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newsinsider · 6 months ago

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Who was Iran's President Ebrahim Raisi?

Ebrahim Raisi was an Iranian politician who served as eighth president of Iran from 2021 until his death in 2024. A Principlist and a Muslim jurist, he became president after the 2021 election. In his early career, Raisi served in several positions in Iran's judicial system, including as Deputy Prosecutor and Prosecutor of Tehran. For his role on the so-called death committee during the 1988 executions of Iranian political prisoners, he became known as the "Butcher of Tehran". He was sanctioned by the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control in accordance with Executive Order 13876. He was accused of crimes against humanity by international human rights organizations and United Nations special rapporteurs. He was later Deputy Chief Justice (2004–2014), Attorney General (2014–2016), and Chief Justice (2019–2021). He was Custodian and Chairman of Astan Quds Razavi, a bonyad, from 2016 until 2019. He was a member of Assembly of Experts from South Khorasan Province, being elected for the first time in the 2006 election. He was the son-in-law of Mashhad Friday prayer leader and Grand Imam of Imam Reza shrine, Ahmad Alamolhoda.

Raisi ran for president in 2017 as the candidate of the conservative Popular Front of Islamic Revolution Forces, losing to moderate incumbent president Hassan Rouhani, 57% to 38.3%. Raisi successfully ran for president a second time in 2021 with 62.9% of the votes, succeeding Hassan Rouhani. According to many observers, the 2021 Iranian presidential election was rigged in favour of Raisi, who was considered an ally of Ali Khamenei. Raisi was often seen as a frontrunner to succeed Khamenei as Supreme Leader, but he died in the 2024 Varzaqan helicopter crash. Considered a hardliner in Iranian politics, Raisi's presidency saw deadlock in negotiations with the U.S. over the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) and large-scale protests throughout the country in late 2022, triggered by the death of Mahsa Amini on 16 September. During Raisi's term, Iran intensified uranium enrichment, hindered international inspections, and supported Russia in its invasion of Ukraine. Additionally, Iran launched a missile and drone attack on Israel during the Gaza conflict and continued arming proxy groups like Hezbollah and the Houthi movement.

Early life and education

Ebrahim Raisi was born on 14 December 1960 to a clerical family in the Noghan district of Mashhad. His father, Seyed Haji, died when he was 5. Ancestrally, Raisi was among Husayn ibn Ali (Hussaini) Sayyids, and he was connected to Ali ibn Husayn Zayn al-Abidin Sayyids. Raisi passed his primary-education in "Javadiyeh school"; then started studying in the Hawza (Islamic seminary). In 1975, he went to "Ayatollah Boroujerdi School" in order to continue his education in Qom Seminary.[citation needed] He has claimed to have received a doctorate degree in private law from Motahari University; however, this has been disputed.

Clerical credentials

Raisi began his studies at the Qom Seminary at the age of 15. He then decided to study in the Navvab school for a short time. After that, he went to Ayatollah Sayyed Muhammad Mousavi Nezhad school, where he studied while also teaching other students. In 1976, he went to Qom to continue his studies at the Ayatollah Borujerdi school. He was a student of Seyyed Hossein Borujerdi, Morteza Motahhari, Abolghasem Khazali, Hossein Noori Hamedani, Ali Meshkini and Morteza Pasandideh. Raisi also passed his "KharejeFeqh" (external-Fiqh) to Seyyed Ali Khamenei and Mojtaba Tehrani. According to Alex Vatanka of the Middle East Institute, Raisi's "exact religious qualification" is a "sore point". "For a while" prior to investigation by the Iranian media, he "referred to himself" as "Ayatollah" on his personal website. However, according to Vatanka, the media "publicized his lack of formal religious education" and credentials, after which Raisi ceased claiming to hold the aforementioned rank. After this investigation and criticism he "refer[ed] to himself as hojat-ol-eslam", a clerical rank immediately beneath that of Ayatollah. Raisi subsequently again declared himself an Ayatollah shortly before the 2021 presidential election. The decree by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei appointing him as President, refers to him as a hojat-ol-eslam.

Judicial career

Early years

In 1981, he was appointed the prosecutor of Karaj. Later on, he was also appointed Prosecutor of Hamadan and served both positions together. He was simultaneously active in two cities more than 300 km away from each other. After four months, he was appointed Prosecutor of Hamadan Province.

Tehran deputy prosecutor

He was appointed Deputy prosecutor of Tehran in 1985 and moved to the capital. After three years and in early 1988, he was placed in the attention of Ruhollah Khomeini and received special provisions (independent from judiciary) from him to address legal issues in some provinces like Lorestan, Semnan and Kermanshah.

Source : Wikipedia

#Ebrahim Raisi #Ebrahim Raisi death #Ebrahim Raisi Life #Iran #Iran Politics #Politics #World

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armeniaitn · 4 years ago

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Armenian PM congratulates Iranian leaders on 42nd anniversary of Islamic Revolution

New Post has been published on https://armenia.in-the.news/politics/armenian-pm-congratulates-iranian-leaders-on-42nd-anniversary-of-islamic-revolution-69185-11-02-2021/

Armenian PM congratulates Iranian leaders on 42nd anniversary of Islamic Revolution

Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan has sent congratulatory messages to President Hassan Rouhani of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Seyed Ali Khamenei on the occasion of the 42nd anniversary of the Victory of the Islamic Revolution.

The congratulatory message addressed to President Hassan Rouhani reads:

“Excellency,

I warmly congratulate you and the friendly people of Iran on the 42nd anniversary of the Victory of the Islamic Revolution. The centuries-old friendship and the deep-rooted traditions are the best pledge for developing and deepening mutually beneficial cooperation between Armenia and Iran.

The complicated geopolitical situation in the region gives greater importance to the speedy and full implementation of mutually beneficial programs for the benefit of our two nations.

I wish you good health and every success, as well as peace and prosperity – to the friendly people of Iran.”

The congratulatory message addressed to Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution Seyed Ali Khamenei reads:

“Your Majesty,

I warmly congratulate you and the friendly people of Iran on the 42nd anniversary of the Victory of the Islamic Revolution.

The complicated regional situation highlights the friendship and mutual respect between our two peoples and calls for deeper cooperation.

Armenia is firmly determined to promote mutually beneficial cooperation with friendly Iran to the benefit of our peoples and the region, in general. I wish Your Majesty robust health and personal wellbeing, as well as peace and progress – to the friendly people of Iran.”

