearable blockade” and calls for a demonstration to protest against the “blockade.” After Blum's speech at Luna-Park, Vaillant-Couturier published an editorial entitled "Down with the blockade!". The next day, Maurice Thorez published his editorial entitled "We must stop the blockade". On September 20, it was written in L'Humanité "The Spanish Republic must not be a victim of the blockade!". "Neutrality" is the second term that causes controversy. For example, the editorial of September 17 of La Révolution espagnole, is very critical of this neutrality advocated by Blum. "After having denied the existence of international law, Blum arrives at the logical consequence: while France helps the regular government of Spain, the fascist countries support the rebels.

The "neutrality" advocated by Léon Blum is the second controversial term. For example, the September 17 editorial of La Révolution espagnole is very critical of this neutrality advocated by Blum. "After denying the existence of international law, Blum arrives at the logical consequence: while France helps the regular government of Spain, the fascist countries support the rebels. This is the competition of armaments, and in Blum's thinking this competition would inevitably lead to a European war. One can be all the more surprised by this simplistic logic since, in another part of his speech, Blum affirms that war is possible when it is admitted as possible: fatal, when it is proclaimed fatal. Thus Blum himself inflicts a denial on his attitude in the Spanish revolution. Blum refuses aid to Madrid because he believes war to be fatal. However, nothing could be further from the truth. Despite tremendous heroism, it is the lack of high-powered weapons that forces the workers' militias to advance slowly. It is the lack of planes and cannons that prolongs the war and thus allows the fascists to receive German and Italian reinforcements, despite their poor geographical situation. Thousands of dead workers and peasants massacred in the provinces occupied by the rebels are the terrible price of false neutrality" (The Spanish Revolution, September 17, 1936).

On the side of the Human Rights League, Emile Kahn published three articles in La Lumière, a month after the Luna-Park speech: "This solemn declaration is sincere. This entire Luna-Park speech is of a pathetic and poignant sincerity. But Léon Blum is mistaken: the commitments made have been violated. These acts of interference, contrary to the commitments made, Blum ignored them when he spoke on September 6. But, at this date, was Yvon Delbos unaware of them? Did his agents in Spain fail to report them? The following week, Emile Kahn hammered home in anaphora that it was “morally impossible” to continue to practice this policy of “neutrality”, due to the “protests of interference that were multiplying”.

Even in Le Populaire (official journal of the SFIO), some articles questioned Blum’s policy of neutrality. Jean Zyromski, founder of the Bataille socialiste (left wing of the SFIO), appealed to the facts: “But can we maintain today, in the face of the obvious, tangible, concrete facts of continued supply of the rebels, in the face of the position taken by Portugal, that the position of the French government cannot be modified?” (Le Populaire, September 15, 1936). Then, Jean Zyromski left for the mission of the European Conference for Aid to the Spanish People with Jacques Duclos, Eugène Hénaff, and Georg Branting (Swedish MP). On his return, Zyromski said that he had no intention of attacking the Popular Front government, but he maintained that he had the right (and the duty, he said) to indicate the necessary corrections in the orientation of a policy. Even within the Socialist Battle, there were divergences. Zyromski had to distance himself from his comrades who had fully approved of Léon Blum’s position, and which according to him “compromises the existence of the Spanish Republic.”

It must be said that the term "neutrality" is well and truly emptied of its meaning... On August 15, 1936, Paul Nizan questions the term "neutrality" in the Correspondance internationale (journal of the Communist International), "So that everything is currently happening as if this "neutrality", which is moreover completely incontestable from the point of view of international law, since it is not at all a question of the conflict of two sovereign powers, but of the struggle of a legitimate government against factious people, was only a neutrality of facade". The editorial of October 14 of La Révolution espagnole returns to this "lexical degradation", associating it with the "equally false" exercise of diplomacy: "The diplomatic farce of neutrality is in the process of being denounced". In La Voix libertaire, Jules Goirand, alias Trencoserp, rails: "The diplomatic farce of neutrality is being denounced." In October, the journalist Gabriel Péri, who was in Spain in August 1936, also denounces the absurdity of "neutrality": "The impotent Non-intervention Committee, which holds a weekly session in London, refuses to examine Spanish grievances! When will this odious comedy end?" (Gabriel Péri, L'Humanité, October 7, 1936).

After the words "blockade", "neutrality", "comedy", another related term, that of "deception", appeared in the interventionist press. As early as mid-August, Georges Boris, in La Lumière, called for caution: "But this solution, which in so many respects hurts us painfully, is only one if the fascist countries quickly take and rigorously keep the commitment of neutrality. Otherwise it would be a terrible, deadly deception" (Georges Boris, La Lumière, August 15, 1936). In L'Humanité of September 3, Paul Nizan wonders: "Will the great deception stop? Each day that passes means more blood."

