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unknownsoldiers · 6 months ago

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About; Lt. Lieutenant

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General Info: ★

Name: Lieutenant Rank: Lieutenant Faction: Decepticon (formerly Autobot) Occupation: N/A ((◆: house bun)) Alt. Mode: Starcraft Origin: Iacon

Age: 4.2 Million years DoB: May 10 Height: 35ft

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Medical Report: ✖

Overall Health: Fair Appetite: Normal Physical Condition: Good Spark Condition: Weak Fire Walls: Poor Prone to overheating?: No Allergies?: Yes; Space Dust, certain energons, probably pollen

Injuries?: Yes/No If so, what are they? N/A

Abnormalities?: Yes/No If so, what are they?

Outlier: Info found here

Dwarf Spark Condition [DSC]: The condition that a spark does not grow to its intended size. This is usually the result of poor care or neglect of the spark during its growth leading to complications and failures throughout the frame. Keep patient prescribed on the following medication.

Complications?:

Severe vertigo and nausea when transforming. Advised to avoid transforming overall. Keep patient prescribed on the following medication.

Poor heat circulation. Requires a significant amount of energy output that the patient may not be capable of producing.

Missing color nanities produce 'freckle' patterns across the protoform. Harmless, nothing cosmetics can't cover up.

Conserved energy by using as little as possible for long stretches, particularly in lulls of the war to be more efficient when needed. This, 'always online' tactic has resulted in the patient's present Narcolepsy. Keep patient prescribed on the following medication.

Extremely difficult to repair due to outlier ability and nerve system, strongly recommend magnetic berths for the medic's safety. We do not need another mech put through the wall.

Other Notes: Outlier care must be scheduled a month in advance. Cleared for active duty?: Hell no; how he was cleared in the first place is world-class negligence!

Medical Report written, signed, and approved by: Dr. Clutch of Helix

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Biography;

//Keeping this to bullet points since the full story is too large to fit in one post.//

✖ - Lieutenant was sparked to a Towermech who originally designated him 'Ten of the Northern Tower of Iacon.' Due to unintentional negligence as the Towermech, Klenoid the 22nd of the Nothern Tower of Iacon, was unaware he was carrying, Ten's spark would grow to be a fraction of what it was supposed to be. This, coupled with the fact he was the result of an affair, meant he had to be kept a secret.

✖ - His Tower life did not last long as Klenoid's scorned fiance, Iridescent (the 1st of the Northern Tower*), discovered the betrayal and rightfully went scorched earth on the mech. Making him disappear forever for his actions, leaving Ten to fend for himself outside of the Towers.

(*They're not related. Towers have a hierarchy structure that has their own levels based on how high from the top of the Tower you are. Of the 4 towers --North, East, West, South-- there are 40 levels, So it would go Penthouse, 1st, and then 2nd, and so on.)

✖ - By the time the War began, Ten had assumed his new identity, Lieutenant, and had been working under Prowl to help quietly undermine Sentinel Prime's rule. While Prowl was by the Primee's side, Lieutenant would be sent out to investigate situations ahead of time to inform Prowl of what was really going on. They would grow to trust each other because of their work together and Lieutenant considered Prowl a friend. Potentially even more than that. Not to compromise their work relationship, he kept his growing feelings to himself.

◆ - As the war grew on, Prowl would form the 'Diplomatics Corp' as a front to hide his Special Operations team. The main core existing of Jazz, Lieutenant, and Mirage (eventually Skids).

◆ - By the height of the Decepticon's power, mid-way through the war, Lieutenant would switch sides, abandoning the Autobots in favor of the 'winning' team.

✖ - In reality, Lieutenant and Prowl worked out a plan to have him infiltrate the Decepticons ranks to leak plans to the Autobots. The largest success of this was the destruction of the World Sweepers. However, Lieutenant would get caught up in another Decepticon project. The 'beta' to Phase Sixers, Cold Constructed outliers.

✖ - Outliers are rare so Lieutenant was 'lucky' enough to be put on this Decepticon team that was supposed to be sent down to planets to exterminate the populations quickly for the arrival of the rest of the Decepticon army. However, with the Autobots beginning to turn the tide of the war, plans were changed and they were shipped out to assist the armies that were failing their battles.

✖ - In this, Lieutenant found himself growing close to this small crew. Tormentor, his Commander was bombastic, cocky, and craved a fight, yet was mocked for his softness as a leader, caring too much for his crew's safety at times. Colossal, a Titan in hiding whose existence would be taken to the grave, acted as their faithful vessel until the end. Blockade, the stuttering monoformer (by choice) medic who had no experience, yet managed to keep the crew alive and well under his care. Mixer, Glare, Gigatech, Kameel, and Bladerunner, were all unnatural Outliers. Their sparks experimented on and stressed until they either died like those before them or adapted their coding to transform into something more. Launcher, Disaster, and Sage were all normal mechs along for the ride and provided extra firepower in tandem with the rest of the 'overpowered freaks' (affectionately).

✖ - The found family tore at Lieutenant inside as he couldn't just keep straddling the fence between helping the Autobots and staying with his Decepticon friends. So, he finally admitted himself as a double agent. Betrayed and enraged, the crew kicked him out, deciding not to kill him as they did still care about him, but preferred they have nothing to do with him anymore.

◆ - Upon arriving back to the Autobots, Lieutenant was arrested for sympathizing with the enemy. More importantly, breaking Prowl's trust as Lieutenant would deliberately disobey him and caused the deaths of many Autobots just to save or protect his new Decepticon friends. Prowl couldn't have someone who had been so close to him continue to be a security risk. Mnemosurgery was scheduled, however, unfortunately, Trepan had been kidnapped by Overlord at this time and there was no way Chromedome was doing any favors for his ex.

✖ - Lieutenant would later find out, during his sentencing, that the Crew he had been a part of had a change of heart. They didn't want to be part of the Decepticons anymore and went in search of Lieutenant. They, unfortunately, were caught by the DJD and killed for turning their backs on the Cause.

