#Survivor Türkiye

[photo-roulette-wheel]

Survivor Türkiye: All Star

[rastgeleticaret]

Survivor Yarışmacı Sema Aydemir Depreme Yakalanma Anını Paylaştı Sanki Kıyamet koptu

#semaaydemir ##survivortürkiye #survivalseries #acunmedya #haberaktüel Merhaba,’Haberin Sosyal Medyası’ Haber Aktüel’e hoş geldin! Türkiye’de dijital haberciliğin benzersiz örneği olan Haber Aktüel’in Youtube kanalındasın. Bu kanalda gündem ile ilgili özel içerikler ve röportajlar bulabilirsin. Tarihten siyasete, bilimden sanata her alanda içerik bulabileceğiniz kanalımıza abone olmayı ve bizi…

[5yildiz]

YouTube'da "Survivor 2023 Yarışmacıların Aldığı Ücrette Şok olacaksınız!Berdan Mardinli Ne Kadar Alıyor" videosunu izleyin

[kediciksule-blog]

Siz bu ülkede nasıl yaşıyorsunuz ya ben yapamıyorum vallahi imkansız bir survivor ya

[mielece]

Acun ıssız ada vlog (ac fakirleri izlemeye geldim)

[eretzyisrael]

@EinatWilfUnofficial

1 day ago (edited)Despite Israel being a tiny country with limited resources, surrounded by enemies, it absolutely does send aid all over the world including to official enemy states like Syria. Here is a partial list of the countries Israel sent aid to, as mentioned in the summary of IDF humanitarian missions:

1. Greece (1953, 1999): Assisted survivors of an earthquake in the Ionian Islands in 1953 and supported search and rescue efforts after the Athens earthquake in 1999.

2. Cambodia (1975): Provided medical care to refugees from the Cambodian-Vietnamese conflict near the Cambodian-Thai border.

3. Mexico (1985, 2017): Sent rescue teams after the devastating 1985 Mexico City earthquake and supported damage assessments and relief efforts following the 2017 earthquake.

4. Armenia (1988): Deployed rescue workers and medical aid following a massive earthquake in Gyumri.

5. Romania (1989): Delivered medical supplies and assistance during the Romanian revolution.

6. Croatia (1992): Sent humanitarian aid to Zagreb for those affected by the Bosnian civil war.

7. Argentina (1994): Assisted in search and rescue operations after a Hezbollah bombing at the AMIA building in Buenos Aires.

8. Democratic Republic of Congo (1994): Established a field hospital and provided supplies for refugees of the Rwandan Civil War in Goma.

9. Kenya (1998, 2006): Helped after the US embassy bombing in Nairobi in 1998 and a building collapse in 2006.

10. Turkey (1999, 2011, 2023): Conducted rescue operations and medical care after major earthquakes in İzmit (1999), Erciş (2011), and Türkiye (2023).

11. India (2001): Treated thousands and set up a field hospital after the Gujarat earthquake.

12. Egypt (2004): Assisted after the Taba Hilton bombing with medical and rescue teams.

13. Sri Lanka (2004): Provided medical supplies and aid after the devastating tsunami.

14. United States (2005, 2021): Delivered humanitarian supplies after Hurricane Katrina in 2005 and aided search and rescue in Surfside, Miami, in 2021.

15. Japan (2011): Treated patients and established a field clinic after the earthquake and tsunami in Minamisanriku.

16. Bulgaria (2012): Provided medical assistance following a Hezbollah bus bombing in Burgas.

17. Ghana (2012): Rescued survivors after a department store collapse in Accra.

18. Philippines (2013): Conducted extensive medical and rescue operations after Typhoon Haiyan.

19. Nepal (2015): Treated thousands and established a field hospital after a massive earthquake in Kathmandu.

20. Syria (2016–2018): Provided medical and humanitarian aid to Syrian civilians during the civil war via Operation Good Neighbor.

21. Brazil (2019): Assisted in search and rescue operations after the Brumadinho dam collapse.

22. Albania (2019): Helped repair and assess structural damage after a major earthquake.

23. Honduras (2020): Supported recovery efforts following two devastating hurricanes.

24. Equatorial Guinea (2021): Delivered medical aid and conducted rescue operations after a series of explosions in Nkoa Ntoma.

25. Ukraine: Constructed a field hospital to treat civilians following Russia declaring war.

[liver-f4ilure]

Criminals Still alive PT 1

Including only murderers

(OLD POST REDONE!)

Adnan Colak

(AKA. The Beast of Artvin)

Age: 71 (September 5th, 1952, Türkiye)

Crime: killing 11 people via axe ages 68-95, 6 of which were women whom he raped before killing. The span of his crimes were 1992-1995 in the Turkish district of Artvin.

Convictions/Sentence: 6 death sentences + 40yrs imprisonment however it was commuted to life imprisonment when Türkiye abolished the death penalty in 2004.

Where are they now?: released in 2005 under a conditional release arrangement.

Fact: I really can’t find a single thing on how he killed them but he was named the ‘axe murderer’

Artyom Anoufriev

(AKA. Academy Maniacs)

Age: 29 (October 4th 1992, Irkutsk, Russia)

Crime: Artyom and the other member of the academy maniacs, Nikita Lytkin, killed 6 people via hammer, mallet, baseball bat or knife. Artyom said he administered the first blows while Nikita mocked the victims. The two would hit the victim 15-20 times before they passed. In total they had 15 victims with 9 of them surviving.

Conviction/sentence: 6 counts murder, robbery, abuse of victims bodies and organizing extremist activities. Artyom was sentenced to life imprisonment while Nikita was sentenced to 24 years which was then reduced to 20years. However on December 1st 2021 he was found dead via su!cide. He had 9 more years left in his sentence.

Where are they now?: still incarcerated

Fact: the case was the first one involving violent extremism in the Irkutsk Oblast that was solved using forensic science.

Beverly Allitt

(AKA. Angel of Death)

Age: 55 (October 4th 1968, Grantham, England)

Crime: killing 4 children via injecting large doses of insulin and attempted to kill 9 other children during her time as a nurse (aka angel of death)

Conviction/Sentance: 4 counts murder, 5 counts attempted murder. Sentenced to 13 consecutive life sentences.

Where are they now?: still incarcerated

Fact:During early childhood and adolescence she would do ‘attention-seeking’ behaviours including going to multiple doctors and getting her prefectly healthy appendix removed. her motive for her crimes was FDIA ( factitious disorder imposed by another) aka Münchhausen by proxy.

Catherine Brinie

(AKA.The Moorhouse Murders)

Age: 73 (May 23rd 1951, Australia?)

Crime: murdering and abducting 4 women (attempting to kill 1) all ranging in ages from 15-31 with her husband, David Birnie (1951-2005) almost all their victims were rapd. The couple gained the name ‘the moorhouse murders’ since they committed the crimes in their house at 3 Moorhouse Street.

Conviction/Sentence: She was sentenced to 4 terms life imprisonment with possibility of parole after 20 years. Her husband pleaded guilty to 4 counts murder, 5 counts abduction and 4 counts rape.