Julio Alvarez del Vayo, Spanish Minister of Foreign Affairs, sent the Non-Intervention Committee a note of protest reporting the supply of weapons to the rebel camp. In October 1936, in the CVIA bulletin “Vigilance”, Pierre Bicquart once again described the non-intervention as “deception”.

Gabriel Péri reports, in La Correspondance internationale, on the USSR's denunciation of "the hypocrisy of the so-called non-intervention"; according to Gabriel, "the fascist rebellion bears the Hitlerian hallmark" (La Correspondance internationale, October 17).

On October 23, the USSR announced its break with the non-intervention pact. From then on, the USSR would intensify its aid to Spain. For communist activists, the USSR had shown courage. Gabriel Péri in L’Humanité and Jean-Richard Bloch in Europe were very enthusiastic. According to Gabriel Péri, “For the honor of Europe, the USSR broke the contract which, violated by some of the contracting parties, was nothing more than a scam.”

Paul Nizan, in La Correspondance internationale, emphasized that “it was in no way a conflict between two sovereign powers, but the struggle of a legitimate government against factious people,” establishing a dichotomy between legitimate government and rebellion.

André Marty considered the policy of non-intervention to be contrary to international law. He insisted on the importance of providing equipment necessary for defense. According to this PCF militant fighting for the International Brigades, the "appeasement" policy of the "European democracies" was ineffective. In August 1936, the Comintern appointed André Marty as a delegate to the "Frente Popular", "to consider the help that could be provided by the international communist movement" (cf. "André Marty", according to Jean Maitron and Claude Pennetier). He concluded with this sentence: "The Spanish people do not ask for help, they demand it". André Marty was appointed "inspector general of the International Brigades", based in Albacete.

On November 5, Gabriel Péri, in L’Humanité, refused to use the term “civil war.” In this, he contradicted Paul Nizan’s comments. In August 1936, in the journal Clarté (belonging to the World Committee Against War and Fascism) directed by Paul Langevin and Romain Rolland, Paul Nizan analyzed the situation in Spain as a “civil war pitting the working people and peasants against rebel troops and fascist bands,” with all the artillery, aviation, automatic weapons, and means of guerrilla warfare. François Delaisi (journalist, CGT activist, member of the LDH and the CVIA), in his work L’Homme réel, asserts that the Spanish conflict cannot be reduced to an internal conflict between two factions of the same people, but a conflict whose character goes beyond the narrow framework in which it initially arose.

In Le Libertaire, July 31, Sébastien Faure virulently condemns the inept expression of "fratricidal war", mentioned by both reactionaries and radicals! "Be quiet, hypocrites! Yesterday's was and tomorrow's will be a fratricidal war, since it will determine the most monstrous atrocities between humans condemned to kill each other, when (...) they should live as brothers. But the war which, on the other side of the Mediterranean, arms workers against the lazy, slaves against masters, those who aspire to break their chains against those who try to make them heavier, that war is liberating and holy!".

On November 5, Gabriel Péri, in L’Humanité, refused to use the term “civil war.” In this, he contradicted the remarks made by Paul Nizan three months earlier. In August 1936, in the journal Clarté (belonging to the World Committee Against War and Fascism) edited by Paul Langevin and Romain Rolland, Paul Nizan analyzed the situation in Spain as a “civil war opposing the working people and peasants to rebel troops and fascist bands,” with all the artillery, aviation, automatic weapons, and means of guerrilla warfare. François Delaisi (journalist, CGT activist, member of the LDH and the CVIA), in his work L’Homme réel, asserts that the Spanish conflict cannot be reduced to an internal conflict between two factions of the same people, but a conflict whose character goes beyond the narrow framework in which it was initially posed.

In Le Libertaire of July 31, 1936, Sébastien Faure virulently condemns the inept expression of "fratricidal war", mentioned by both reactionaries and radicals! "Shut up, hypocrites! Yesterday's was and tomorrow's will be a fratricidal war, since it will determine the most monstrous atrocities between humans condemned to kill each other, when (...) they should live as brothers. But the war that, on the other side of the Mediterranean, arms workers against the lazy, slaves against masters, those who aspire to break their chains against those who try to make them heavier, that war is liberating and holy!"

Calls for armed aid are becoming more and more pressing. In opposition to Luna-Park's speech, the now famous slogan "Cannons, planes for Spain!" is chanted during the demonstrations. According to Adrienne Montégudet, editor at La Révolution prolétarienne, "Only Mexico has done its duty !" The slogan "Cannons, planes for Spain !" is taken up by La Révolution espagnole, Le Libertaire, and La Voix Libertaire.

#1930s #spain #antifascism #communism #20th century #no pasaran

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