◆ - Awaiting another Mnemosurgon to surface for the job, Prowl had Lieutenant locked in solitary confinement in Garrus-4, where he would remain for at least the next ten thousand years with only his thoughts to keep him company.

✖ - Lieutenant would be released only for a transfer from Garrus-4 to Garrus-9. Not wanting to await his fate, Lieutenant killed the guards and pilot of the transport ship and took off. On the run once again, infiltrating and gathering intel, this time to either send anonymously to the Autobots or offer his services to the highest bidder as former Special Ops. He hopped from planet to planet, avoiding the bounty on his helm once Prowl found out he escaped. Since then, he's been on the run, kind of. For the time being, he's been hiding in plain sight by living with his Conjunx, Pharma, on Cybertron.

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speedwagons-glorious-mane · 2 months ago

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Writing Patterns + Six Sentences

I was tagged in this challenge by the lovely SimplyKaren.

1st rule: share the first line of your last ten published works or as many as you are able and see if there are any patterns! I'm only doing my fanfic available on ao3 for this challenge because I like to keep my personal and professional life seperate

Kill The Child:

Shouta was going to murder whoever thought it would be a good idea to start banging on his door at six-oh-three in the morning, only seconds after he had finally managed to fall asleep after coming home from a grueling patrol.

Best Fiend:

Pochita was not his name, not his real name, but it was the one his Denji had given him and that made it special.

The Trials and Tribulations of Having a Vampire On The Team:

Spencer nodded to the personnel manning the security checkpoint.

Move like a Ghost:

If you wanna be a hero that badly, there’s a quick way to do it.

We Were Robbed:

Shouto stood anxiously in the corner of the boy's locker room and wished he could disappear.

Do Not Stand By My Grave And Cry (I Am Not There, I Did Not Die):

Izuku woke up, clutching a red crayon in his fist.

The Torrid Affair of All Might and Yagi Toshinori:

All Might and His Secretary: Close Friends or a Hidden Romance?

Invite a Rich Person To Your Wedding:

"All done!" Hizashi announced loudly with a flourish.

The Blood of the Covenant:

Spencer knew as soon as he saw the crime scene photos.

You're Gonna Go Far, Kid:

Matt hissed as Claire began to undo the bindings Luke had wrapped around his leg to stabilise the arrow sticking out.

Patterns: huh, I was actually expecting a lot more dialouge in these I feel like it's my go to way to start a story but it looks like I just jump straight into setting the scene for most of these, what a pleasant surprise.

2nd rule: Write the last six sentences you wrote and tag your mutuals to do the same!

@alltheangst9311

@intern15-at-nightvale

And anyone else who sees this and wants to take part consider yourself tagged by me :)

The entrance exam was merely a formality. Izuku knew he'd get in, Eraser knew he'd get in, Nedzu knew he'd get in. It was inevitable. Izuku didn't sweat it. He simply did his best to have fun.

"Care to make it interesting?" Izuku asked Kacchan as they approached the front gates.

"How?" Kacchan asked suspiciously. He was right to be wary after Izuku had spent nearly two years kicking his ass on the regular.

#challenge #fanfic writing #fanfic authors #ao3 author #ao3 #fanfiction

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nazuqi · 1 year ago

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Even If You Become a Stranger, I Will Fall in Love with You Again

— CHAPTER THREE: TEAR UP THE FUTURE

He ended up on top of me, I giggled. He was in my arms, and that was all that mattered. I played with his hair; it was so different from before. Leveret’s long, silky black hair was extraordinary for sure, but there was nothing that could compare to Nazuna’s original hair. I missed his smell too. He smelled like Leveret, not Nazuna.

We stayed like this for a bit before getting up again, afraid someone would see us. This behavior certainly wasn’t of a typical ten year old- not that neither of us were, but it was best to avoid suspicion. We��d be labeled anomalies; how would we live a quiet life together if that happened?

“Let’s elope,” he looked straight at me. I blinked.

“Love?... You want to elope? … Now?” I asked, bewildered.

“Yeah, I don’t want to go back North. That fucker will drag me back up th-” I put my finger to his lips. “Calm down,” I whispered. If someone had heard, the Duchess would’ve caught wind of it and scolded him.

My hand squeezed his. He took a deep breath. We weren’t in any danger at the moment, it was a good time to think.

“Leveret doesn’t have any power, and that means I don’t have any either. Even the Duchess was hardly able to get us away from him.”

Actually, eloping sounded great, but to everyone else, there was no reason. Leveret was next up to become the Duke of Lambert, a title desired by many, and Astelle was likely to become his fiancee or at least be fairly well off as the Count of Belrose if she were to inherit her father’s title. Why would anyone try to escape that, if not for the special, horrid, and unspoken training every Duke Lambert had gone through?

When making big decisions like these, it was almost like Astelle was there. I couldn’t help but think about what Astelle thought about what I was doing with her body, her life, her reputation. Yet, I couldn’t make out any of what she would think, I could only fear that she’d blame me for her misfortunes. What if she came back to occupy her body again?

When I snapped out of it, worry filled Nazuna’s face. It was weird knowing it was him, but he looked completely different. Beautiful, still, because we’d made Leveret beautiful, but not the same person. I cupped his face and poked his cheeks and he pouted, but he listened to what I had to say about Astelle and Leveret, as well as those who cared about them, like the Countess, Count, Duchess, and young lady Lambert. They’d be worried sick, and they’d probably put a search team together and both of us would be busted.

Nazuna sighed, “Shucks… if only he could just-” drop dead I mouthed. We both nodded.

What could prevent him from going to the North? Aside from the Royal family, the House of Lambert was the most powerful house in the Empire. Especially after being separated for so long, being separated again made me feel like I’d never see him again.

House Lambert’s training for dukes was harsh beyond reason, in order to make every Duke cold and rational. At the very least, Lamberts hardly got emotional- although the current Duke Lambert’s affair may say otherwise. It wasn’t just training that was horribly strict, but the sights of war were terrifyingly traumatizing and effectively forced all who endured it into the submission of numbness that every Duke Lambert was supposed to show.

This was how Leveret had become the cold Duke Lambert the people would come to know in the next decade.