Where are they now?: still incarcerated

Fact: the couple only had 1 survivor, Kate Moir who was 17 at the time of her escape and wasn’t believed by police when she made the report.

Charles Cullen

(AKA. The Angel of death)

Age: 64 (February 22nd 1960, West Orange, New Jersey USA)

Crime: Cullen, a nurse, killed 29 with a suspected 400 more people by injecting lethal doses of insulin and Digoxin. His crimes lasted from 1988-2003 and through several medical centres in both New Jersey and Pennsylvania.

Conviction/sentence: convicted of 29 counts murder and sentenced to 18 consecutive life sentences and will be eligible for parole June 10th 2403.

Where are they now?: still incarcerated

Fact: in 2006 during a sentencing hearing in a Pennsylvanian courtroom Cullen, for 30 minutes kept repeating”Your Honour, you need to step down” until Judge William H. platt had him gagged with cloth and duct tape. Yet through the cloth he still kept repeating his words.

David Berkowitz

(AKA. Son of Sam)

Age: 71 (June 1st 1953, Brooklyn New York USA)

Crime: killing 6 people (mainly couples) via .44 calibre gun, leaving 11 wounded and 2 via stabbing in ‘75. He also reported being apart of multiple unsolved arsons

Convictions/Sentance: 6 counts murder in the second degree, 7 counts attempted second degree murder. Sentenced to life imprisonment with possibility of parole after 25yrs

Where are they now?: Still incarcerated

Fact: Stacy Moskowitz was the only blonde victim of Berkowitz and didn’t survive. At the police station Stacy’s mother reported a detective called her ‘ms. Berkowitz’ instead of Moskowitz. He gained his name because of his motive saying his neighbours dog ‘Sam’ was the devil and told him to do it which he later claimed was fake. He also was apart of a satanic cult named ‘The sons of Sam’ but not any members have been found. He is the reason for a set of laws called ‘The son of Sam laws’ which prohibit criminals from profiting off media.

(I COULD DO A WHOLE INFO POST ON THIS CASE ITS SO INTERESTING!)

Dennis Rader

(AKA. BTK Killer)

Age: 79 (March 9th 1945, Pittsburg, Kansas USA)

Crime: killed 10-12+ victims all ranging in age (9-62) by suffocation or strangulation. First he would break into his victims houses (usually families) tie them up, torture them then kill them. He sometimes masturbated over his female victims.

Convictions/Sentance: 10 counts murder in the first degree (suspected more victims). Sentance to life imprisonment with possibility of parole after 175yrs.

Where are they now?: still incarcerated

Fact: Rader got so caught up in sending letters to taunt police that he sent a floppy disc which was traced back to him, leading to his arrest

Gary Ridgway

(AKA.the green river killer)

Age: 75 (Febuary 18th 1949 Salt Lake City Utah USA)

Crime: Ridgeway killed 49 woman minority of them prostitutes or underage runaways and would pick them up off the highway and strangle them to death via his own hands then would dump their bodies in the green river(coining the name ‘Green river killer’ or other forested areas and often returned to the scene to commit acts of necrophilia. His victims were found in both Washington and Oregon. His crimes spanned from 1982 to 1988 but it’s possible he was still attacking people up to 2001 when he was finally apprehended the same year.

Convictions/sentence: 49 counts aggravated first degree murder, 48 counts tampering with evidence and solicitation. Ridgeway was sentenced to 49 life sentences without possibility of parole.

Where are they now?: still incarcerated

Fact: Ridgeway would wet the bed up until he was 13. At 16 he led a 6yr old boy into the woods and stabbed him through the ribs into the liver, he thankfully survived.

Part 2 coming soon…

—

I DO NOT CONDONE!

-Vivi

[theresattrpgforthat]

do you happen to know any ttrpgs focused around primarily around travel? the only one i'm personally aware of is ryuutama and i'd like to broaden my knowledge

THEME: Travel

Hello there, I hope that you find some of these games fitting that niche you're looking for!

Apocalypse Roadtrip, by Mynar Lenahan.

Apocalypse Roadtrip is a 34-page Forged In The Dark game for 2-5 players about normal people finding their way after the world has ended. Specifically, it is a hack of the tremendous and innovative As The Sun Forever Sets. 

Navigating their way past roaming Kaiju, military bombings, otherworldly cryptids, UFO fleets, and other survivors (friendly and not), the characters work hard to achieve their goals and, ultimately, make some changes in their world.

In a world where staying in one place for too long can kill you, travel is pretty important in Apocalypse Roadtrip. Your crew will probably need a vehicle in order to get resources and a safe place to sleep for the night, and you can travel in anything from a sedan, to a snow plow, to an alien spaceship. Travel is one of a few suggested strategies for getting what you need. On the whole, this game aims to emulate a desperate wandering ragtag crew, seeking a place to lay their heads and something that gives them just enough of an edge to survive another day.

If you bought the Türkiye & Syria Earthquake Relief Bundle, you own this game!

Space Taxi, by gothHoblin.

Space Taxi is a zany Tabletop RPG for 1-4 players and a GM, where players are all passengers of the same taxi taking them on a journey through outer space! Each character type has their own goal to complete before the trip is over, and will encounter all kinds of things along the way. But watch out for the Space Cats - these adorable little fluffballs can be as mischievous as they are cute!

Space Taxi is a lighthearted journey through space using the Caltrop Core game system, with a special set of prompt tables that you’ll use throughout the game via a pack of cards. In this game, it’s all about the journey - you’ll fill in the world as you move towards your destination, encountering warp portals, dive bars, accidents and Space Cats! I’m intrigued by the possibilities of Caltrop Core, and I think this game might be an excellent example of how to combine the ruleset with a prompt list that makes the journey interesting every time.

Wanderhome, by Jay Dragon (Possum Creek Games).

Wanderhome is a pastoral fantasy role-playing game about traveling animal-folk, the world they inhabit, and the way the seasons change. It is a game filled with grassy fields, mossy shrines, herds of chubby bumblebees, opossums in sundresses, salamanders with suspenders, starry night skies, and the most beautiful sunsets you can imagine.

You might be a tamarin who dances with small and forgotten gods, a leporine mail carrier who relies on moths to get packages where they belong, a little lizard with a big heart and a mysterious past, or a near-endless number of other thrilling possibilities. No matter what, we’re always travelers—animal-folk who go from village to village and get to see the length and breadth of all the world of Hæth. The seasons will change as we play, and we will change with them.

I like Wanderhome as an example not just because about the travel that exists within the game but also because of what doesn’t exist - combat. Wanderhome takes place in a land where a war has already been fought, and your characters are navigating a landscape that has been changed by that conflict. Together you will navigate places that you create together, during seasons that will not just add depth to each location, but also give you the sense of the passage of time. Because each location can be created using pieces in the book, it feels like everyone is discovering a new place together, which feels like an essential element of a travel game.

Slugblaster, by Wilkie’s Candy Lab.

