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rainsmediaradio · 6 months

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PBAT- Administration - Litmus Test

PBAT- Administration - Litmus Test

PBAT - Administration - Litmus Test by Dr Kenny Odugbemi

Nigerians in a hundred and thirty multidimensionally poor people are still wallowing in abject poverty despite changes in Administration Nigeria has been a product of cluelessness and incompetent administration of over 8years now dragging Nigeria from a failing state gradually, moving to a Failed state Review of PBAT administration audacious policies considered Germaine and commended Worldwide Deteriorating insecurity following huge increase incident of kidnapping in Abuja -55 kidnapped in Federal headquarters growing incidents have led to intense protests Killings in Northcentral Plateau,Taraba,Kaduna etc running into hundreds of people Abuja is now having worsening situation Along Cameroun border, terrorist is at peak with Adamawa, Borno, Venue, Cross river and Akwaibom, now seeking wider collaboration with heavy incidences in North east and Northwest where banditry worsened by clear cross border communities.. Commissioning of near end PH refinery at $1.5b remain elusive not meeting target of December till date it is not mere mechanical vibration with hope of commissioning a future going concerns Looting with impunity, leading to cancellation of all Social welfare structure Delayed student loans meant to come to fruition now elusive -WIP Pledging the future earnings of Natural resources to collect loan,has reman not too sound with reference to declaration of Dr Akinwunmi's AFDB due to other hidden strigent conditions Foreign airline owner threatening to leave as they have only got 10% of $760m trapped in Nigeria Afriexim loan jacked up to $3.3b instead of $3b with new entrant of brokers UBA and other Banks, jettisoning IMF that only set out conditionalities of fuel price increase and forex stability Unification of exchange rate with multilevel rate of exchange, we do not have price stability Looting of funds meant to sort out palliative by Minister and National Coordinator CNG Reconversion is not making a significant impact much less than 1m vehicles,whilst executives and Legislatures are not abiding with this measure, only private and passenger buses for the poor across the state were used as proof of concept Reflection from last administration PMB for over 8years incurred total debt of N77trn PBAT- Administration between May 29thvof 2023 and January 2024 have accumulated further to N97.7trn securitizing further N7.3trn of way and mean pushing it to N30.3trn thus include N23trn , promise kept by PBAT of accepting asset and liability . Characteristics of PBAT inheritance from PMB Financial recklessness Lack of effective monitoring and supervision MDA and Security Chiefs operating in Silos, facilitating increasing budgetary allocation to the Military, but experiencing more attack of terrorist even as fire power increase killings, kidnapping increases geometrically, what a paradox Capital budget execution of 27% with recurrent expenditure above threshold due to mismanagement of methods and means Poor budgetary allocation without concept and foundation, not alignment with present condition assessment giving room for bogus and inconsistent budgetary items with non-alignment with reasonable pricing schedules Economy driven by religious and ethnic sentiment Super Ministers appointment a glorified, not fully recognized now destabilize in second term,Fashola&Ameachi unbundled for mere political reasons only to give room for looting in power and aviation Ministries department and agencies Non-functional anti-graft agencies strongly politicized by politriking What is the difference between PBAT and PMB very insignificant with worse signals Bloated structure More political rewardees in government with no capacity, competence and character with low moral values Current situation with PBAT Gravitation toward one party with weak opposition of PDP the rest parties almost non-existent The looting of the next head of humanitarian disaster and poverty alleviation National Coordinator N44b Last Minister N33bn Current Minister almost N600m award of spurious head counter for 11days to the tune almost N500m to organization owned through share by Minister of interior who was indicted as Chairman of NDDC House of representatives of over $20b looting despite last year country wide forensic investigation till date no fruitful outcome ,yet nominated and considered as Minister not matured in organizational of MDA only Nigeria passport issuance creative nuisance through Media just like inglorious Minister looting with impunity Conclusion PBAT - Administration must defend its mandate What happened in Humanitarian disaster and poverty is true happening across all MDA's, this occurrence came alive because Minister trying to run out with the National Coordinator, because of change of her signatory, she has now diverted billions to her own personal account which is why Dr Beta Edu escalated to antigraft agency and the National Coordinator released dosier on her as reactionary force All MDA'S must be throughly investigation Defaulters must have full sanction as precedence to curb further impunity Read the full article