We knew that it was horrid, inhumane. After all, we were the ones who’d made it for Leveret- but it didn’t mean we knew exactly what it entailed, that was scary. We’d only described it as torture, day in and out for years. We were already lucky that we knew that this was coming, as most people wouldn’t have a clue, (even the heirs to Lambert, as this was kept secret throughout the generations) but there wasn’t a part of us that prioritized the plot over our own sanity.

Leveret loved having his hair done, so Nazuna took a seat and I started on his hair while thinking of an answer. It’s not like House Belrose was too poor to not be able to hire assassins, but that would likely result in legal action taken by the Royal family in Duke Lambert’s defense- there wasn’t anyone in the Lambert dukedom who would support a deceased duke. The people of the north wouldn’t care for the Duke if he died, only the imperial family. That Duke wouldn’t help pay their bills nor have any rule over their working conditions. It would be the new Duke who would. Perhaps we would get Leveret disowned? Leveret hated the training, so I wouldn’t think he’d be too mad about avoiding it, especially at this age. But then the Duke wouldn’t have a successor, unless he had one with his mistress. The Duchess would be devastated though; she would be shunned for not being her husband’s preference in being his wife or that her son didn’t even become an heir in favor of a mistress’s son, of all options.

Where else did noble boys go to escape their families? There were only two options: the Academy, and the Church. Neither of us were particularly religious, but if there was a god who could save us (their followers, really) then we’d gladly participate in whatever ritual they liked us doing. (unless it was more horrible)

“Mama, why don’t we go to church?” We’d ended up back near the Duchess and the Countess when one of the people working there invited us to share snacks with them.

“Oh… they’re quite horrible,” she laughed to hide how bad they were.

“Why?” This might not be an option for us, then.

“Listen, Astelle, they take people and use them as sacrifices without their will. Your father was almost one of them, but we were able to get him out. They’ve lost a lot of support since then, but it’s still alive, it seems.”

What the hell, we never wrote this. Things we never specified were filled in with whatever details could be put, it seems. Well, the church was out of the question.

“Oh, what about the Academy! I want to go just like mama!”

“I want to go too,” Leveret added on. If the Academy didn’t end up being a terrible place, then we could possibly go there too.

The Duchess sighed, “That would be wonderful! I’d like them to grow close! The Academy is such a nice place.”

“I’m just worried there won’t be enough girls for Astelle to feel fit in… I know I struggled with that when I was there…” the Countess sighed.

“Don’t worry, I have Leveret with me!” I put my hands to my hips. Oh, we have such a good relationship, Countess! Please let us play together more!

“Then, we’ll probably have to start preparing for the exam, should we hire some tutors?” the Duchess asked. “They’ll be taking it soon if they want to go, which I didn’t expect…”

“Yeah! Let’s study! If we study, we’ll get in, right?” I put my hands together. I took Nazuna’s hand, which he looked at “our mothers” expectantly too.

Eventually, the two gave in, and the happiness took over as I put my arms around him in joy.

#wow formatting improvement i added a cut #even if you become a stranger i will fall in love with you again; nazuqi

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cordeliaflyte · 2 years ago

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Answer 1: I wink at Mopsie to let her know that I, too, approve of her rebellious nature.

Answer 2: I give Mopsie an admonishing look.

Answer 3: I raise one eyebrow to suggest to Rory that he ought to make less of a show of support for Mopsie in public.

#tally ho

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gtsconsultant · 2 days ago

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voiceofentrepreneurlife · 5 months ago

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India and Japan conduct a ‘2+2’ dialogue focusing on the Indo-Pacific region

External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar stated on Tuesday that the India-Japan partnership is part of a broader effort to maintain a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific. He emphasized that the relationship will continue to strengthen, especially as China intensifies its military activities in the region.

The latest “2+2” dialogue took place in Delhi, with the Japanese delegation led by Foreign Minister Yoko Kamikawa and Defence Minister Kihara Minoru. The Indian team was headed by Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh.

Over the past ten years, our cooperation has evolved into a unique, worldwide strategic alliance. In his broadcast introductory remarks, Mr. Jaishankar stated, “Our growing activities and expanding interests are the logic of this evolution.

He said, “In a world that’s becoming more unpredictable, we need reliable partners with whom we share common goals.”

He continued, “Therefore, we have actively worked to support each other’s efforts, understand each other’s objectives, bolster each other’s positions, and collaborate with other like-minded nations.”

The Minister of External Affairs stated that “we embrace mutuality and display sensitivity” to ensure the growth of Japan-India strategic cooperation.

“The Indo-Pacific region is currently free, open, and governed by norms, which sets the bigger context for our collaboration. This is a logical extension of our Act East agenda for India,” he stated.

Mr. Jaishankar emphasized that the “2+2” conversation needs to pay special attention to the next steps.

He noted, “It has been two years since our last meeting in Tokyo, and many significant global developments have occurred. Our relationship must also adapt to these changes in our capabilities and perspectives.”

In his comments, Mr. Singh highlighted that the India-Japan special strategic and global partnership is rooted in democratic values and the rule of law.Read More-https://24x7newsroom.com/

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teafiend · 9 months ago

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Bingeing on S2 after managing to find that it is also streaming on the site I watched S1 from. Still enjoying it lots ⭐️

Favourite characters are grizzled teddy bear Detective Baek (aka “poisonous snake”) and Detective Nam Ye Ri. The competence kink in this show is too real❣️

Note: I have to say that I was mildly disappointed by the writing of S2 and the conclusion. While there were some bright spots, it was a less tighter show than S1 and the choice to end the show with no resolution to the “main” F cases was a major letdown.

It made the reasons driving the victims’ families/killer(s) of the team leader’s fiancée all the more futile. They appear are to simply have chosen to stop looking for the serial killer, which was upsetting. And basically reinforced the reasons for why the plan - by the killers- was made in the first place. Those pitiful family members.

Still, it was a relatively good show, and worth a watch.