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omgstupendousbouquetbasement · 6 years ago

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Iran Detains Conservationist as 8 Others Tried in Court

Iran has detained another environmentalist who worked for the same Iranian conservation organization as eight activists who went on trial in Tehran last week after spending a year in detention. A reliable source in Iran told VOA Persian that Iranian authorities detained Pouria Sepahvand of the Persian Wildlife Heritage Foundation on Saturday. The New York-based Center for Human Rights in Iran (CHRI) confirmed Sepahvand's arrest in a Monday tweet and said he had been taken to an unknown location. Sepahvand's arrest came on the same day that eight of his colleagues appeared in a Tehran court for a second closed-door session of their trial, whose first session was held on January 30. Iran's state-controlled Fars News Agency has referred to the defendants, who include six men and two women, as "individuals accused of spying on the country's military installations." Tara Sepehri Far, an Iran researcher for New York-based Human Rights Watch, told VOA Persian that prosecutors in Saturday's court session continued with a lengthy indictment reading they had begun last Wednesday. Sepehri Far also cited a CHRI source as saying the charges read out in court so far have been based solely on forced confessions of one of the female defendants, Niloufar Bayani. CHRI previously had quoted a source as saying the female defendant, now identified as Bayani, interrupted Wednesday's proceedings several times to assert that investigators extracted her confessions under mental and physical duress and she had since retracted them. The other conservationists on trial include Taher Ghadirian, Houman Jowkar, Sepideh Kashani, Amir Hossein Khaleghi, Abdolreza Kouhpayeh, Sam Rajabi and Morad Tahbaz. State news agency IRNA has said four of the conservationists have been charged with "sowing corruption on Earth," a crime punishable by death, while three other activists are charged with "espionage," and the last one with "conspiracy against national security." The eight defendants were detained in January 2018 along with a ninth member of the conservation group, Iranian-Canadian dual national Kavous Seyed Emami, who died in custody the following month in what authorities termed a suicide. Family members disputed that assertion and called for further investigation. Iranian state media said several lawmakers met with President Hassan Rouhani as he visited parliament on Monday and urged him to ensure the eight conservationists on trial are granted legal protections, including a right to choose their own lawyers. State news agency IRNA previously had reported that the defense lawyers present in court include several approved by the judiciary to handle national security cases. Mohamad Hossein Aghasi, a human rights lawyer representing defendant Rajabi, has said authorities have barred him from participating in the trial without explanation. One of the lawmakers who met with Rouhani on Monday, Mohammad Reza Tabish, told state-controlled news agency ISNA that they asked the president to be mindful of the concerns of human rights activists and other Iranians about the case against the conservationists. Tabish said Rouhani responded by expressing hope that the defendants would get a fair trial. The lawmaker also said parliamentary speaker Ali Lairjani agreed to meet the families of the defendants a future date. In an interview with VOA Persian last week, former Iranian deputy Iranian environment chief Kaveh Madani said he was not surprised to hear reports about one defendant's purported forced confessions and another defendant's lawyer not being allowed to participate in the trial. "As in many national security cases in Iran, I assume this one would not necessarily involve a due process," said Madani, an environmental scientists now based at Yale University in the United States. "I don't know how real justice would be applied in their case, that is what I'm worried about." This article originated in VOA's Persian Service. from Blogger http://bit.ly/2GqIotZ via IFTTT

#IFTTT #Blogger

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recantodaeducacao · 3 years ago

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Irã veta 585 candidatos e autoriza 7 a concorrer nas eleições presidenciais de junho

O corpo eleitoral do Irã desqualificou 585 candidatos para as eleições presidenciais de 18 de junho, incluindo quase todos os moderados e reformistas. Também ficou de fora o ex-presidente do parlamento Ali Larijani, moderado-conservador que era um dos principais nomes para substituir o atual presidente Hassan Rouhani, impedido constitucionalmente de buscar um terceiro mandato. Os vetos acontecem em um momento em que a República Islâmica enfrenta um crescente descontentamento interno, e tendem a facilitar a vitória do religioso ultraconservador Ebrahim Raisi, que foi derrotado por Rouhani no pleito de 2017 e é o atual chefe do Judiciário do Irã. A decisão partiu de um Conselho Guardião composto por seis clérigos nomeados pelo líder supremo Ali Khamenei e seis juristas aprovados por Raisi que, por sua vez, também foi indicado por Khamenei. Os únicos sete candidatos aprovados representam a escolha política mais restrita nos 40 anos da história eleitoral iraniana, segundo o jornal norte-americano The Wall Street Journal. Por esse motivo, dissidentes e críticos já estão pedindo um boicote à votação, que além de Ebrahim Raisi terá entre os candidatos o ex-negociador nuclear Saeed Jalili, o chefe do banco central Abdolnaser Hemmati, o veterano da Guarda Revolucionária Mohsen Rezaei, o ex-vice-presidente Mohsen Mehralizadeh, o vice-presidente do parlamento, Amir Hossein Ghazizadeh Hashemi e o legislador Alireza Zakani.

Nesta quarta-feira, 26, o presidente Hassan Rouhani pediu ao aiatolá Ali Khamenei uma maior “competição” nas eleições para seu sucessor no mês que vem. Em uma reunião do gabinete transmitida pela televisão, ele alertou para o risco de uma baixa participação eleitoral, disse que a “continuidade da legitimidade” do sistema estava em jogo e defendeu que “o coração das eleições é a competição”. “Se você tirar isso, vira um cadáver”, acrescentou. Obrigado a deixar o poder esse ano por já ter cumprido dois mandatos consecutivos, Rouhani conquistou o cargo por meio de uma aliança com forças reformistas e moderadas e foi um grande defensor do fim do isolamento internacional do Irã. Em 2014, ele e Barack Obama assinaram o acordo nuclear que foi quebrado pelo governo de Donald Trump e está sendo agora renegociado por Joe Biden.

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wsmith215 · 4 years ago

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How the Coronavirus Crisis Exposed the False Promise of Iran-China Partnership

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Iran’s President Hassan Rouhani recently warned that coronavirus-related restrictions that were recently loosened on economic grounds might be reimposed if a second wave of the virus erupts across the country. Iranian health officials reported 3,134 new coronavirus infections on June 3, which marks the highest contagion rate since March 30 and brings the total number of cases to 160,696. The Rouhani administration’s impatience with the resumption of domestic economic activity was partly due to the stifling pressure of U.S.-led sanctions coupled with disruptively low oil prices. Fears of economic instability and public unrest as a potential consequence also affected the Islamic Republic’s permissive early response to the outbreak originating from China, with ultimately cataclysmic ramifications.

The fact that Iran is the nation in the Middle East hit earliest and hardest by the coronavirus pandemic is no accident. While most governments ostensibly failed to take the public health threat seriously in the early stages of coronavirus spread beyond China’s borders, Tehran went the extra mile of allowing Mahan Air flights to and from China to operate as usual, even after it belatedly confirmed Iran’s first virus-caused fatalities on February 19. Among other things, the Iranian government’s handling of the virus crisis has demonstrated, more clearly than ever before, its increasingly alarming dependence on China in an era of American “maximum pressure.”

A “Negative” Test of Iran-China Partnership

In fact, it was this heightening dependence that partly inhibited the Iranian leadership from adopting decisive action against Chinese vectors, although Beijing itself alerted the World Health Organization (WHO) to the new disease as early as December 31 and moved, on January 23, to enforce a complete lockdown on tens of millions of inhabitants in the Hubei province, including the city of Wuhan where coronavirus erupted. Mahan Air flights from Tehran to China and vice versa continued until at least February 24.