In the small town of Hillview, teenage hoverboarders sneak into other dimensions to explore, film tricks, go viral, and get away from the problems at home. It’s dangerous. It’s stupid. It’s got parent groups in a panic. And it’s the coolest thing ever.

This is Slugblaster. A table-top rpg about teenagehood, giant bugs, circuit-bent rayguns, and trying to be cool.

Slugblaster is mostly about teenagers on hoverboards, but I really like the way it frames an adventure for the party when it comes to how it relates to travel. The multiverse has connections between dimensions, but each portal only works one-way, and there aren’t guaranteed “thin-zones” between each dimension.

You may have to cut through a cyberpunk dystopia if you want to get to the coolest beach and sometimes you may have to dodge some vampires or a self-replicating math panther if you want to get back home. Players will have to confront a number of obstacles thrown at them by the GM on their way to seek out fame, fortune, and finally a way back home once they’ve got that sweet shot by the prismatic waterfall.

You can currently get Slugblaster and also support a fundraiser for Teen Mental Health if you check it out here!

The PARAGON System, by John Harper.

If you’re not familiar with the Paragon System, I’d recommend starting with AGON, by John Harper, as it provides a full game and a solid setting to explore: you are Greek heroes and demigods, seeking to make your names great while voyaging around mythic islands full of monsters and legends. Each session will start with your characters voyaging on the open sea, meeting an obstacle that they will have to overcome to reach their destination, while also determining who is the greatest - and therefore the most fit to lead the upcoming expedition.

This theme of voyaging from one port to another is very translatable, and shows up in many other Paragon supplements, such as Rising Tide, by Dan Brown (eco-justice pirates bringing down corporate operations) and Endeavour, by Armiger Games (Star Trek). Regardless of what your characters are doing, the storytelling in these games is easily abstracted, challenging players to make connections between attributes such as Courage or Spirit and actions such as singing a ballad or aiming a cannon. The most travel-friendly aspect of these games is the idea of each location feeling unique and separate from the rest of the world, showing a vast and varied setting that will challenge your players with every stop along the way.

The Wildsea, by Felix Isaacs.

Your character is a wildsailor, part of a crew cutting their way across the island-studded wilderness of the treetop sea on a vessel of your very own. You’ll clash with survivor cultures and wild beasts, scavenge and salvage for wreckage and trade-goods, chase rumours, and uncover secrets. The focus of this game is on exploration, progress, and change - you’ll define the world of the Wildsea as you sail it.

The Wildsea has a very well-thought-out and extensive travel mechanic. One player at any given time will be responsible for piloting the ship, but other characters need not take a backseat to the action. There are roles for weather-watchers, cartographers, lookouts and more. Each roll has the possibility to forecast dangers or opportunities, giving characters choices about how they are going to deal with upcoming encounters - will they stop by a port to trade for spider silk, or avoid what looks like an ominous pirate flag? All the while, the group marks their progress on a track, which will indicate how close they are to their destination of choice. The question is whether they’ll still have all their cargo when they get there.

If you want to check out the system of this game for free, try out the Free Basic Rules version of this game!

[missmungoe]

Hi, you probably know me from previous comments. Big fan here 😄. You always get lots of comments so I thought you can make a difference with your followers. If you share this message I am sure lots of people would want to help.

As you already know there was two massive earthquakes in Türkiye in 6th Februrary. Over 16.000 people died and the numbers ,sadly, growing.

More than ten city affected from these disasters and now survivors need food, clothing, shelter, cleaning products. Lots of people/governments around the world helped and there are lots of helping campaign in Türkiye but as I already mentioned above due to scope of earthquakes and weather conditions there are also more left to do.

In the below you will find some links that you could donate. Even small amounts can be one meal of one of the survivors. All the helps are appriciated.

https://www.kizilay.org.tr/Bagis

https://ahbap.org/disasters-turkey

[xtruss]

The Secret Life and Anonymous Death of the Most Prolific War-Crimes Investigator in History

When Mustafa Died, in the Earthquakes in Türkiye, his Work in Syria had Assisted in the Prosecutions of Numerous Figures in Bashar al-Assad’s Regime.

— By Ben Taub | September 14, 2023

Photo Illustration By Cristiana Couceiro; Source Photograph From Getty Images

It Was 4:17 A.M. on February 6th in Antakya, an Ancient Turkish City Near the Syrian Border, when the earth tore open and people’s beds began to shake. On the third floor of an apartment in the Ekinci neighborhood, Anwar Saadeddin, a former brigadier general in the Syrian Army, awoke to the sounds of glass breaking, cupboard doors banging, and jars of tahini and cured eggplant spilling onto the floor. He climbed out of bed, but, for almost thirty seconds, he was unable to keep his footing; the building was moving side to side. When the earthquake subsided, he tried to call his daughter Rula, who lived down the road, but the cellular network was down.

Thirty seconds after the first quake, the building started moving again, this time up and down, with such violence that an exterior wall sheared open, and rain started pouring in. The noise was tremendous—concrete splitting, rebar bending, plates shattering, neighbors screaming. When the shaking stopped, about a minute later, Saadeddin, who is in his late sixties, and his wife walked down three flights of stairs, dressed in pajamas and sandals, and went out into the cold.

“All of Antakya was black—there was no electricity anywhere,” Saadeddin recalled. Thousands of the city’s buildings had collapsed. Survivors spilled into the streets, crowding rubble-strewn alleyways and searching for open ground, as minarets toppled and glass shards fluttered down from tower blocks. The general and his wife set off in the direction of the building where Rula lived, with her husband, Mustafa, and their four children.

A third quake shook the ground. When Saadeddin made it to his daughter’s apartment block, flashes of lighting illuminated what was now a fourteen-story grave. The building—which had been completed less than two years earlier—had twisted as it toppled over, crushing many of the residents. Saadeddin felt his body drained of all emotion, almost as if it didn’t belong to him.

Saadeddin was not the only person searching for Rula and her family. For the past decade, her husband, Mustafa, had quietly served as the deputy chief of Syria investigations for the Commission for International Justice and Accountability, a group that has captured more than a million pages of documents from Syrian military and intelligence facilities. Using these files, lawyers at the cija have prepared some of the most comprehensive war-crimes cases since the Nuremberg trials, targeting senior Syrian regime officers—including the President, Bashar al-Assad. After the earthquake, the group directed its investigative focus into a search-and-rescue operation for members of its own Syrian team, many of whom had been displaced to southern Turkey after more than a decade of war. By the end of the third day, nearly everyone was accounted for. Two investigators had lost children; one of them had also lost his wife. But Mustafa was still missing.

For as long as Mustafa had been working for the cija, the group had kept his identity secret—even after it captured a Syrian intelligence document that showed that the regime knew about his investigative work and was actively hunting him down. “He was probably my best investigator,” Mustafa’s supervisor, an Australian who goes by Mick, told me, during a recent visit to the Turkish-Syrian border. Documents that Mustafa obtained, and witness interviews that he conducted, have assisted judicial proceedings in the United States, France, Belgium, Germany, and several other European jurisdictions. According to a cija estimate, Mustafa “either directly obtained or supported in the acquisition” of more than two hundred thousand pages of internal Syrian regime documents, likely making him—by sheer volume of evidence collected—the most prolific war-crimes investigator in history.