#Special Affairs Team TEN S2 #kdrama #mystery/crime/thriller #an example of a brilliant drama in its genre #I really hope they will end S2 with the reveal and arrest of serial killer ‘F’#competence kink #very nice #conclusion was disappointing #but still an okay show #I find S1 ‘better’

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ear-worthy · 6 months ago

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List Envy Podcast: It's The Wish List Listeners Want

People love lists. All kinds. Top ten politics podcasts. Five meanest celebrities. The top 20 comedy movies of all time. Any writer who cares about attracting readers knows that lists work as an attractant, or if you are feeling mean, audacious clickbait.

How about a podcast that caters to list-mania? Welcome to List Envy, a podcast that understandably features lists.

Here's the marketing pitch: "What's the most-used emoji? Who's the best Bond villain? Does anyone care that an olive is technically a fruit?

Discover hidden gems from pop culture to pasta, hip-hop to history, and meet the creatives, enthusiasts, and experts who love them.

Each week, host Mark Steadman collaborates with a guest to build a top-5 list on a topic they choose. If you want to know what your next TV binge should be, or where to go on your next trip abroad, List Envy has you covered."

Host Steadman adds: "Whether it was singing karaoke, listening to audiobooks, or devising a radio station in my bedroom, I’ve always appreciated the power of the human voice."

It's admittedly an excellent concept for a podcast. But is it executed well? The answer is an unqualified YES.

One of my favorite episodes is the June 18, 2024, show where guest Ashley Hammer (Host of Taboo Science, also a terrific podcast) discusses real world inventions inspired by science fiction. Steadman and Hammer make the show informative, funny, witty, and clever. They discuss sci-fi concepts like the mobile phone, autonomous vehicles, credit cards, and even the World Wide Web as current realities often crafted by the sci-fi community.

The July 9, 2024, show with Valerie Paris about James Bond gadgets brought back great memories of Bond, Q, and the often preposterous nature of these MI-6 gadgets that always elicited glee. Here's the show note: Nothing is ever quite as it seems in the world of spies. A watch isn’t just a watch – it’s a deadly weapon. That phonebooth? Also a weapon. Bag pipes? Weapon. This sandwich though, that’s just Q’s lunch. Don’t touch it."

"There's the grenade pen from Golden Eye, the mini-rocket cigarette from You Only Live Twice, and the garrote watch in From Russia With Love."

Through 62 episodes, Mark Steadman has excelled at bringing listeners the unexpected, the funny, the outlandish, and the bizarre -- all packaged with a unique British twist.

Mark Steadman, the creator and host, studied Media & Communication at Birmingham City University, specializing in Internet radio. He graduated the year the term “podcasting” was coined, but it would be a further four years before he’d pluck up the courage to pick up a mic and plug it into the Internet.

But in 2008, the podcast bug finally bit, and he started what would be a 14+ year career helping people make podcasts, first in exchange for beer, and then for money.

In 2016, he founded the media hosting company Podiant, which took him to the British Podcast Awards, and saw him present at International Podcast Day in 2020. The product served millions of listeners across thousands of podcasts, and in 2021 he sold Podiant, so he could focus on working more closely with individuals and small teams, to set them up for podcasting success from day one.

Steadman, in his bio, says: "My love for radio started at a local level, in the glory-days of personality-based breakfast radio. That love affair was sparked at my home city’s famous BRMB, but a succession of cost-cutting measures, takeovers, and technological advances would slowly snuff out that candle."

In 2021, he founded Origin to help impact entrepreneurs build trust with their audiences, and catalyze change.

Steadman observes: "I do this through a combination of consulting, training, coaching, and mentoring. It centers around driving messages from the ear to the brain, where – through consistency and authenticity – they eventually land in listeners’ hearts."

On List Envy, Steadman has an ear for all kinds of lists, from the typical to the arcane. Episodes have included lists about top five emoji reactions to the Top 5 Korean TV Romcoms."

On the show, Steadman sounds like he's having fun with all this, and he tends to bring on guests who don't take themselves -- and these lists -- too seriously.

Check out List Envy. It satisfies our evolutionary need to make lists to bring order to our chaotic world. Along the way to this biological imperative, we learn a lot about a diverse set of subjects -- top 5 time-travel romance films to the top 5 ways to eat potatoes -- and enjoy the amiable and quick-witted host Mark Steadman, along with his guests.

Here are some ideas for future episodes:

1. Top Five Beatles Songs

2. Top Five Fast Food Menu Items

3. Top Five Rodney Dangerfield quotes from Caddyshack

4. Top Five BBC podcasts

5. Top Five U.K. current tennis players

#podcast #lists #humor #entertainment #history

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lboogie1906 · 6 months ago

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Omar Hashim Epps (July 20, 1973) is an actor, rapper, and producer. He has been awarded nine NAACP Image Awards, two Teen Choice Awards, one MTV Movie Award, one Black Reel Award, and one Screen Actors Guild Award. His film roles include Juice, Higher Learning, The Wood, In Too Deep, and Love & Basketball. His television work includes the role of Dr. Dennis Gant on the medical drama series ER, J. Martin Bellamy in Resurrection, Dr. Eric Foreman on House, and Isaac Johnson in Shooter.

He was born in Brooklyn. His parents divorced during childhood, and he was raised by his mother, Bonnie Maria Epps, an elementary school principal. He began writing poetry, short stories, and songs at the age of ten. He attended the prestigious Fiorello H. LaGuardia High School of Music & Art and Performing Arts. He belonged to a rap group called Wolfpack, which he formed with his cousin in 1991.

He married singer Keisha Spivey (2006) from the R&B group Total. They have two children. He has a daughter from a previous relationship. He is fluent in Spanish and French.

Mayor Freeman R. Bosley Jr. (July 20, 1954) was the 43rd mayor of St. Louis and the city's first African American mayor.

He graduated from Saint Louis University with a BA in Urban Affairs and Political Science. He received his JD from Saint Louis University School of Law. While a student at Saint Louis University, he was president of the Black Student Alliance and the Black-American Law Students Association. Upon graduation from law school, he was a staff attorney for Legal Services of Eastern Missouri, specializing in Consumer Affairs and Utility Companies. He has been employed by the law firm of Boast and Jordan.