Story continues

In a sign of efforts assuage mounting concerns in Iran over the possible impact of the outbreak on Tehran-Beijing ties, Chinese ambassador Chang Hua posted a tweet in Persian of his meeting with Mahan Air CEO Hamid Arabnejad on February 2, confirming the latter’s expression of willingness to “continue cooperation” with China. Around two months later on April 5, when the coronavirus public health crisis had reached a critical point across Iran, health ministry spokesman Kianush Jahanpur took to Twitter to denounce Beijing for “mixing” science with politics and producing inaccurate information about the nature of the novel coronavirus threat. “It seems China’s statistics were a bitter joke as many in the world thought this was a flu-like disease with a smaller mortality rate,” he said at a news conference on the same day. “All these [measures] were based on reports from China, [but] now it seems China played a bitter joke with the world.”

Chinese ambassador’s public response was unconventional. “The Ministry of Health of China has a press conference every day. I suggest that you read their news carefully in order to draw conclusions,” Chang Hua wrote, indicating the extent of influence Beijing wields in the Iranian corridors of power. Unsurprisingly, the rhetoric evoked memories of “capitulation” to foreign powers among many Iranians—which the Islamic Republic had pledged to end after the 1979 revolution—and provoked an unprecedented public outcry over Beijing’s condescending and “colonialist” treatment of Iran.

Yet, the Iranian foreign ministry’s reaction was one of unmistakable appeasement. In a tweet that was warmly received by the Chinese ambassador, Iran’s foreign ministry spokesman Seyed Abbas Mousavi commended “Chinese bravery, dedication & professionalism” in dealing with the coronavirus pandemic and stressed that Iran “has always been thankful” to China. Significantly, most hardliners and media outlets close to the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC) took a similar stance, inveighing against the Iranian health ministry for its inappropriate criticism of Beijing. “While China has been the biggest aid-provider for Iran in its fight against the coronavirus and supplied Iran with several strategic products by circumventing sanctions, [Iranian health ministry spokesman] Jahanpur suddenly becomes the spokesman of Trump and Israel,” wrote Hassan Soleimani, Editor-in-Chief of Mashregh News affiliated with the IRGC. Others even went as far as to call for the dismissal of Kianush Jahanpur from the health ministry after his public protestations against Beijing and its handling of the virus crisis.

If anything, the coronavirus controversy revealed the tip of the iceberg of uneven strategic relations between Tehran and Beijing, where the more powerful partner increasingly determines the rules of the game and how the partnership should proceed, often at the expense of the weaker partner’s national security, independence and long-term interests. Mahmoud Sadeghi, a member of parliament and vociferous critic of hardliners, was quick to point out that Tehran’s appeasement of the Chinese government does not correspond with the revolutionary tenet “neither East, nor West, but the Islamic Republic,” and runs roughshod over the “principle of dignity” in Iran’s foreign policy.

Iran’s Uyghur Silence

Yet, public health is not the only policy area where Iran’s decisions have been affected by its “comprehensive strategic partnership” (CSP) with China. The partnership also accounts for the Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei’s conspicuous silence and inaction on Beijing’s reprehensible treatment of Muslim Uyghurs.

Though not the sole actor within the Muslim world that has turned a blind eye to China’s state-sanctioned atrocities against the Uyghur minority, the silence of the world’s most populous and powerful Shia nation resonates widely. The international press has extensively exposed China’s systemic violations of human rights in the Xinjiang province, which go as far as to set up concentration camps under the label of mass reeducation and deradicalization programs. Recently, Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, a loud voice on the fate of Muslims around the world, urged India to stop “the massacre of Muslims” in the subcontinent while he has chosen to condone the Chinese government’s systemic abuse of Uyghur Muslims’ fundamental human rights.

Unsustainable Resource Exploitation in the Persian Gulf

A similar type of expedient silence and inaction have also been partly extended to the Chinese firms’ notorious exploitation of natural resources off the southern shores of Iran in the Persian Gulf and Sea of Oman, through what is commonly known as “bottom trawling.” The industrial method of fishing is widely believed to deplete marine reservoirs in the coastal areas, damage the natural ecosystems where it is practiced, and undermine the local economy that is in important part based on small-scale traditional fishing. The public outcry over the issue gained so much traction that the IRGC was compelled to intervene and limit the operations. “I came to believe that there is a mafia behind bottom trawling [by] Chinese ships,” General Alireza Tangsiri, commander of the IRGC Navy warned in February 2019. “One cannot close their eyes to these realities and we have to stand up firmly against those who seize bread from the table of traditional fishermen.” Echoing similar criticism, Iran’s Minister of Culture Mahmoud Hojjati pointed out in November that Chinese trawlers operating in the southern waters have not secured an official permission from the Iranian government. Yet, it seems the practice still persists.

Pre-JCPOA Sanctions against Iran

Another sign of Iran’s secondary position within China’s strategic priorities can be traced back to its pre-JCPOA voting record at the U.N. Security Council. Between 2006 and 2010, China has indeed voted in favor of all six UNSC resolutions addressing Tehran’s nuclear program. Notably, four of them included the imposition of progressively expansive sanctions on Tehran.

China’s voting record at the Security Council could be observed from two different angles. The first is Beijing’s general attempt to be seen as a responsible stakeholder that respects the international consensus generated around important matters of global security. The other is that China tends to prioritize its ties with the United States at the expense of Iran. Given China’s global ascent and the level of interdependence between Beijing and Washington, this is far from surprising. The result is that, despite the pompous claims of unmatched friendship and solidarity, China’s Iran policy has often turned into a dependent variable of its relationship with the United States—a reality that could hardly fulfill Tehran’s expectations.

Oil Purchases under U.S. “Maximum Pressure”

The establishment of the CSP in 2016 does not seem to have changed that pattern substantially. In the last two years, China has vocally opposed the reintroduction of secondary sanctions against Iran by the Trump administration. However, Beijing’s will to protect its partner from sanctions has remained subject to the evolution of its trade war with the US. For instance, after the U.S. Treasury issued the Executive Order 13902, sanctioning Iran’s construction, mining, manufacturing, and textile sectors, Bank of Kunlun informed its Iranian clients that, from April 9, it would not accept payments related to those industries. As aptly noted, the new U.S. sanctions and the change in Bank of Kunlun’s compliance policies were issued days before President Trump and President Xi signed the Phase One of the trade deal on January 15. It appears that, once again, Beijing has sacrificed its relationship with Tehran in favor of securing bigger interests with Washington.

Further evidence that China has a rather disappointing score in protecting its ties with Tehran has emerged from the recent collapse in oil imports from Iran. Figures released by Chinese customs administration have shown that crude deliveries reached a 20-year low in value in March 2020. While the situation reflects a general contraction of domestic demand due to the coronavirus pandemic, it is worth noting that China’s oil imports from Russia and Saudi Arabia decreased only by 15 percent, a far less alarming figure compared to the 60 percent fall in deliveries from Iran.

A “Positive” Test of Iran-China Partnership?