Twelve years into the Syrian war, at least half the population has been displaced, often multiple times, under varied circumstances of individual tragedy. No one knows the actual death toll—not even to the nearest hundred thousand. And yet the Syrian regime’s crimes continue apace. “The prisons are full,” Bill Wiley, the cija’s founder and executive director, told me. “All the offenses that started being carried out at scale in 2011 are still being perpetrated. Unlawful detention, physical abuse amounting to torture, extrajudicial killing, sexual offenses—all of that continues. War crimes on the battlefield, particularly in the context of aerial operations. There are still chemical attacks. It all continues. But, as long as there’s the drip, drip, drip of Western prosecutions, pursuant to universal jurisdiction, it’s really difficult to envision the normalization of the regime.”

Before the Syrian Revolution, Mustafa was a trial lawyer, living and working in Al-Rastan, a suburb of the central city of Homs. He and his wife, Rula, had three small children, and Rula was pregnant with the fourth. In early 2011, when Syrians took to the streets to protest against the regime—which had ruled for almost half a century—Assad declared that anyone who did not contribute to “burying sedition” was “a part of it.” Suddenly Mustafa was caught in a delicate position, since many of Rula’s male relatives were military officers.

Her father and her uncles had joined the Syrian armed forces as young men, and served Assad’s father for many years before they served him. In the mid-nineties, Assad’s older brother died in a car crash, and he was called back from his studies in London and sent to a military academy in Homs. Eventually, he joined a staff officers’ course, where Anwar Saadeddin—then a colonel and a military engineer—says he spent a year and a half in his class.

Assad became President in 2000, after his father died, and for the next decade Saadeddin carried on with his duties without complaint. In 2003, Saadeddin was promoted to the rank of brigadier general. At the outset of the revolution, his younger son was a lieutenant, and he was two years from retirement.

Mustafa and Rula’s fourth child was born on April 5, 2011. Three days later, security forces shot a number of protesters in the Baba Amr neighborhood of Homs, including a disabled man, who was unable to run away. They dragged him from the site and returned his mutilated corpse to his family the following evening. From then on, Homs was the site of some of the largest anti-regime protests—and the most violent crackdown.

On April 19th, thousands of people gathered for a sit-in beneath a clock tower. At about midnight, officers warned that anyone who didn’t leave voluntarily would be removed by force. A couple of hours passed; a thousand people remained. At dawn, the people of Homs awoke to traces of a massacre. A witness later reported that religious leaders who had stayed to treat the wounded and to tend to the dead were summarily executed. Several others recalled that the bodies were removed with dump trucks, and that the blood of the dead and wounded was washed away with hoses.

The day after the massacre, according to documents that were later captured from Assad’s highest-level security committee, the regime decided to embark on a “new phase” in the crackdown, to “demonstrate the power and capacity of the state.” Nine days later, regime forces killed at least nineteen protesters in Al-Rastan, where Mustafa and Rula lived. Mustafa wasn’t involved in politics or human-rights work, beyond discussions of basic democratic reforms, but he was appalled by the overtly criminal manner in which security forces and associated militias carried out their campaign with impunity. Locals formed neighborhood-protection units, and soon took up arms against the state.

A few months later, Mustafa briefly sneaked out of Syria to attend a training session in Turkey, led by Bill Wiley, a Canadian war-crimes investigator who had previously worked for various tribunals and the International Criminal Court. Wiley, and others in his world, had noticed a jurisdictional gap in accountability for Syria and had begun casting about for Syrian lawyers who might be up for a perilous, but worthy, task. Although there was no tribunal set up for Syria, and Russia and China had blocked efforts to refer Syria to the I.C.C., Wiley and his associates had reasoned that the process of collecting evidence is purely a matter of risk tolerance and logistics. The work of criminal investigators is different from that of human-rights N.G.O.s: groups like Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch produce and disseminate reports on horrific violations and abuse, but Wiley trained Mustafa and the other Syrians in attendance to collect the kind of evidence that could allow prosecutors to assign individual criminal responsibility to senior military and intelligence officers. A video showing tanks firing on unarmed protesters might influence public opinion, but a pile of military communications that proved which commanders were in charge of the operation could one day land someone in jail.

“The first task was to ferret out primary-source material—documents, in particular, generated by the regime,” Wiley told me. “We were looking for prima-facie evidence, not intelligence product or information to inform the public.”

Mustafa instantly grasped the urgency of the project. By day, he carried on with his law practice. But, in secret, he started building up sources within the armed opposition. As they captured new territory, he would go into security and intelligence facilities, box up documents, and move them to secret locations, like farmhouses or caves, farther from the confrontation lines.

“By 2012, we had already started to get some structure,” Wiley recalled. He secured funding from Western governments, and eventually the group settled on a name: the Commission for International Justice and Accountability. “We had our guys in Raqqa, Idlib, Aleppo, and so forth—at least one guy in all the key areas,” he said. From there, the cija built out each team—between two and four individuals, working under the head of each provincial cell. “And Mustafa was our core guy in Homs.”

Anwar Saadeddin soon found himself wielding his position in order to rescue relatives who were caught up in the conflict. His younger son, an Army lieutenant, was detained by military operatives on the outskirts of Damascus, after another officer in his brigade reported him for watching Al Arabiya and Al Jazeera. According to an internal military communication, which was later captured by the cija, Assad believed that foreign reporting on Syria amounted to “psychological warfare aimed at creating a state of internal chaos.”

When Saadeddin’s son was detained, he recalled, “I interfered just to decrease the detention period to thirty days.” Soon afterward, he learned that Mustafa was a target of military intelligence in Homs, where the local facility, Branch 261, was headed by one of Saadeddin’s friends: Mohammed Zamrini.

Mustafa wasn’t calling for an armed rebellion, and, at the time, neither the regime nor his father-in-law knew of his connection to Wiley and the cija. But rebel factions were active in Al-Rastan, and Mustafa was known to have urged them not to destroy any public establishments. To hard-liners in the regime, such interaction was considered tantamount to collaboration. “So I went with Mustafa to the branch,” Saadeddin told me. Zamrini agreed to detain him as a formality—for about twelve hours, with light interrogations and no torture or abuse—so that he could essentially cross Mustafa off the list.

In the next few months, the security situation rapidly deteriorated. The Army encircled rebellious neighborhoods near Homs and shelled them to the ground. Saadeddin’s son, who was serving near Damascus, was arrested a second time, and in order to get him released Saadeddin had to supplicate himself in the office of Assef Shawkat, Assad’s brother-in-law and the deputy minister of defense. In Homs, Saadeddin started driving Mustafa to and from work in his light-blue Kia; as a brigadier general, he could move passengers through checkpoints without them being searched or arrested.