He was selected as the first African-American St. Louis Circuit Clerk for the 22nd Judicial Circuit. He served as the 3rd Ward Democratic Committeeman. He became chairman of the St. Louis City Democratic Central Association and became the first African American chairman of the Democratic Party in St. Louis City.

He became the mayor with 66.5% of the vote. He oversaw the city's struggle during the Flood of 1993.

He assisted in orchestrating the $70 million bailouts of Trans World Airlines. He helped move the Los Angeles Rams football team to St. Louis from Anaheim. Two property tax increases were passed during his Administration.

He is married to Darlynn and they have two children. #africanhistory365 #africanexcellence

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mariacallous · 7 months ago

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Meduza's The Beet: Ten years ago, Donbas

Hello, and welcome back to The Beet!

Eilish Hart here, the editor of this weekly dispatch from Meduza covering Central and Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. A big thank you to everyone who wrote in to say they enjoyed last week’s feature about brine shrimp harvesting on the Aral Sea. My inbox is always open, so feel free to hit reply if you have any more feedback or tips to share! And be sure to subscribe to The Beet for more underreported stories like that one.

This week, we’re sharing a firsthand account of the early days of the war in Donbas, courtesy of Andrea Cellino. An international civil servant, Cellino led the first team of civilian observers deployed to the city of Luhansk in April 2014, as part of the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission to Ukraine. At the time, a Reuters report described the OSCE monitors as heading into the “badlands” of eastern Ukraine “armed with a sheet of paper” — a reference to a diplomatic communiqué that outlined preliminary steps for de-escalating tensions.

Tasked with reporting on the deteriorating security situation and promoting dialogue between the Ukrainian authorities and armed “separatist” groups, Cellino and his team soon found themselves working in a war zone. But even then, Russia’s takeover of Donbas didn’t feel inevitable, he says.

With this year marking the tenth anniversary of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Cellino went back through his original reports for the OSCE to reconstruct his experience on the ground in the spring of 2014. Though we now know terms like “separatist” don’t accurately describe Russia’s proxy forces in Ukraine’s east, we have preserved the language used at the time. What follows is not meant to be a comprehensive account of the war’s origins. Instead, it offers a window into the granular yet often limited perspective of someone in the thick of a crisis spinning out of control.

Ten years ago, Donbas

On the frontline in Luhansk as an OSCE observer

Early one morning in April 2014, I took a flight from Kyiv to Donetsk, then a local train to Luhansk to join the team of OSCE monitors I had been assigned to lead. My first weeks with the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission (SMM) to Ukraine would be nothing short of dramatic, coinciding with the emergence of Russia-backed “separatist” movements in Ukraine’s two easternmost regions, Luhansk and Donetsk, and the beginning of Kyiv’s military campaign against them.

The OSCE’s 57 participating states created the SMM on March 21, 2014, at the Ukrainian government’s request. I was seconded to the monitoring mission by Italy’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Tasked with monitoring and reporting on the political and security situation across the entire country in the wake of the Maidan Revolution and Russia’s annexation of Crimea, the mission would soon be operating from a war zone.

Because of the mission’s hurried launch, a lack of material support complicated the work of my team of 10 monitors (soon to be increased to 20), who started deploying to Luhansk in early April. We operated without an office, using rented private apartments to meet. We had to share laptops and a limited number of cars — mostly borrowed from other OSCE missions. Two interpreters who could also provide administrative support were hired locally. There was no professional security officer attached to the team until the end of June.

On April 6, under the leadership of my deputy Gaël Guichard, an experienced Russia and Ukraine specialist, the team witnessed a crowd of up to 5,000 people take over the local office of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU). This happened despite the presence of some 400 police officers, including riot units guarding the building’s entrance. The building housed an armory that allegedly contained more than 1,000 pieces of weaponry. In the days that followed, the occupiers built three rows of barricades, with tires and razor wire. Armed men presided over the building, filtering bystanders and checking IDs.

Pro-Russian demonstrators during the storming of the SBU headquarters in Luhansk

IGOR GOLOVNIOV / SOPA IMAGES / LIGHTROCKET / GETTY IMAGES

Luhansk. April 9, 2014.

ALEX INOY / ANADOLU AGENCY / GETTY IMAGES

During those early weeks, several militant groups were active in Luhansk, including both anti-Maidan or “federalist” militias opposed to the government in Kyiv and pro-Maidan or “union” partisans. The latter included moderate pro-Western activists as well as far-right groups affiliated with the Right Sector movement, a coalition that would soon become a political party. The regional administration was still loyal to Kyiv, although members of the Party of Regions — ousted Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych’s pro-Russian party — retained a majority of seats in the regional council.

On April 12, an armed group led by Igor Girkin — a retired FSB intelligence colonel known as “Strelkov” — attacked Sloviansk, a city in the Donetsk region, and occupied key administrative buildings, including the local SBU office. The next day, Ukraine’s Acting President, Oleksandr Turchynov, announced the start of an “anti-terrorist operation” against pro-Russian separatists. These events are widely considered as the start of the war in Donbas.

Russia-backed fighters gather outside the seized administration building in Sloviansk before leaving for the frontline. April 18, 2014.

PIERRE CROM / GETTY IMAGES

Residents drive past a burned out vehicle after fighting between Russia-backed fighters and Ukrainian forces in Sloviansk. April 20, 2014.

PIERRE CROM / GETTY IMAGES

Dialogue

By the time I arrived in Luhansk on April 17, the OSCE team had already met with two representatives of the SBU building’s occupiers. According to them, the occupation wasn’t aimed at promoting “separatism,” but at “protecting the rights of Luhansk citizens.” They were critical of the government in Kyiv and the regional administration in Luhansk, which they deemed “illegitimate,” but they didn’t clearly articulate their objectives. Pro-Maidan activists, including moderates and right-wing factions, expressed similar dissatisfaction toward the national government, my colleagues reported, suggesting that the OSCE could try and launch a local dialogue to avoid an escalation of the situation.