The next litmus test for Iranian-Chinese partnership is expected to come in October or maybe September. The U.S. has already announced its intention to extend the UN arms embargo on Iran and menaced to trigger the snapback mechanism enshrined in the UNSC resolution 2231 if other Security Council members refuse to support its initiative and let the embargo expire in October. China’s mission at the U.N. has stressed that Washington, which unilaterally withdrew from the JCPOA before reimposing sanctions, has no right to extend the arms embargo or activate the snapback mechanism against Tehran. Arguably, China’s treatment of the issue—an extension of the US “maximum pressure” policy against Iran—in the coming months will mostly demonstrate how reliable and substantive its “Comprehensive Strategic Partnership” with Iran is. The partnership has so far failed its major tests.

Maysam Behravesh is a doctoral student of political science at Lund University, Sweden, Middle East security and a political analyst at the U.S.-based geopolitical risk consultancy, Gulf State Analytics (GSA). He was an intelligence analyst and policy advisor in Iran from 2008 to 2010, and mostly writes about Middle East security.

Jacopo Scita is H. H. Sheikh Nasser al-Mohammad al-Sabah doctoral fellow and Sir Peter de la Billière scholar at the School of Government and International Affairs, Durham University, Britain. His research focus is on China-Iran relations and, more broadly, China’s presence in the Persian Gulf.

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oyiabrown · 8 years ago

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From Execution to Medieval Torture: "Iran's Mandela", Ayatollah Boroujerdi

From Execution to Medieval Torture: “Iran’s Mandela”, Ayatollah Boroujerdi

Ayatollah Seyed Hossein Kazemeini Boroujerdi is a high-ranking prominent dissident clergyman in Iran. He has strongly called for separation of religion and state, and he condemns Islamic radicalism, fundamentalism, and terrorism. He is opposed to political Islam and the rule of Velayet-e-Faqih (Islamic custodianship over people), the theocratic system that governs Iran. Boroujerdi has many…

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#Ali Khamenei #Ayatollah Seyed Hossein Kazemeini Boroujerdi #iran&039;s Human Rights Record #Iran&039;s most notorious prison - Evin.#President Hassan Rouhani

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balkantimes · 4 years ago

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Ubojstvo Fakhrizadeh: Kako Bajden može izbjeći zamke koje su postavili protivnici iranskog nuklearnog sporazuma

Na iranskog nuklearnog naučnika Mohsena Fahrizadea izvršen je atentat prošle sedmice. Trojica neidentificiranih američkih zvaničnika rekli su za New York Times da Izrael stoji iza Fakhrizadehovog atentata tokom zasjede u blizini iranskog glavnog grada Teherana.

Seyed Hossein Mousavian

Samo nekoliko dana prije atentata, izraelski premijer Benjamin Netanyahu, prijestolonasljednik Saudijske Arabije Muhammed bin Salman i američki državni sekretar Mike Pompeo održali su tajni noćni sastanak usred arapske pustinje da poguraju tajne operacije i pooštravanje ekonomskih sankcija tokom posljednjih tjedana predsjednika Donalda Trumpa, otkrili su izraelski izvori .

U godinama prije nego što je potpisao Zajedničku Sveobuhvatni plan akcije (jcpoa), Izrael se bave u jezive aktima terora, ubistvo pet iranskog nuklearnog naučnika , koji su sada u Iranu poštovali mučenike. Među njima su bili: Ardešir Husseinpour, Masoud Alimuhammadi, Mađid Šahriari, Dariouš Rezaeinežad i Mustafa Ahmadi Rođan. Izrael je također pokušao izvršiti atentat na Fereydona Abbassija, iranskog šefa Atomske agencije, ali nije uspio .

Drugo nakon ubistva general-majora Qasema Soleimanija prošlog januara, ovo najnovije ubistvo najgrotesknija je i nehumana upotreba nasilja nad iranskim zvaničnicima u doba nakon JCPOA. Fahrizade ne samo da je bio glavni nuklearni naučnik, već je igrao i presudnu ulogu u razvoju domaćih Covid-19 ispitnih kompleta i vakcina kako bi pomogao zemlji da se nosi sa pandemijom .

Realističan pogled

Vrijeme ovog atentata nije slučajno. Novo izabrani američki predsjednik Joe Biden najavio je da će se njegova administracija vratiti u JCPOA. “Ja ću ponuditi Teheran vjerodostojan put natrag u diplomatiji. Ako Iran se vraća u striktno poštovanje nuklearnog sporazuma, da će Sjedinjene Države pridružiti sporazum kao polazište za nastavak pregovora”, Biden izjavio je . Cilj napada bio je sramotiti ovu politiku.

Jednako važno, iranski predsjednik Hasan Ruhani rekao je da će rješavanje problema između Irana i SAD-a “biti vrlo lako” ako se administracija Bidena potrudi vratiti u situaciju koja je postojala prije 20. januara 2017. godine, kada je Trump položio prisegu kao nova Američki predsjednik. Ruhani je dodao da je “iranska politika bila ispunjavanje obveza obvezama, djelovanje akcijama i deeskalacija deeskalacijom .”

Ubojstvo Fakhrizadeha imalo je za cilj blokirati Bidenovu namjeru da Iranu ponudi ‘vjerodostojan put natrag do diplomacije’

Iranski vrhovni čelnik Ajatolah Hamnei zauzeo je, međutim, drugačiji stav: “pregovarajući nekoliko godina, pokušavali smo, ali bez koristi”. Ova izjava jasno pokazuje da je vrhovni vođa krajnje sumnjičav da će pregovori ikada dobro služiti Iranu. Povlačenje Trumpove administracije iz JCPOA i zločini poput atentata na Soleimanija i Fakhrizadeha dodatni su dokaz da su stavovi vrhovnog vođe o ovom pitanju realniji od stavova Rouhanija .

Iako se i Sjedinjene Države i Iran suočavaju sa ogromnim domaćim preprekama u oživljavanju JCPOA, politika “povratka u iranski sporazum”, koju je predložio Biden, prestrašila je i Netanyahu-a i MBS-a do te mjere da su se morali okupiti na sastanku bez presedana u Saudijskoj Arabiji . Sigurno su učinili ono što su mogli i nastaviće činiti kako bi spriječili da se administracija Biden ponovo pridruži JCPOA.

Fakhrizadeh Atentat je imao za cilj blokiranje Bajdena navedenom namjeri da ponudi Iranu “kredibilan put natrag u diplomatiji” kao korak prema Sjedinjenim Državama ponovnog pridruživanja nuklearnog sporazuma.

Iranska politička scena

Čini se da Biden povratak JCPOA-i vidi kao uvod u širi proces pregovora s Iranom o drugim pitanjima kao što su sposobnost balističkih raketa i njegova uloga u regiji. Ali Biden mora obratiti pažnju na stvarnost iranske političke scene.

Nepromišljena politika maksimalnog pritiska Trumpove administracije praćena izricanjem najtežih ekonomskih sankcija u modernoj istoriji dovela je iranski narod u najgoru ekonomsku situaciju od revolucije 1979. godine. Rezultat je bio razočaranje umjerenih snaga u pogledu pregovora sa Sjedinjenim Državama.