#DrKennyOdugbemi

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hardynwa · 7 months

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INEC Blocking Inspection Imo Electection Materials Despite Court Order - Achonu

The Labour Party (LP) governorship candidate in Imo State, Senator Athan Achonu, has accused the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) of frustrating his legal team’s efforts at inspecting the Bimodal Voter Accreditation System (BVAS) and other electoral materials used for the election despite getting a court injunction. Addressing a news conference in Abuja on Wednesday, Achonu said the election that produced Senator Hope Uzodimma as Imo State governor, was marred by several electoral malpractices which the party is prepared to prove at the tribunal. He alleged that INEC is deliberately placing obstacles on the path of the Labour Party in order to prevent them from pursuing their case before the Imo State Governorship Election Petition Tribunal. “What is happening now as I speak is that we went to the court, and got an order to be allowed to inspect the BVAS. This is a governor who claimed won the election by a landslide. There has been no celebration in the entire Imo State,” he said. “Imo Sate looks like a graveyard. But (when) the judgment for Owerri municipal came out the other day (in favour of) the Labour Party candidate, Clinton Amadi, Owerri erupted into joy. The whole streets were almost closed. “Now I begin to wonder how a governor who INEC has declared has won an election. INEC has refused to let us inspect the BVAS. As we speak, lawyers and experts we hired at a huge cost of N30 million are there. We are not been allowed to inspect them in spite of the court order. What is INEC up to? I don’t understand what is going on in my country.” Achonu’s allegation comes a week after he led his supporters to protest at the national headquarters of INEC in Abuja over its failure to issue them the true certified copy of the just concluded poll result. The LP candidate who was accompanied by the National Youth Leader, Kennedy Ahanotu, had accused the electoral umpire of playing a double standard at the November 11 off-cycle election where Governor Hope Uzodimma of the All Progressives Congress was declared winner. While Uzodimma polled 540,308 votes, the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) candidate, Samuel Anyanwu polled scored 71,503 votes. Achonu came third with 64,081 votes. Both the PDP and LP candidates have since rejected the outcome of the election and have headed to court to claim what they insist is their mandate. Read the full article

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crimechannels · 8 months

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By • Olalekan Fagbade Police operatives on alert stop wild jubilations as Appeal Court removes another Governor The Plateau State Police Command has warned residents of the state to shun any wide jubilation or protest in reaction to the judgement of Appeal Court which invalidates the election of Governor Caleb Muftwang. It will be recalled that prior to the court hearing on Sunday, the command had earlier placed anti-riot policemen at strategic locations and flash points across the state capital. The Daily Trust reported that the policemen were placed on read alert to respond to any wild reactions from anyone in the state before, during and after the court hearing. In an unanimous decision in Abuja today, a three-member panel had held that the state governor was not validly sponsored by the PDP as provided by Section 285(2) of the Nigerian Constitution. But speaking on the decision of the state police command to prevent any wide reactions on the court judgment, a police officer anonymously said that: “We will remain on the street in the next one week. We are under instruction not to allow any jubilation or any protest. We are here to enforce peace at all cost. We are also on the street to give residents confidence to go about their normal businesses.” Police vans are seen stationed at the secretariat junction, Old airport Junction, First gate Dadinkowa, PRTV Roundabout in Rayfield, Bukuru, Area 1 junction in Rayfield, Bauchi road, Tudunwada, Angwa Rukuba and Faringada market. It was difficult for party loyalists to take to the street after the news of the judgement filtered into the city of Jos at about 3:30pm on Sunday.