The Geneva Statement, a document issued by top diplomats from several countries (including Russia), reinforced this idea.

In the days that followed, my team worked relentlessly to convince local political groups and activists, as well as the OSCE leadership in Kyiv and Vienna, that launching a comprehensive dialogue was the right way to address local grievances and try to defuse tensions. Gaël, who had led the team before my arrival, had established all of the necessary local contacts and gotten most of them on board. The political and social situation in Luhansk, which at that moment was somewhat calmer than in Donetsk, seemed to allow for some margin of maneuver.

A pro-Ukrainian rally in Luhansk. April 15, 2014.

SHAMIL ZHUMATOV / REUTERS / SCANPIX / LETA

On April 21, a day after a Right Sector paramilitary unit attacked the separatists in Sloviansk on Kyiv’s orders, the SBU building occupiers declared Soviet veteran and former mining manager Valery Bolotov the “people’s governor” of Luhansk. They then issued an ultimatum to the government in Kyiv, demanding amnesty for “all political prisoners,” the restoration of Russian as an official language, and a status referendum for the Luhansk region. A deadline for Kyiv to fulfill these demands was set for April 29, at 2:00 p.m. local time. However, the militants had already called a “referendum” for May 11. According to leaflets distributed across town, the referendum question would be: “Do you support the act of state self-rule of the Luhansk People’s Republic?”

On April 24, rumors of Russian troops crossing Ukraine’s eastern border put our team on alert for 24 hours. This, as well as news that members of a pro-Ukraine paramilitary group had been detained in Shchastya (a small countryside town that hosted a police training center) and handed over to the Luhansk SBU building’s occupiers, further heightened tensions. By contrast, the streets and squares of Luhansk were increasingly quiet, especially at night, and activists from all sides reduced the frequency of their public gatherings.

Two days later, we sat down over coffee with the head of the local SBU branch, an officer from Lviv who’d been appointed shortly after the occupation. He admitted to being in regular contact with the SBU building’s occupiers and confirmed our sense that not all of them could be considered “separatists” or even “pro-Russia.” At the same time, he believed they were receiving financial help from “Ukrainian oligarchs” and “from abroad.” Nevertheless, he remained convinced that the situation could still be resolved peacefully.

Residents walk through the barricaded area around the SBU building in Luhansk. April 30, 2014.

SCOTT OLSON / GETTY IMAGES

The deadline

The night before the April 29 deadline, Gaël and I, together with two colleagues, were allowed inside the SBU building to meet with the occupiers’ leadership. In total darkness, a young militant guided us through the barricades. Armed men in camouflage guarding the entrance of the Soviet-style building led us through a glass door and downstairs, through a poorly lit corridor and then out again, to a separate, smaller building. In a large room on the first floor, four men were sitting around a table. At the back of the room, behind a desk and a computer screen, sat Valery Bolotov. A large map of the Luhansk region covered the entire wall behind him.

The men introduced themselves as the leadership of the “south-east army” (SEA). In response to our questions, Bolotov said the occupation’s aim was “to protect the rights” of Luhansk citizens, to remove the current government (which they considered “illegitimate”), and to achieve “the right of self-determination.” One of his associates added that the ultimatum “could be lifted” if Kyiv appointed a new governor, police chief, and regional prosecutor. (None of these conditions were included among their earlier demands).

While they “welcomed” the OSCE’s role in fostering dialogue, they said it was too late, as the ultimatum’s deadline was hours away. The SEA leaders also claimed they had been trying to “prevent violence” in the region, and warned that they would “stop their preventive efforts” once the deadline expired. To me, this sounded like a threat.

At the end of the meeting, we inquired about reports that pro-Ukraine activists were being held in the SBU building. A few minutes later, Temur Yuldashev, the commander of the paramilitary unit detained in Shchastya, was brought to the meeting room. His face was bruised and swollen; he said locals in Shchastya had beaten him and that he was being held as a “human shield” in case the SBU building came under attack. The occupiers did not offer any clarifications but assured us that Yuldashev would be released soon. (Yuldashev managed to escape captivity after 35 days.)

The following day, one hour after the ultimatum’s deadline, hundreds of demonstrators stormed the regional government and prosecutor’s office buildings in Luhansk. Shortly afterwards, we saw Ukrainian police officers leaving the government building with their weapons and anti-riot gear. Members of my team were able to enter both buildings later in the day, and found several offices ransacked, with broken windows; staff said equipment had been stolen, including computers.

Hours later, gunmen seized a regional TV station so a representative of the “Free Luhansk Republic” could give a live statement. “I ask you not to panic, everything will be fine. We’re preparing a referendum, which will take place on May 11,” he told viewers. “Everything is under control.”

Pro-Russian demonstrators occupy the regional government building in Luhansk and lower the Ukrainian flag. April 29, 2014.

ALEX INOY / ANADOLU AGENCY / GETTY IMAGES

Armed men stand inside the seized regional prosecutor’s office building in Luhansk. April 30, 2014.

VASILY FEDOSENKO / REUTERS / SCANPIX / LETA

Divisions

The following days were extremely confusing, and my small team had a hard time tracking the fast succession of events, news, and rumors in the region. The city itself remained superficially calm, with the population going about their normal lives. Yet under the surface, Luhansk appeared caught in a whirlwind of dramatic events: anti-government forces made several unsuccessful attempts at capturing the regional police headquarters; a prominent pro-Kyiv lawyer was injured in a shooting; on May 1, hundreds of people rallied outside the newly occupied regional government building to celebrate Labor Day, chanting “Russia, Russia” and holding red Soviet flags.

Pro-Ukraine activists with their yellow-and-blue Ukrainian or E.U. flags had all but disappeared from public spaces. When Bolotov announced a region-wide “state of emergency” on May 3, he also told all Ukrainian security forces to leave the region and declared a ban on the activities of all political parties and civil society organizations.

Although security concerns prevented us from regularly monitoring the situation outside of the city, developments in several smaller centers corroborated the sense of chaos and confusion across the region, which Bolotov’s “army” did not fully control. We learned from local sources of attempts to take over administration buildings in the smaller towns of Pervomaisk, Sverdlovsk (now Dovzhansk), and Rubizhne, which local authorities averted through negotiations with the insurgents.