Na parlamentarnim izborima 2020. godine (konzervativna) frakcija ostvarila je neviđenu pobjedu osvojivši 221 od 291 mjesta u iranskom parlamentu. Mnogo reformističkih kandidata bilo je isključeno iz Guardian Council-a.

Stoga je predvidljivo da će sljedeći iranski predsjednik vjerovatno biti iz principalijske frakcije na predstojećim izborima 2021. godine.

Dok sam bio u Teheranu, imao sam priliku razgovarati s nekim od političara Principalista o američkim izborima. Oni vjeruju da su i republikanci i demokrati nakon promjene režima u Iranu; demokratska administracija je istovremeno složenija i opasnija jer, za razliku od Trumpa, zauzima multilateralni pristup kako bi vršila pritisak na Iran.

Zbog toga je izazov raditi s takvom upravom. Kao rezultat toga, oni vjeruju da bi Iran trebao izbjeći pregovore s administracijom Bidena o cijelom nizu pitanja, uključujući JCPOA, balističke rakete, regionalna pitanja i još mnogo toga.

Inauguracija novog američkog predsjednika poklopit će se s pokretanjem predsjedničke kampanje kandidata za predstojeće iranske izbore u junu. Čini se jasnim da će do trenutka kada Bajden položi dužnost predsjednik Rouhani biti u posljednjim mjesecima mandata. Očekivati da će njegova administracija postići bilo kakav veliki posao u vezi s američko-iranskim odnosima je nerealno, osim pokretanja koraka za oživljavanjem JCPOA.

Za Rouhanijevu administraciju oživljavanje JCPOA jednako je važno kao i za Bajdena i njegov tim. Ne zaboravimo da su poput Bajdena, njegov vjerovatno državni sekretar Tony Blinken i šef nacionalne sigurnosti Jake Sullivan bili i ostaju snažne pristalice JCPOA, pa čak i sudjelovali u njegovom formiranju.

Ovdje Biden ne bi smio izgubiti iz vida tri ključna boda.

Obustaviti sankcije

Prvo, za preostali period Rouhanijeve administracije, povratak SAD-a u JCPOA ne bi trebao imati preduvjete i ovisiti o njegovom proširenju na pitanja izvan iranskog nuklearnog pitanja. Takav pristup vratit će pregovarački proces za oživljavanje JCPOA, jer obuzdavanje antiameričkih osjećaja među Irancima nakon atentata na Soleimanija i Fakhrizadeha nije lak zadatak.

Zadržati antiamerička osjećanja među Irancima nakon atentata na Soleimanija i Fakhrizadeha nije lak zadatak

Drugo, JCPOA treba provoditi sveobuhvatno. Kada je potpisan JCPOA, američke primarne sankcije ometale su njegovu pravilnu provedbu i onemogućavale punu isporuku ekonomskih koristi Iranu.

Stoga, kako bi se Iran, SAD i druge svjetske sile u potpunosti pridržavali odredbi i uslova JCPOA, američke primarne sankcije trebaju biti suspendirane.

Treće, regionalna pitanja poput konvencionalnog i nekonvencionalnog oružja treba rješavati regionalno, kolektivno kroz multilateralni pristup. Saudijska Arabija ima kineske rakete sa domet do 5.000 kilometara pored tajni nuklearni program . Izrael ima svoju jerihonsku raketu dometa 5000 kilometara koja može nositi nuklearnu bojevu glavu od jedne tone i stotine nuklearnog oružja. Zapadna hue and cry odnosi se na iranske rakete s maksimalnim dometom od 2000 km i nuklearni program s nula nuklearnih bombi.

Šta bi Bajden trebao učiniti?

Vrlo je vjerojatno da će sljedeći iranski izabrani predsjednik biti iz frakcije Principalista, koja će tada imati priliku stvoriti jedinstvenu vladu u Iranu, s obzirom na to da parlamentom također dominiraju Principalisti.

Ova ujedinjena vlada predvođena Principalima zasigurno će imati veću autonomiju odlučivanja jer joj iranski vrhovni vođa više vjeruje. Štoviše, vrhovni vođa je glavni donosilac odluka o vanjskoj politici, a poput Centralne komande SAD-a, Revolucionarna garda igra ključnu ulogu u regionalnim pitanjima.

Da bi otvorio vrata za suradnju sa sljedećom iranskom administracijom u drugim pitanjima izvan nuklearnog pitanja, Biden mora oživjeti JCPOA, ukloniti iranski Korpus revolucionarne garde sa liste terorističkih organizacija i ukinuti sankcije protiv iranskih visokih dužnosnika, uključujući iranskog vrhovnog vođu.

Izvor

#balkantimes #bliskiistok #iran

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biofunmy · 5 years ago

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Iran Rejects U.S. Accusation It Was Behind Attacks on Saudi Oil Facilities

Iran on Sunday forcefully rejected charges by Secretary of State Mike Pompeo that it was responsible for drone attacks that caused serious damage to two crucial Saudi Arabian oil installations, with the foreign minister dismissing the remarks as “max deceit.”

The attacks on Saturday, which could disrupt global oil supplies, were claimed by the Iran-backed Houthi rebels in Yemen. Mr. Pompeo said that Iran had launched “an unprecedented attack on the world’s oil supply,” although he did not offer any evidence and stopped short of saying that Iran had carried out the missile strikes.

The Houthis are part of a complex regional dynamic in the Middle East, receiving support from Iran while the Saudis, Tehran’s chief rival in the Middle East and the leader of a coalition that is fighting the Houthis in Yemen, are aligned with the United States.

Seyed Abbas Mousavi, a spokesman for the Iranian Foreign Ministry, castigated the Saudis for their role in the war in Yemen where they have directed airstrikes with heavy civilian casualties and exacerbated a humanitarian crisis. He also ridiculed Mr. Pompeo’s comments.

The semiofficial Fars news agency reported on its English-language website that Mr. Mousavi described Mr. Pompeo’s allegations as “blind and fruitless remarks” that were “meaningless” in a diplomatic context.

Saudi Arabia has yet to publicly accuse Iran of involvement in the attack. On Sunday, its Foreign Ministry urged international action to preserve the world oil supply in response to the attack, but it said nothing about assigning blame or striking back.

It is not yet clear whether the drones that hit the Saudi oil facilities came from Yemen or another country, or even within Saudi Arabia. The Houthis have acquired drones that could have a range of up to 930 miles, according to United Nations investigators, which has muddled the question of the point of origin of the attacks.

There has been some speculation that the drones were launched from Iraq, but the office of the Iraqi prime minister, Adel Abdul-Mahdi, rejected that theory on Sunday. The prime minister’s office said Iraq would act firmly if its territory were used to attack other countries.

The developments come at a moment of rising tensions between Iran and the United States, which have mounted since President Trump pulled out of the 2015 accord in which Iran agreed with the West to restrict its nuclear program. Since the American withdrawal, Iran has gradually pulled away from some of its obligations under the agreement.