But Saadeddin was beginning to find his position untenable. He sensed that the regime’s policy of total violence would lead to the destruction of the country. That spring, he began to share his fears and frustrations with close colleagues and friends, including the commander of his son’s brigade. But it was a perilous game: Assad’s highest-level security committee had instructed the heads of regional security branches to hunt down “security agents who are irresolute or unenthusiastic” in carrying out their duties. According to a U.N. inquiry, some officers were detained and tortured for having “attempted to spare civilians” on whom they had been ordered to fire.

That spring, Saadeddin’s car was stopped at one of the checkpoints that ordinarily waved him through. It was the first time that his position served not as protection against interrogation but as a reason to question his loyalty. The regime was quickly losing territory, and as the conflict spiralled out of control many senior officers found themselves approaching the limits of their willingness to go along. He and his brothers had “reached a point where we would either stand by the regime and have to take part in atrocities, or we would have to defect,” he told me.

That July, Saadeddin gathered his brothers, his sons, two nephews, and several other military officers in front of a small camera, somewhere near the Turkish-Syrian border. Dressed in his uniform, he announced that the army to which he had pledged his allegiance some four decades earlier had “deviated from its mission” and turned on its citizens instead. To honor the Syrian public’s “steadfastness in the face of barbaric assaults by Assad’s bloody gangs, we have decided to defect from the Army,” he said. It was one of the largest mass defections of Syrian officers, and his plan was to take a leading role in the rebellion—to fight for freedom “until martyrdom or victory.” In response, Saadeddin told me, their former colleagues sent troops to destroy their houses and those of their family members. They expropriated their land and killed several of their relatives.

By now, the regime had ceded swaths of Syria’s border with Turkey to various rebel forces. Saadeddin moved his family across the border and into a refugee camp that the Turkish government had set up for military and intelligence officers who defected. Then he went back to Syria, to try to bring some order and unity to the rebel factions that were battling his former colleagues.

But Mustafa and his family stayed behind in Al-Rastan, which was now firmly in rebel hands. The regime’s loss of control at the Turkish border meant that the cija could start moving its captured documents out of the country.

“It was complicated, reaching the border, because the confrontation lines were so fluid,” Wiley recalled. “And there were multiple bodies who were overtly hostile to cija”—not only the regime but also a growing number of extremist groups who were suspicious of anyone working for a Western N.G.O. During the first document extraction, a courier was shot and injured. During the next, another courier vanished with a suitcase full of documents. “Just fucking disappeared,” Wiley said. “Probably thought he could sell them.” Mustafa recruited a cousin to transport some files to Turkey. But, after the delivery, on the way back to Al-Rastan, the cousin took a minibus, and the vehicle was ambushed by regime troops. “He was shot, but it was unclear if he was wounded or dead when they took him away,” another Syrian cija investigator, whom I’ll call Omar, told me. For the next several weeks, regime agents blackmailed Mustafa, saying that for twenty thousand dollars they would release his cousin from custody. But, when Mustafa asked for proof of life, they failed to provide it—suggesting that the cousin had already died in custody.

By now, Wiley had issued new orders for the extraction process. “I said, ‘O.K., there needs to be a plan, and I need to know what the plan is,’ ” he recalled. “ ‘How are you getting from A to B? What risks are there between point A and point B? And how are you going to ameliorate those risks?’ As opposed to just throwing the shit in the car and going, ‘Well, God decides.’ ”

Saadeddin Spent Much of the next eighteen months trying to organize disparate rebel groups into a unified command. He travelled all over northern Syria, as rebels took new ground, and met with all manner of revolutionaries—from secular defectors to hard-line field commanders. By the summer of 2013, the regime had ceded control of most of northern Syria. But there was little cohesion between the rebel factions, and isis and Al Qaeda had come to exploit the power vacuum in rebel territory. At some point, Saadeddin recalled, he scolded a Tunisian isis commander for arousing sectarian and ethnic tensions, and imposing extremism onto local communities. “He responded that I was an apostate, and suggested that I should be killed,” Saadeddin told me.

In Al-Rastan, a regime shell penetrated the walls of Mustafa’s house, but it didn’t explode. At that point, Rula and the children moved to Reyhanli, a small Turkish village that is so close to the border that you can eat at a kebab shop there while watching sheep graze in Syria. It was also a short drive from the defected officers’ camp, where Rula’s mother and several other relatives were living. But Mustafa stayed behind, to carry out his investigative work for the cija.

“When new areas were liberated, the security branches were raided, and many people took files,” Omar recalled. Some of them didn’t grasp the significance of the files; at least one soldier burned them for warmth. “But most people knew the documents would be useful, someday—they just didn’t know what to do with them. So they just kept them. And the challenge was in identifying who had what, where.”

But, before long, Omar continued, “Mustafa built a wide network of contacts in rebel territory. Word got out that he was collecting documents, and so eventually people would refer others who had taken documents to him.” Sometimes he encountered a reluctance to turn over the originals, until he shared with them the outlines of the cija’s objective and paths to accountability. “At that point, they would usually relent, understanding that his use for them was the best use.”

As his profile in rebel territory grew, Mustafa remained highly secretive. But, from time to time, he asked his father-in-law for introductions to other defected military and intelligence officers. By now, Saadeddin recalled, “I knew the nature of his work, but I didn’t discuss it with him.” There was an understanding that it was best to compartmentalize any sensitive information, for the sake of the family. “Sometimes my wife didn’t even know what I was doing,” Saadeddin said. “But I do know that, at a certain point, through his interviews, Mustafa came to know these defected officers even better than I did.”

In 2014, Wiley restructured the cija’s Syrian team; as deputy chief of investigations, Mustafa now presided over all the group’s provincial cells. “He was very good at finding documents, and he understood evidence and law,” Wiley said. “But he was also respected by his peers. And he had a natural empathy, which translated into him being a very good interviewer” of victims and perpetrators alike. According to Omar, Mustafa often cut short his appearances at social gatherings, citing family or work. “I know it’s a cliché, but he really was a family guy,” Wiley told me. “But where he excelled in our view—because we don’t need a bunch of good family guys, to be blunt—is that he could execute.”

That July, Assad’s General Intelligence Directorate apparently learned of the cija’s activities, long before the group had been named in the press. In a document that was sent to at least ten intelligence branches—and which was later captured by the cija—the directorate identified Mustafa as “vice-chairman” of the group, and also listed the names of the leading investigators within each of the cija’s governorate cells. At the bottom of the document, the head of the directorate handwrote orders to “arrest them along with their collaborators.”

By now, Western governments, which had pledged to support secular opposition groups, found the situation in northern Syria unpalatable; there was no way to guarantee that weapons given to a secular armed faction would not end up in jihadi hands. Saadeddin had begun to lose hope in the revolution—a sentiment that grew only stronger when Assad’s forces killed more than a thousand civilians with sarin gas, and the Obama Administration backed away from its “red-line” warning of retaliation. “At that point, I lost all faith in the international community,” Saadeddin told me. “I felt that they didn’t want Syria to become liberated—they wanted Syria to stay as it was.” He moved into the defected officers’ camp in southern Turkey, where he remained—feeling “rotten,” consumed by a sense of impotence and frustration—for most of the next decade.