More significantly, other armed groups had become active in the region’s south. The “Cossack National Guard” led by ataman (commander) Nikolay Kozitsyn, which gathered self-styled descendants of the Don Cossack tradition, had occupied the local government building in the city of Antratsyt. In Sverdlovsk, another self-styled Cossack, Aleksey Mozgovoy, led the Prizrak (“Ghost”) brigade, a smaller militia loosely connected with Kozitsyn’s group. Both declared themselves in opposition to the Ukrainian government, but independent from the SEA.

In the days preceding the “referendum,” we learned (via the Luhansk region’s Acting Governor Iryna Verihina and local police officers, who hoped to avoid the highly divisive and illegal vote) that dialogue between Kyiv and the SEA was ongoing. But the “referendum” went ahead, despite warnings from Kyiv that the government would not recognize the results.

An armed pro-Russian voter holds a ballot during the “referendum” on self-rule in Luhansk. May 11, 2014.

VALENTYN OGIRENKO / REUTERS / SCANPIX / LETA

My team observed the vote from outside a few polling stations in the city and in nearby towns, as the OSCE head of mission had instructed us to avoid any involvement that could lend legitimacy to the process. Residents did not appear to be queuing or rushing to cast their vote on the very ambiguously formulated question on “the act of self-rule of the Luhansk People’s Republic.” In any case, Bolotov’s right-hand man Aleksey Karyakin had confirmed to us that the “referendum” was really “about separatism.”

The following day, Bolotov’s camp announced that the voter turnout had been 75 percent (more than 1.3 million people), 96 percent of whom had voted in favor of “self-rule” and 3.8 percent against. Bolotov then declared the “Luhansk People’s Republic” (LNR) an independent state.

Our understanding at the time was that while people who went to the polling stations generally shared anti-government sentiments, they did not necessarily support integration with Russia. An independent poll conducted in Ukraine’s southeast in April 2014 indicated that anti-government and even separatist sentiments were prevalent in the Luhansk region, but a majority of people generally opposed joining the Russian Federation. The ambiguity of the “referendum” question had purposefully exploited these feelings.

There didn’t seem to be a plan for the days after the vote. On May 13, Bolotov was shot; an LNR spokesman said the “assassination attempt” occurred while the “people’s governor” was on his way to “negotiations over the future of Luhansk.” The spokesman added that Bolotov was recovering in a private clinic. A few days later, Ukrainian border guards arrested Bolotov as he attempted to cross back into the country from Russia.

While armed men from the SEA soon managed to liberate Bolotov in a shootout, the whole episode made it apparent that separatist forces weren’t in full control or on the same page. The regional police chief confirmed this to our team: though Ukrainian authorities could still enforce law and order in the northern districts, he said, various irregular groups were fighting for the control of the rest of the Luhansk region.

Self-proclaimed “people’s governor” Valery Bolotov (center) gives a speech at a rally after the “referendum” in Luhansk. May 12, 2014.

ALEKSEY KOYALEV / ANADOLU AGENCY / GETTY IMAGES

‘Novorossiya’

On top of the internal rivalries among separatist groups, the leadership of the self-proclaimed “Luhansk People’s Republic” was beginning to feel the pressure of the Ukrainian Armed Forces’ offensive. News of clashes in the neighboring region of Donetsk, in particular around Sloviansk, prompted the LNR leaders to consolidate their positions.

On May 18, a makeshift “parliament” promoted Bolotov to “head of the republic,” named Karyakin “parliamentary speaker,” and approved a “provisional constitution” in haste. That same day, the SEA took over the regional police headquarters and installed a “people’s interior minister.” On May 22, Bolotov declared “martial law,” announced a military mobilization, and appealed to Russia to send in “peacekeeping troops.”

With hindsight, it’s clear that Botolov’s trip to Russia was a turning point. However, comments in our reports from that time didn’t seem to indicate that Russian influence was particularly strong, nor that Moscow’s agents were very active in the region. This could have been due to the total uncertainty on the ground as different forces vied for control. Or perhaps the Kremlin still wasn’t certain on which horse to bet.

That said, my team’s reports on meetings with the armed groups in the region’s south revealed some evidence of Russian interference. Both Mozgovoy’s militia and Kozitsyn’s “Cossack National Guard” displayed Russian gear or mentioned links with Russia. In particular, the former displayed propaganda material from Russia’s far-right Liberal Democratic Party (LDPR), while the latter admitted having close links with Russian Cossack groups. Kozitsyn’s militia also boasted a well-stocked pool of military vehicles, suspiciously modern for a local armed group.

Both groups declared themselves “separatists” but also claimed they supported an autonomous Luhansk maintaining good relations with both Ukraine and Russia. Although, if this were not possible, they would prefer to be “linked with Russia,” they said.

On May 22, the commander of the Ukrainian army’s 24th battalion informed us that Ukrainian troops were attempting to retake the town of Rubizhne, north of Luhansk, to ensure that voting could take place in Ukraine’s snap presidential election scheduled for May 25.

Campaigning for the presidential election, which was in full swing across the country, was but a distant echo in Luhansk. After Bolotov imposed “martial law,” many of the city’s shops, cafes, and banks remained closed. The number of people and cars in the streets noticeably decreased. Some train links to and from Kyiv and Kharkiv were suspended.

On May 24, the Russian state-controlled media outlet RT announced that the Donetsk and Luhansk “People’s Republics” had agreed to form a “Novorossiya union” as a result of the recent “referenda on independence from Ukraine.” It also reported that delegates from eight Ukrainian regions had signed “a manifesto vowing self-determination and protection of people from ‘Nazi gangs’ terror.’” The LNR leadership denied reaching a deal on establishing “Novorossiya,” explaining that the two “republics” had simply signed a cooperation agreement.

The following day, a Sunday, most Luhansk and Donetsk residents could not vote in the Ukrainian presidential election. Despite the Ukrainian army’s efforts to liberate areas north of both cities, it had been impossible for the authorities to administer the vote.