The United States is now trying to impose “maximum pressure” against Iran, a campaign of sanctions that have heaped additional pressure on Iran’s struggling economy along with moves to isolate the country diplomatically in order to force it back to the negotiating table for a new nuclear deal.

Iran’s foreign minister, Mohammad Javad Zarif, mocked Mr. Pompeo on Twitter, saying the United States had failed in its campaign of “maximum pressure” and were now “turning to ‘max deceit.’”

The Trump administration has said that any attack on American interests from Iran would bring a military response, but it has not made clear whether an attack on the Saudi oil infrastructure would meet that threshold.

A senior commander for Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps took a more strident tone than the Foreign Ministry, insisting that the country was ready for “full-fledged” war, the semiofficial Tasnim news agency reported, according to Reuters.

“Everybody should know that all American bases and their aircraft carriers in a distance of up to 2,000 kilometers around Iran are within the range of our missiles,” said Gen. Amir Ali Hajizadeh, the head of the Revolutionary Guards’ air force.

Mr. Pompeo responded on Twitter late Saturday, specifically taking aim at the president of Iran, Hassan Rouhani, and Mr. Zarif. He accused them of pretending to engage in diplomacy while directing numerous attacks.

“Amid all the calls for de-escalation, Iran has now launched an unprecedented attack on the world’s energy supply,” Mr. Pompeo said. “There is no evidence the attacks came from Yemen.”

The Saudi facilities struck were some 500 miles from Yemeni territory. Saudi and American officials suspect that Iran has trained the Houthis to use drone and missile technology.

“US & its clients are stuck in Yemen because of illusion that weapon superiority will lead to military victory,” Mr. Zarif wrote on Twitter. “Blaming Iran won’t end disaster. Accepting our April ’15 proposal to end war & begin talks may.”

The attack on Saturday, which the Houthis said involved 10 drones, represented the rebels’ most serious strike since Saudi Arabia inserted itself into the conflict in Yemen four years ago. That the rebels could cause such extensive damage to such a crucial part of the global economy astonished some observers.

“So while everyone is wrestling w/securing the Strait of Hormuz the Houthis (!) w/10 drones (!!) successfully attacked the single most important facility in the global oil economy,” Kristin Smith Diwan, senior resident scholar at the Arab Gulf States Institute in Washington wrote on Twitter. “Unbelievable.”

The extent of the damage to the oil facilities remained unclear on Sunday. But Saudi Aramco, the state-owned oil giant that runs the sites, said on Saturday that production of well over half of the nation’s daily output had been put on hold.

The Saudi Foreign Ministry, in a statement on Twitter, confirmed that several explosions had forced the temporary suspension of operations at the Abqaiq and Khurais oil installations.

The attacks pose a threat to the global economy, the statement said, citing the energy minister, Prince Abdulaziz bin Salman, a son of King Salman who was recently appointed to the position.

The ministry added that part of the decline would be offset by oil deposits, and said that there would be no effect on local supplies and that no workers had been injured.

Any extended closure would most likely bring serious consequences to the world’s oil supply, and the United States Energy Department said that it would use its strategic oil reserves if necessary to offset any disruption.

Energy experts said that the attack on the Abqaiq facility represented their worst nightmare, and that it was perhaps worse than Iran blocking the Strait or Hormuz, a crucial path for the distribution of oil supplies.

“If there is a single crown jewel, this is it,” said Robert McNally, a former White House energy adviser who is now the president of the Rapidan Energy Group, a market research firm.

Abqaiq is a massive oil processing facility — the largest of its kind in the world — in eastern Saudi Arabia; it makes crude suitable for export.

The attacks not only shut down the processing plant, but also disrupted flows from the oil fields that feed into it. Further complicating matters, the plant was built with custom-made equipment that may be difficult to fix quickly if there is serious damage, because run-of-the-mill parts cannot be used to get the plant up and running.

The attacks have raised the question of the potential effect on both oil prices and Aramco’s plans for an initial public offering of stock.

The Eurasia Group, a consulting firm that specializes in political risk analysis, said in an assessment on Saturday that the scale of the attack would “encourage markets to re-examine the need for considering an oil geopolitical risk premium.”

That would most likely play out as an increase of $2 to $3 per barrel if the issues can be resolved quickly, but as much as $10 if the attack causes larger problems. Oil is currently trading around $60 a barrel for Brent crude, the international benchmark.

Aramco’s plans to go public are likely to be unaffected, the group said, though there may be some consequences down the line. The crown prince, who is seeking to raise money to pay for a sweeping economic overhaul, is unlikely to back off on his plan to sell Aramco shares, the group said, but enthusiasm from international investors might be diminished.

Sahred From Source link World News

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armeniaitn · 4 years ago

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PM Pashinyan extends congratulations to Seyed Ali Khamenei, Hassan Rouhani on the occasion of Nowruz

New Post has been published on https://armenia.in-the.news/politics/pm-pashinyan-extends-congratulations-to-seyed-ali-khamenei-hassan-rouhani-on-the-occasion-of-nowruz-70919-20-03-2021/

PM Pashinyan extends congratulations to Seyed Ali Khamenei, Hassan Rouhani on the occasion of Nowruz

On the occasion of Nowruz, Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan sent congratulatory messages to Iran’s Supreme Leader Seyed Ali Khamenei and IRI President Hassan Rouhani.

The message addressed to Seyed Ali Khamenei reads: “Your Majesty,

I warmly congratulate you and the friendly people of Iran on the Iranian New Year – Nowruz. May the coming year be a year of new achievements, peace and prosperity for Iran in all areas.

The ongoing mutually beneficial cooperation between our two friendly peoples, which are bound by deep-rooted historical affinities, has become even more important following the recent regional developments. I am confident that we will be able to develop the bilateral relations as much as possible to the benefit of our two countries and nations.

I wish Your Majesty robust health and personal wellbeing, as well as peace and progress – to the friendly people of Iran.”

The congratulatory message addressed to President Hassan Rouhani reads: “Excellency,

I warmly congratulate you and the friendly people of Iran on the Iranian New Year – Nowruz. May this ancient holiday bring peace and prosperity to friendly Iran!

The recent developments in the region call for greater efforts to speed up the implementation of bilateral programs. I am convinced that we will be able to use the new geopolitical realities to advance the interests of our two friendly countries and peoples.

I wish Your Excellency robust health and every success, as well as prosperity and peace – to the friendly people of Iran.”

Read original article here.

#Politics

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diariodigitalcristiano · 6 years ago

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Matan al menos a 25 personas en un desfile militar de Irán

Teherán, Irán (AP) - Militantes disfrazados de soldados abrieron fuego el sábado en un desfile militar iraní en el suroeste del país, matando al menos a 25 personas e hiriendo a más de 60 en el más mortífero ataque terrorista que golpeó al país en casi una década.

Las mujeres y los niños se dispersaron junto con los soldados de la Guardia Revolucionaria que una vez marcharon mientras se escuchaban fuertes disparos en el desfile en Ahvaz, el caos fue capturado en vivo por la televisión estatal.