I First Came Into Contact with the cija late in the summer of 2015. By that point, the group had smuggled more than six hundred thousand documents out of Syria, and had prepared a legal brief that assigned individual criminal responsibility for the torture and murder of thousands of people in detention centers to senior members of the Syrian security-intelligence apparatus—including Assad himself. In the following years, the cija expanded its operations to Iraq, Myanmar, Libya, and Ukraine. But Syria was always at the core.

“In terms of the opposition overrunning regime territory—that effectively ceased in September, 2015, when the Russians came in,” Wiley recalled. In the following years, Russian fighter jets pummelled areas under rebel control, while fighters from Russian mercenary groups, Iranian militias, and Hezbollah reinforced Assad’s troops on the ground. In time, the confrontation lines settled, with the country effectively carved into areas under regime, opposition, Turkish, and Kurdish control. But Mustafa and other investigators continued to identify troves of documents, scattered among various hidden sites. “We’d acquire them from different places, and then concentrate them,” Wiley said. Omar told me that it was best to keep files as close to the border as possible, to limit the chance of their being destroyed in the event that the regime took back ground. “Mustafa would sometimes spend a week or more prepping for document extractions,” Omar said. “He would sleep in tents,” in camps filled with other displaced civilians, “while he waited for the right moment to move the files closer to the border.”

At the cija’s headquarters, in Western Europe, the organization built cases against senior intelligence officers, like the double agent Khaled al-Halabi, and provided evidence to European prosecutors who were investigating lesser targets all over the continent. In recent years, Western prosecutors and police agencies have sent hundreds of requests for investigative assistance to the cija headquarters; when the answers can’t be found in the existing files, analysts refer the inquiries, via Mick, the Australian in southern Turkey, to the Syrians on the ground. “We wouldn’t tell them who’s asking, or who the suspects are,” Wiley said. “We’d just say, ‘O.K., we’re interested in witnesses to a particular crime base’—a security-intelligence facility, a static killing, an execution, that kind of thing. And then they would identify witnesses and do a screening interview.” When requests came through, Mick told me, “Mustafa was usually the first team member that I went to, because his networks were so good.”

During the peak years of the pandemic, Mustafa identified and collected witness statements against a trio of Syrian isis members who had been active in a remote village in the deserts of central Syria and were now scattered across Western Europe. All three men were arrested after his death.

Perhaps Mustafa’s most enduring contribution to the cija’s casework is found in one of the group’s most comprehensive, confidential investigative briefs, which I read at the headquarters this spring. It’s a three-hundred-page document, with almost thirteen hundred footnotes, establishing individual criminal responsibility for war crimes carried out during the regime’s 2012 siege of Baba Amr, a neighborhood in the southern part of Mustafa’s home city, Homs. Other cases have centered on torture in detention facilities; this is the first Syrian war-crimes brief that focusses on the conduct of hostilities, and it spells out, in astonishing and historic detail, a litany of crimes, ranging from indiscriminate shelling to mass executions of civilians who were rounded up and killed in warehouses and factories as regime forces swept through. The Homs Brief—for which Mustafa collected much of the underlying evidence—also assigns criminal responsibility to individual commanders within the Syrian Army’s 18th Tank Division, which carried out the assault.

“He thought he was contributing to a better Syria,” Wiley said. “When—and what it would look like—was unsure. But he believed in what he was doing. He could have fucked off years ago. We probably could have gotten him to Canada. We talked about it, because one of his daughters had a congenital heart issue.” Nevertheless, he stayed.

Last year, Mustafa bought an apartment on the eleventh floor of a new tower block in Antakya. Rula’s aunt moved into the same building, a couple of stories below. Her parents left the defected officers’ camp and moved into another apartment block, a short walk up the road. A few months later, Mick recalled, “Mustafa said to me, ‘When I’m at home with my family, it doesn’t matter what’s happening outside—it doesn’t matter if there’s a war. When I’m at home, I’m at peace.’ ”

Last December, Mick was visiting Mustafa’s apartment when the floor began to shake. “It spooked me—it was my first time feeling this kind of tremor,” Mick recalled. Mustafa laughed and said that they happen “all the time.” Then he went to check on Rula and the children, who reported that they hadn’t even felt it.

A couple of months later, Mick awoke to news of the catastrophic earthquake and tried to call members of his Syrian team. But the cellular networks were down in Antakya, and it was impossible for him to travel there, because the local airport’s runway had buckled, along with many local roads.

Saadeddin’s sister was dug out of the complex alive; her husband survived as well, but died in a hospital soon afterward, without anyone in the family knowing where he was. On the fourth day of search-and-rescue operations, Mustafa’s passport was found in the rubble. Then his laptop, then his wife’s handbag. “When they found the bodies,” Omar said, “Mustafa was hugging his daughter, his wife was hugging their son, and the other two children were hugging each other.”

Omar spent the next several days sleeping in his car, along with his wife and six children. Thousands of aftershocks shook the region, and, by the time I met with him, a few hundred metres from the Syrian border, he was so rattled that he reacted to everyday sounds as if they might signal a building’s collapse. His breath was short and his eyes welled with tears; Mustafa had been one of his best friends, and he had also lost eleven relatives to the quake, all of whom had been displaced from the same village in northern Syria. Then his young son walked into the room, and he turned his head. “We try to hide from our children our fear and our grief, so that they don’t feel as if we are weak,” he said.

A few weeks after the earthquake, there was an empty seat at a prestigious international-criminal-investigations course, in the Hague. Mustafa had been scheduled to attend. “We can mitigate the effects of war, except bad luck, but we didn’t factor an earthquake into the plan, institutionally,” Wiley told me. Mick coördinated humanitarian assistance for displaced investigators, and, as Wiley put it, “the operational posture came back really quickly.” Omar has now taken over Mustafa’s leadership duties. “Keep in mind how resilient this cadre is,” Wiley continued. “They’re already all refugees, perhaps with the rare exception. They had already lost their homes, lost all their stuff.”

It was the middle of April, more than two months after the quake. Much of Antakya had been completely flattened, and what still stood was cracked and broken, completely abandoned, and poised to collapse. Mick and I made our way through the old city on foot; the alleys were too narrow for digging equipment to go through, and so we found ourselves climbing over rubble, as if the buildings had fallen the day before. The pets of those entombed in the collapsed buildings followed us, still wearing their collars—bewildered, brand-new strays. ♦

[nefes3534]

"Ajlık yok baba bu millet nankör nankör!"

"Kesin anası akp oy vermiştir o da olmadı amcası, dayısı vermiştir oh olsun" diyen andavallar bebenin suçu ne ulan! yorumları okudukça, ayan beyan bu şekilde düşünüp yorum yapanları gördükçe yatırıp dirseğime kadar döşemek istiyorum!! hakaten zeka seviyesi yerlerde bu milletin. Malûm partilisi ayrı muhalifi ayrı gerizekalı..