The Ukrainian army resumed its offensive on May 27, focusing on Rubizhne and the area north of the industrial town of Sievierodonetsk, having possibly identified weaknesses among the separatist forces. That same day, Bolotov publicly announced that the LNR had sent forces north, as well as to Sloviansk and Donetsk, to assist the “Donetsk People’s Republic.”

News of Ukrainian military advances sowed increasing divisions within the separatist camp. Many armed groups outside Luhansk city were not only acting independently of the LNR leadership, but also questioning and opposing it, as they considered it “too soft” vis-à-vis Kyiv. In response, LNR leaders resorted to stronger repression of opponents and journalists within the city.

Ukrainian Internal Troops guard the Interior Ministry building in Luhansk. May 18, 2014.

VALENTYN OGIRENKO / REUTERS / SCANPIX / LETA

A man paints the colors of the Ukrainian flag on a lamp post in Dobropillya, Donetsk region. May 21, 2014.

BRENDAN HOFFMAN / GETTY IMAGES

Evacuation

On May 29, the sound of distant gunfire and explosions woke me up just before dawn. The fighting had reached Luhansk: skirmishes between separatist forces and the Ukrainian National Guard were ongoing about three kilometers (less than two miles) from the city center. We later learned that over the past 24 hours, the SEA had been trying to capture a National Guard base. Unable to observe directly for fear of ending up in the middle of armed clashes, we had to rely on media reports.

But that day, our attention and concerns turned to another development: one of our teams that had gone to observe the situation in Lysychansk and Sievierodonetsk was missing. The four monitors and one interpreter, who traveled in two separate cars, were not responding to our calls. We soon learned that armed men had detained them in Sievierodonetsk.

We came to believe that a group affiliated with Kozitsyn’s Cossacks had taken the monitors as human shields, to discourage a Ukrainian attack on the so-called “triangle” between Rubizhne, Sievierodonetsk, and Lysychansk, where chemical plants and research centers stocked large quantities of possibly hazardous materials. Our efforts to negotiate with the LNR leadership for their release had no effect, demonstrating how deeply the divisions and rivalries among “separatist” groups were affecting the security of Luhansk.

The situation continued to deteriorate, with ongoing fighting in some southern areas of the city and its surroundings. Separatist forces attacked National Guard facilities, mostly to seize weapons; on June 2, Ukrainian border guards also came under attack from separatists and “other forces” coming across the border with Russia. That afternoon, the Ukrainian air force carried out a missile strike on the occupied regional administration building in the center of Luhansk, killing at least eight people. Many residents started fleeing the region, most of them using the remaining train connections.

An elderly woman stands in a crowd of refugees near a bus. Izyum, Kharkiv region. June 13, 2014.

SERGII KHARCHENKO / PACIFIC PRESS / LIGHTROCKET / GETTY IMAGES

A view from the occupied regional government building in Luhansk in the aftermath of the bombing. June 3, 2014.

JANOS CHIALA / NURPHOTO / CORBIS / GETTY IMAGES

In agreement with the OSCE leadership, my team evacuated from Luhansk between June 1 and 3. Fifteen monitors were relocated to Kharkiv, where the mission provided psychological assistance and started working to reorganize monitoring in the Luhansk region, focusing initially on the north. I remained in Luhansk together with two colleagues and one interpreter, to report on the latest developments, support efforts to liberate our colleagues, and ensure communication with the separatist forces.

In Kyiv on June 7, Petro Poroshenko was sworn in as the new democratically elected president of Ukraine.

The four OSCE monitors from my team were released on June 28 after a month of detention, psychologically drained but in good health.

* * *

Reflecting on that early period of the OSCE mission to Luhansk and re-reading our reports from that time, it’s difficult not to sense a missed opportunity. In the spring of 2014, “separatist” movements were active in many Ukrainian cities. Russia covertly supported anti-Maidan activists in Odesa, Kharkiv, Zaporizhzhia, and Dnipropetrovsk (now Dnipro), but none of these movements succeeded in creating institutions and those cities remained firmly under Kyiv’s control. Could the same have been possible in Luhansk?

True, room for negotiations was very limited, but many of the political forces active in the region strongly indicated their willingness to discuss solutions with the government other than a runaway “republic.” Were they all speaking in good faith? It’s hard to say with absolute certainty. Some analysts have argued that perhaps a government in Kyiv fully empowered by a vote could have negotiated and avoided the separatist developments in Luhansk. On the other hand, the strength and violence of the insurgency in Donetsk influenced Kyiv’s attitude, convincing it to take a tough stance in Luhansk, too.

As historian Serhii Plokhy points out in The Russo-Ukrainian War, the de facto Russian takeover of Donbas occurred during the “interregnum” between Yanukovych’s ouster in February and Poroshenko’s election as president in May. “Historically speaking,” Plokhy writes, “interregnums are the most dangerous periods in the life of states, provoking predatory actions of neighboring states that would use the opportunity offered by the lack of universally recognized rules to seize a rival’s territory.”

Ukrainian soldiers hold their positions on the edge of the so-called “security zone” in Donbas. November 15, 2014

SERGII KHARCHENKO / PACIFIC PRESS / LIGHTROCKET / GETTY IMAGES

The confusion on the ground in those early weeks, with different armed groups fighting for control of the Luhansk region, did not favor a clear understanding of the situation, thus hampering an effective strategy from the OSCE and the rest of the international community. What happened in Crimea a few weeks earlier (and in Donetsk simultaneously) perhaps led to the general conviction that there wasn’t any room to negotiate in Luhansk.

After the “referendum,” the Ukrainian offensive intensified and Russia gradually imposed its course, creating proxy institutions and installing “officials,” infiltrating the region with its agents, and exploiting popular anti-government sentiment with its propaganda. But I still believe that it was not meant to be so from the start.

That’s all for this week!

Once again, a reminder that Meduza and its partners are raising funds to help Ukrainian civilians who have suffered from Russia’s war. Recurring donations help the most, but every dollar counts. To chip in today, click here. Until next time,

Eilish

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