Los separatistas árabes de la región, una vez solo conocidos por los ataques nocturnos contra oleoductos sin protección, se atribuyeron la responsabilidad del descarado asalto.

El ministro de Relaciones Exteriores de Irán, Mohammad Javad Zarif, culpó a los países de la región y sus "amos estadounidenses" por financiar y armar a los separatistas, emitiendo una fuerte advertencia ya que las tensiones regionales siguen siendo altas tras la retirada de Estados Unidos del acuerdo nuclear iraní.

"Irán responderá rápida y decisivamente en defensa de las vidas iraníes", escribió Zarif en Twitter.

El ataque se produjo cuando hileras de Guardias Revolucionarios marcharon por los Quds de Ahvaz, o Jerusalén, Boulevard. Fue uno de muchos en todo el país que marcó el inicio de la larga guerra de Irán en la década de 1980 con Irak, conmemoraciones conocidas como la "Semana de la Sagrada Defensa".

Los periodistas y espectadores se volvieron para mirar hacia los primeros disparos, luego las filas de manifestantes se rompieron cuando soldados y civiles buscaron refugio bajo un fuego prolongado. Los soldados iraníes utilizaron sus cuerpos a tiempo para proteger a los civiles en el combate cuerpo a cuerpo, con un guardia con el uniforme de gala y una faja que se llevaba a un niño ensangrentado.

"¡Oh Dios! ¡Vete y vete! ¡Acuéstate, acuéstate!" un hombre gritó cuando una mujer huyó con su bebé.

A continuación, los para médicos atendieron a los heridos mientras los soldados, algunos ensangrentados, ayudaban a sus camaradas a llegar a las ambulancias. El vídeo obtenido por The Associated Press de la tarde mostró cuerpos de soldados, algunos pareciendo sin vida, tendidos en el suelo en charcos de sangre. Uno tenía una manta que lo cubría. Un hombre gritó de dolor.

El ataque mató al menos a 25 personas e hirió a más de 60, según la agencia de noticias estatal IRNA. Dijo que los hombres armados llevaban uniformes militares y atacaron un riser donde los comandantes militares y policiales estaban sentados. Al menos ocho de los muertos sirvieron en la Guardia Revolucionaria, una unidad paramilitar de élite que solo responde al líder supremo de Irán, según la agencia semioficial de noticias Tasnim.

"De repente nos dimos cuenta de que algunas personas armadas que vestían uniformes militares falsos comenzaron a atacar a los camaradas por detrás (el escenario) y luego abrieron fuego contra mujeres y niños", dijo un soldado herido no identificado a la televisión estatal. "Simplemente estaban disparando sin rumbo fijo y no tenían un objetivo específico".

La televisión estatal horas después informó que los cuatro hombres armados habían sido asesinados, tres murieron durante el ataque y uno más tarde sucumbió a sus heridas en un hospital.

El presidente Hassan Rouhani ordenó al Ministerio de Inteligencia de Irán que investigue de inmediato el ataque.

"El presidente hizo hincapié en que la respuesta de la República Islámica de Irán a la menor amenaza sería dura, pero quienes apoyan a los terroristas deberían rendir cuentas", informó IRNA.

Mientras tanto, el líder supremo de Irán, el ayatolá Ali Khamenei, describió el ataque como una exposición de "la atrocidad y la perversidad de los enemigos de la nación iraní".

"Su crimen es una continuación de las conspiraciones de los regímenes respaldados por Estados Unidos en la región que tienen como objetivo crear inseguridad en nuestro querido país", dijo Khamenei en un comunicado. "Sin embargo, para su consternación, la nación iraní persistirá en el camino noble y orgulloso que han tomado y, como antes, superarán todas las animosidades".

Inicialmente, las autoridades describieron a los atacantes como "pistoleros takfiri", un término utilizado anteriormente para describir al grupo Estado Islámico. Irán ha estado profundamente involucrado en la lucha contra IS en Irak y ha ayudado al asediado presidente sirio Bashar Assad en la larga guerra de su país.

Pero más tarde, los medios estatales y los funcionarios del gobierno parecieron llegar al consenso de que los separatistas árabes en la región eran responsables. Los separatistas acusan al gobierno iraní dominado por los persas de discriminar a su minoría étnica árabe, aunque un árabe Ahvazi, el general Ali Shamkhani, se desempeña como secretario del Consejo Supremo de Seguridad Nacional de Irán.

La provincia de Juzestán también ha visto protestas recientes por la sequía a nivel nacional de Irán, así como por las protestas económicas.

Irán culpó a su archirrival de Medio Oriente, el reino sunita de Arabia Saudita, por financiar la actividad de los separatistas árabes. Los medios estatales en Arabia Saudita no reconocieron el ataque de inmediato, aunque un canal satelital en idioma farsi, vinculado con Arabia Saudita, con base en el Reino Unido, llevó inmediatamente una entrevista con un activista Ahvazi que alegaba el ataque del sábado.

Hamid Baeidinejad, embajador de Irán en el Reino Unido, calificó la decisión del canal como un "acto atroz" en una publicación en Twitter y dijo que su país presentaría una queja ante las autoridades británicas por la transmisión.

Yacoub Hor al-Tostari, portavoz del Movimiento de Lucha Árabe para Liberar a Ahvaz, le dijo a la AP que los miembros de un grupo paraguas de activistas Ahvazi a los que dirige su organización llevaron a cabo el ataque.

El ataque socavó al gobierno iraní "el día en que quiere transmitirle al mundo que es poderoso y tiene el control", dijo al-Tostari. Para reforzar su reclamo, dio detalles sobre uno de los atacantes que la AP no pudo verificar de inmediato.

El grupo Estado Islámico también se atribuyó la responsabilidad del ataque en un mensaje en su agencia de noticias Amaaq, pero no proporcionó pruebas de que hubiera llevado a cabo el asalto. Inicialmente, también dijeron erróneamente que el ataque de Ahvaz tenía como objetivo a Rouhani, que estaba en Teherán. Los militantes han hecho una serie de afirmaciones falsas a raíz de grandes derrotas en Irak y Siria.

En Teherán, Rouhani vio un desfile militar que incluía misiles balísticos capaces de llegar a Israel y a las bases militares estadounidenses en el Medio Oriente. Rouhani dijo que la retirada de Estados Unidos del acuerdo nuclear era un intento de lograr que Irán abandone su arsenal militar. Los inspectores de las Naciones Unidas dicen que Irán todavía está cumpliendo con el acuerdo, que vio que limitaba su programa nuclear a cambio del levantamiento de las sanciones económicas.

"Irán no pone a un lado sus brazos defensivos ni disminuye sus capacidades defensivas", dijo Rouhani. "Irán aumentará su poder defensivo día a día".

Mientras tanto, el general iraní Abolfazl Shekarchi, portavoz de las fuerzas armadas, alegó sin pruebas que los cuatro militantes involucrados en el ataque del sábado "dependían de los servicios de inteligencia de Estados Unidos y el Mossad" de Israel.