Karne fotoğraflı paylaşımlar yine sinirimi zıplatacak diye düşünürken bu fotoğrafı görmek hem üzdü hem de sinirimi zıplattı. temel besin maddesinin ödül nesnesi olması çok vahim. artık yaşamak bir survivor ve ödül de yemek ne yazık ki.

Bizim milletin büyük çoğunluğu milliyetçi ve vatanını çok seviyor. siyasi partiler de öyle bakarsan. gel gelelim bu millet ve vatan dediğimiz şeyler gökte hayalî olarak bulunan şeyler değil. aha işte et yiyemeyen bu millet türk milleti, üstüne tükürdüğümüz çöp attığımız bu toprak da türk vatanı.

Köy enstitüsünde halkın günlük alması gereken kalori hesapları, buna yönelik üretim ve kalkınma planları, bulgursuz beslenmenin ülke hedefi olduğu günlerden... bir çocuğun temel beslenmesindeki ögeyi karne hediyesi olarak istediği günlere... bu ülkenin vizyonunu s*kmek için oy kullananların, oy veren elini s*keyim!!!!

Meğer karneyle ekmek alınan günlerden et alınan günlere gelmişiz biz..

Mecliste koltuk sahibi birçok milletvekili ailesini de yanına alıp, bu ülkenin vatandaşlarının parasıyla kendisine tahsis edilmiş çakarlı lüks alman menşei aracıyla pahalı bir kebapçıya gidecek. adında “lokum” geçen pahalı et yemekleri sipariş edilecek. yemekler masaya geldiğinde çocuklar tabağa bile bakmadan ipadlerden oyun oynayacaklar. birçok yemek geldiği gibi belki dokunulmadan çöpe geri gidecek. tatlılar yendikten çaylar kahveler içildikten sonra da 4 haneli hesaplardaki adisyonlara bakılmadan garsona kredi kartları uzatılacak. kimi çocuk karne hediyesi 3 dilim pirzolasını yediği için mutlu, bazıları onu da yapamadan buruk bir şekilde yatağa girecek. sabah olduğunda bambaşka bir dünyaya uyanmayı hayal ederek…

Türkiye gibi ülkede kimse aç kalmaz, herkes günde iki öğün ekmek yiyebilir. ama et alamayan, peynir alamayan, mevsim meyvelerini bile doğru düzgün yiyemeyen, kuruyemişin, balığın, tatlının tadını unutmuş milyonlarca insan var. açlık budur!

İhalelere fesat karıştıranların, devletin malını çalanların, işcisinin emeğini gaspeden işverenin, parasını vermeyip dövüp kovulan afgan tarım işcilerinin patronlarının

çoluğundan çocuğundan çıkmaz mı?

Çıkmaz aq ütopyasında çıkmaz! olan garibana oluyor!!

Lan bu çocuklar yetersiz beslenmekten dolayı güdük kalmaya başladı, gelişimini tamamlayamıyor. hamur yemekten, beyinleri gelişmiyor. çok yazık oluyor, bir nesil siyasal islamcıların elinde heba oldu/oluyor!

jack london’ın açlar ordusu geldi aklıma. sanki gerekli önlemler alınmazsa toplumun geleceği o yöne doğru gidiyor…

[infinitycharmsworld]

If you would like to see some of my favourite brands and get to know me a little better...here's my linktree👇

https://linktr.ee/de_winter?subscribe

(Also please consider helping those impacted by the Syria and Türkiye earthquake. When you open my linktree you will be led to a pop up saying- Help the people of Türkiye and Syria...through which you can find about how you can support them.....so please help if you can. Let's do everything in our power to show the survivors that we care🤍🦋).

[serkanilerisblog]

Earthqake#survivor#young#Türkiye#syria

[silverwhittlingknife]

Just to signal boost - if you're looking for a place to donate, as ever do your own Googling, but OP lists three good places.

Asylum Access describes the situation in Türkiye and Syria and lists established local aid groups here. You can see some of the urgent search-and-rescue operations being done by the first-responder White Helmets on their Twitter here (or e.g. near the end of video clips here and here, cw this is footage of quake survivors & rescue operations & is very difficult viewing). Islamic Relief is posting photos of their work delivering food, medical supplies, and other necessities on their Twitter here (and you can also see an interview with one of their aid workers).

Just to add a few more good NGOs:

Doctors without Borders (MSF) and Syrian American Medical Society (SAMS) - these two orgs provide free medical care in Syrian hospitals and are currently treating people injured by the earthquake; Doctors without Borders is also working on expanding aid to Türkiye; donation link for MSF here and for SAMS here; Twitter updates for MSF here and for SAMS here

Basmeh and Zeitooneh - founded by and for Syrian refugees in Türkiye and Lebanon; currently raising money and coordinating w/partners to set up shelters w/mattresses and heating for displaced people in the freezing cold weather in northern Syria and Türkiye; donation link here; Twitter updates here; they're a long-established org as you can see in e.g. news articles here and here

People in both Türkiye and Syria are suffering a great deal right now, but many of the bigger international orgs may find it easier to get aid to Türkiye but struggle getting aid to northern Syria (see e.g. here for context on the Bab Al-Hawa aid corridor as a geopolitical hotspot last year, and here, here, and here for more recent news). So if you're planning on donating, local groups on the ground in Syria now could really use extra support. <3

Please can you publish trustworthy links for donating to Syria so it helps reach the less supported people?

There are 3 main ones I know of (I have family in Syria that are directly affected)

1. Molham

I've included a link to where people can donate and here is a link to their twitter page where they're giving regular updates. Here's a third link to donate in Euros

Molham, to those who don't know, are specifically a non profit, non government team that have been providing relief for displaced & refugee Syrians. They're now helping out with the Earth Quake.

2. The White Helmets 

Currently searching  for survivors and pull ing the dead from collapsed buildings

3. Islamic Relief (this link should work for all countries donating)

Has for a very long time been extremely reliable. I usually donate through them and they tend to help out people all cross the world. They currently have a team in Syria, last I've heard.

here's a link if you're donating specifically in Canada, UK, America,

please PLEASE donate.

Even one dollar, one pound, can go a long way.

And if you can't, PLEASE reblog!!

Syria needs help too! Syria matters too! They're not receiving aid for a variety of political reasons and they desperately need it!!!

[sonmuzik]

Demet Akalın Kimdir?

Demet Akalın Kimdir?