"Han sido entrenados y organizados en dos países del Golfo Pérsico", dijo, sin dar más detalles.

El ataque del sábado se produce después de un ataque coordinado del grupo Estado Islámico del 7 de junio de 2017 contra el parlamento y el santuario del ayatolá Ruhollah Jomeini, el líder de la revolución islámica de Irán en 1979. Al menos 18 personas murieron y más de 50 resultaron heridas.

Ese asalto sacudió a Teherán, que en gran medida ha evitado los ataques de militantes en las décadas posteriores al tumulto que rodeó a la revolución.

En la última década, los ataques de militantes de bajas masivas han sido increíblemente raros. En 2009, más de 40 personas, incluidos seis comandantes de la Guardia Nacional, murieron en un ataque suicida de extremistas sunitas en la provincia de Sistan y Baluchistan, en Irán.

Fuente: CBN News

#Medio Oriente #terrorismo #iran #actualidad #noticias #sociedad

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viralhottopics · 8 years ago

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What Trump Needs To Know About Iran

For as unnerved as many world leaders were with Donald Trumps election, they will have no choice but to work with the president of the worlds most powerful country. One exception, however, will be Iran, which has come to develop one of the most hostile relationships in all international politics with the United States.

Fascinatingly, Trumps triumph over Hillary Clinton was anticipated by Irans supreme leader, who just prior to the election declared that Trump had more support among Americans due to his frankness about the realities of the country. Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, for his part, believes that America has a corrupt political system, has fostered the rise of terrorist groups like the self-proclaimed Islamic State and Al Qaeda, and has spurred instability through military intervention in the Middle East. Thus, he regularly argues that for Iran to engage in negotiations with such a country would have little value, and a formal diplomatic relationship would be actively harmful a position some incoming senior U.S. officials feel about Iran.

Trump can easily end Obamas engagement policy towards Iran and put Washington and Tehran on the path to full-spectrum confrontation.

Both Ayatollah Khamenei and President Hassan Rouhani have, however, urged calm over Trumps election. If a president is changed here and there, it has no impact on the will of Iran, Rouhani said in a speech shortly after the election, adding that Iran would remain committed to the nuclear deal. Ayatollah Khamenei has also stated that Iran does not have any judgement on the election, but is ready for any possible incident.

The proclamations of Trump and other presidential candidates during the campaign validated important aspects of Ayatollah Khameneis view of the United States. However, it remains to be seen whether this shared thinking on Americas political system will result in Trump reforming past policies and ending the 38-year deadlock in U.S.-Iran relations, thereby attaining the diplomatic achievement of the century. On the other hand, Trump can easily end President Barack Obamas engagement policy towards Iran and put Washington and Tehran on the path to full-spectrum confrontation. Deal opponents in Washington are already fervently pursuing a path of reintroducing non-nuclear sanctions to incentivize Iranian leaders to discard the accord. Since the 115th U.S. Congress was sworn in recent days, several anti-Iran bills have already been introduced, including one that would impose sanctions over Irans ballistic missile program. Whichever approach he decides, there are a number of things Trump should know about Iran. Here are a few:

1. America played a role in sabotaging Iranian democracy.

AFP via Getty Images

Massive protests broke out across Iran following the 1953 coup.

The United States ended Iranian democracy in its cradle. Together with British intelligence, the CIA orchestrated a coup detat in 1953 against Mohammad Mossadegh, Irans popularly-elected prime minister guilty of nationalizing the Iranian oil industry. The result was the end of Irans democratic movement and 25 years of dictatorship under the shah. Irans 1979 revolution was the Iranian peoples reaction to decades of tyranny and American dominance over Iran.

2. A regime change policy already proved counterproductive.

Getty Images via Getty Images

Donald Rumsfeld and Saddam Hussein shake hands in1983 in Baghdadduring the war between Iran and Iraq.

After the Iranian revolution, America adopted an approach of regime change towards Iran, predicated on applying every conceivable pressure on the post-revolutionary government. This included supporting Iraqi dictator Saddam Hussein during his war of aggression against Iran, which saw Saddam killing or injuring upwards of 100,000 Iranian with chemical weapons. The years since then have also seen America deploy the worlds first cyberweapon against Iran and impose draconian and collectively-punishing sanctions. In parallel, Iran has used all its capabilities to confront the United States. Despite all this, Iran today stands as one of the regions most powerful and stable countries, while U.S. allies, who have benefited from immense American support over the years, have either collapsed or are wavering due to their own shortcomings.

3. The nuclear deal is the greatest non-proliferation victory.

KEVIN LAMARQUE via Getty Images

This was a landmark agreement.

Importantly, Trump has stated that past U.S. policies of regime change in the region have been mistakes and should not be repeated. However, he has been hostile towards the Iran nuclear deal, which he recently tweeted was horrible. Quite to the contrary, the landmark deal serves as the most comprehensive deal on nuclear non-proliferation in history; containing the highest international standards on nuclear transparency and sealing off all pathways to a bomb. Trump can either destroy it or build on it by working to win regional implementation of the deals principles; making the 50-year dream for a Nuclear Weapons Free Zone (NWFZ) in the Middle East a reality.

4. U.S. wars in the Middle East are a source of instability.

Jamal Saidi / Reuters

Past mistakes in the Middle East have helped spur extremist groups in the region.

Wars in the past four decades, including Saddams invasion of Iran (1980) and Kuwait (1990), Americas invasion of Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003), NATOs overthrow of the Libyan government (2012), the Saudi invasion of Yemen (2015) and the inflow of foreign fighters from around the world into region, have brought the Middle East to the verge of total collapse. Trump and Obama in fact share a belief that past U.S. mistakes and U.S. regional allies have played key roles in fostering the rise of these groups. Trump has declared that his main goal in the region is to destroy ISIS, not topple the Syrian government. This position increases the chances for U.S.-Russia cooperation in the region. Iran and the U.S. can also form a very effective front against ISIS, given Iran is the leading regional power fighting the group and the United States, the leading global power.

5.Cooperation, not confrontation will lead to success.

Stephanie Keith / Reuters

Diplomacy based on mutual respect is key.

While it might sound counterintuitive, Republican control of Congress and the presidency presents an opportunity for successful U.S.-Iran diplomacy. The U.S. government is now able to act in unison, enabling for novel approaches towards the region that may have previously been politically impossible. Trump has the option of engaging Iran and bringing stability to a region that has not known it for decades. While distrust between the two countries remains thick in the aftermath of the nuclear deal, the key to broader cooperation is to abandon self-defeating aspirations for regime change and engage in diplomacy based on mutual respect, shared interests and non-interference in each others political affairs.

Republican control of Congress and the presidency presents an opportunity for successful U.S.-Iran diplomacy.

Seyed Hossein Mousavian is a Middle East security and nuclear policy specialist at Princeton University and author ofIran and the United States: An Insiders View on the Failed Past and the Road to Peace.

Related…

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Iran Nuclear Deal Could Die Of Neglect Even If Trump Doesnt Tear It Up