Demet Akalın Kimdir? Demet Akalın nerede ve ne zaman dünyaya geldi, müzik hayatına nasıl adım attı, önceden ne iş yapıyordu? Demet Akalın’ın kariyeri ve özel hayatına dair merak edilen her şey haberimizde… Demet Akalın nerede doğdu?Demet Akalın aslen nereli? Demet Akalın kaç yaşında? Demet Akalın hangi burç? Ünlü pop şarkıcısı Demet Akalın 23 nisan 1972 yılında Gölcük’de doğdu. Sanatçı aslen Kocaeli’lidir. Akalın şuan 46 yaşında ve boğa burcudur. Demet Akalın Kimdir? Eski model Şimdilerin sevilen pop şarkısı Demet Akalın, 23 Nisan 1972 yılında Kocaeli Gölcük’de dünyaya geldi. ilköğretim ve lise öğrenimini Gölcük’te tamamladı. İlkokul yıllarında gazeteci ya da öğretmen olma hayalleri kuruyordu. O dönemlerde üniversite sınavı kartları günümüze oranla daha zor olduğu için üniversite hayalleri suya düştü. Ne yapacağını düşünmeye başladığında annesinin desteği ile Yaşar Alptekin’in mankenlik kursuna kayıt oldu. 1990 yılında Mayo Güzeli seçildi. Sonrasında Neşe Erberk Ajans’ta mankenlik yapmaya başladı. O dönemlerin gözde mankenlerinden biri iken bir anda sesinin güzel olduğunu fark ederek mankenliğin zirvesini yaşarken şarkı söylemeye karar verdi. Demet Akalın Müzik Kariyeri Büyük gazinolarda en iyi sanatçıların kadrosunda yer almaya başladı. Müzik alanında her şey yolunda giderken bir de albüm çıkarmaya karar verdi ve ilk albümü “Sebebim” i çıkardı. Albüm iyi bir çıkış yakalayınca artık mankenliği bıraktı ve sahnelerde olmaya başladı. Birçok başarılı albüm çalışmasına imza attı, birçok filmde ve bazı televizyon dizilerinde konuk oyuncu olarak rol aldı. Demet Akalın evlilikleri İlk evliğini Oğuz Kayhan ile Temmuz 2006 yılında gerçekleştirdi. Ancak, mutlu olamadı ve 3 ay sonra boşandı. İkinci evliliğini de Önder Bekensir ile 22 Ocak 2010 tarihinde yaptı. Yine aradığı mutluluğu bulamadı ve 27 Temmuz 2010 tarihinde boşandı. Dora Dalgıç Kimdir? Son olarak 23 Nisan 2012 yılında Okan Kurt ile evlendi. Sonunda aradığı mutluluğu yakaladı ve bir de Hira isimli kız çocuğu dünyaya getirdi. Aradığı mutlulu tam yakaladı diyecektik 6 yıllık evliliklerini sonlandırdılar. Stüdyo albümleri 1996: Sebebim 2003: Unuttum 2004: Banane 2006: Kusursuz 19 2008: Dans Et 2010: Zirve 2010 2012: Giderli 16 2014: Rekor 2015: Pırlanta 2016: Rakipsiz 2019: Ateş EP'leri 2000: Yalan Sevdan 2011: Aşk 2024: D-POP Demet Akalın’ın rol aldığı dizi ve filmler 1992 – Günlerden Pazar, (TV Filmi) 1994 – Sensiz Olmaz (TV Filmi) 1994 – Tele Anahtar (TV Filmi) 1998 – Sibel (dizi) 2004 – Avrupa Yakası 5. Sezon (Konuk Oyuncu)(dizi) 2010 – Evlilik Hayatı (Televizyon program?) 2011 – Yıldız Masalı (dizi) Televizyon programları 2007 - Daha Ne Olsunsundu. 2010 - Evlilik Hayatı 2013 - Popstar 2013 2014 - Arkadaşım Hoşgeldin 2014 - Bu Tarz Benim 2015 - Rising Star Türkiye 2020-2021 - Demet ve Alişan ile Sabah Sabah 2021 - Gelinim Mutfakta 2023-2024 -Demet ve Jess'le Gel Konuşalım 2024 - Survivor 2024: All Star Kaynak: Vikipedi Read the full article

[terrorismvictimsday]

High-Level Segment - International Conference on Victims of Terrorism.

The High-Level Segment will open with remarks from the conference's organizers, the UN Office of Counter-Terrorism (UNOCT) and the Kingdom of Spain as well as a call to action by victims and survivors of terrorism. Remarks from ministerial-level speakers and principals of international organizations and UN entities will follow.

Introductory Remarks: Mr. Mauro Miedico,Director, United Nations Counter-Terrorism Centre, United Nations Office of Counter-Terrorism

Opening Statement:

·    Statement by H.E. Mr. Salih Husain Ali, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Republic of Iraq to Spain and Co-Chair of the Group of Friends of Victims of Terrorism, on behalf of H.E. Mr. Fuad Hussein, Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of the Republic of Iraq.

 Ministerial Statements:

·       H.E. Ms. Victoria Eugenia Villaruel,Vice-President of Argentina

·       H.E. Mr. Javier Martínez-Acha Vásquez, Minister of Foreign Affairs of Panama

·       H.E. Mr. Waleed bin Abdulkarim El-Khereiji, Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

·       H.E. Ms. Josefina Vidal Ferreiro, Vice-Minister of Foreign Affairs of Cuba

·       H.E Sevim Sayım Madak, Deputy Minister of Family and Social Services of the Republic of Türkiye

·       H.E. Joan Antoni León Peso, Secretary of State, Ministry of Justice and Interior, Andorra

·       H.E. Mr. Péter Sztáray, State Secretary for Security Policy of Hungary

Heads of UN Entities:

·       Mr. Miguel Ángel Moratinos, High Representative, United Nations Alliance of Civilizations

·       Mr. Volker Türk, United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (via pre-recorded video)

·       Ms. Ghada Fathi Waly, Under-Secretary-General, United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (via live video)

 Eminent Speakers:

·       H.E. Joan Antoni León Peso, Secretary of State, Ministry of Justice and Interior, Andorra

·       H.E. Mr. Sos Avetisyan, Ambassador of the Republic of Armenia to Spain

·       H.E. Ms. Rosemary Morris-Castico, Ambassador of Australia to Spain

·       H.E. Mr. Mohammad Sarwar Mahmood, Ambassador of the People's Republic of Bangladesh to Spain

·       H.E. Mr. Yao Jing, Ambassador of the People's Republic of China to Spain

·       H.E. Mr. Dinesh Patnaik, Ambassador of India to Spain

·       H.E. Mr. Zahoor Ahmed, Ambassador of Pakistan to Spain

·       H. E. Mr. Robert Krmelj, Ambassador of the Republic of Slovenia to Spain

·       H.E. Mr. Hasan Alagla, Chief, Department of Human Rights, Presidency of State Security, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia

·       Ms. Alexandra Louis, Interministerial Delegate for Victim Support, France

·       Hon. Rita Superman, Rapporteur on Counter-Terrorism, Parliamentary Assembly of the Mediterranean (PAM)

·       Statement by Mr. Ben Saul, Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism (via pre-recorded video)

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Building on the momentum created by the first United Nations Global Congress of Victims of Terrorism in 2022, the United Nations International Conference on Victims of Terrorism is hosted by the Kingdom of Spain in the city of Vitoria-Gasteiz on 8-9 October 2024. The conference brings together experts, practitioners, and stakeholders from diverse backgrounds. It aims to foster collaboration, inspire innovative solutions, and advocate for a holistic approach to addressing the needs of victims of terrorism while striving to build more peaceful and resilient societies globally.

Related Sites and Documents

More information and latest programme

Watch the High-Level Segment - International Conference on Victims of Terrorism!