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blogynews · 8 months

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"What Happens When PDP Leaders Are Silenced and Denied Their Right to Protest? Iltija Mufti Reveals Startling Revelations in Solidarity with Palestine"

The Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) has accused the administration of the Lieutenant-Governor (L-G) in Jammu & Kashmir of refusing permission for peaceful protests regarding civilian deaths in Palestine, as well as detaining party leaders. PDP leader Iltiha Mufti stated that party general secretaries Ghulam Nabi Hanjura and Mehboob Beg have been placed under house arrest, and many other leaders,…

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blogynewz · 8 months

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"What Happens When PDP Leaders Are Silenced and Denied Their Right to Protest? Iltija Mufti Reveals Startling Revelations in Solidarity with Palestine"

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blogynewsz · 8 months

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"What Happens When PDP Leaders Are Silenced and Denied Their Right to Protest? Iltija Mufti Reveals Startling Revelations in Solidarity with Palestine"

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comradefeed · 10 months

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The Governor of Cross River State, Bassey Otu On Thursday, President Bola Tinubu said he will address the nomination of a member of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), Asu Okang, to the board of the...

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thedailyexcelsior · 1 year

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Targeted Killing: PDP Holds Protest, Blames BJP For Security Failure

PDP Jammu unit today held protest against the killing of Udhampur youth in Anantnag by terrorist. PDP blamed BJP for security failure and accused BJP of telling false narrative that normalcy has returned to J&K.

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elcutiee · 1 year

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PDP PROTESTS IN RIVERS, DEMANDS FAIR TREATMENT FROM INEC

http://dlvr.it/Slvx1W

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mariacallous · 1 year

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Nigeria’s 1966 coup d’état ushered a group of young military men into power, where they remain today as kingmakers, wielding immense political influence.

In this circle of elites known as the Class of ‘66 is Nigeria’s outgoing President Muhammadu Buhari and the former military leader and later civilian president, Olusegun Obasanjo. The late Umaru Musa Yar’Adua, who was handpicked as Obasanjo’s successor, was the younger brother of an army officer turned vice president during the junta’s rule in the 1970s. Even Nigeria’s former civilian president, Goodluck Jonathan (the only president to have lasted just one term), was previously vice president to Yar’Adua.

Unprecedented young voter participation in this year’s presidential election aimed to break the two main parties’ 24-year monopoly (unbroken since democracy returned in 1999). Not only was a member of the Class of ‘66 not on the ballot, but neither was an incumbent, because Buhari has served his two-term limit. Around 40 percent of Nigerian voters are under the age of 35, and the vast majority of those voters cast their ballots for the Labour Party’s Peter Obi, who at 61 was the youngest of the top three contenders.

But in an election dogged by abysmal planning and fraud allegations, political “kingmaker” and ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party candidate Bola Ahmed Tinubu, who turns 71 later this month, emerged as the leader of a country with a median age of 18.

Tinubu’s exact age is contested; his critics suspect he is older. Few Nigerians wanted another leader in frail health (Tinubu once posted a video of himself riding an exercise bike as proof to Nigerians that he wasn’t dead) let alone a continuation of an APC leadership characterized by impunity for the massacre of children in its war with Boko Haram and of young people during protests against police abuse. His party’s terrible policy choices include blocking dollar access for food imports and a botched currency swap inflicting economic pain on households.

Tinubu may have won the top job on his first attempt, but his 37 percent share of votes is the lowest mandate of any democratically elected Nigerian president. Atiku Abubakar of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) got 29 percent while Obi took 25 percent.

The perception among some analysts is that voter suppression prevented a run-off.

At 29 percent, this was Nigeria’s lowest voter turnout in decades. Of the 93.4 million registered voters only 24.9 million voted, with incidents of thuggery and biometric machine failures preventing many Nigerians who had queued for hours from voting at all. “The bottlenecks around the elections enabled the emergence of a Tinubu win,” said Leena Koni Hoffmann-Atar, associate fellow of the Africa program at Chatham House think tank in London.

The hotly disputed 2007 election that brought Yar’Adua into power ignited calls for reform and ushered in the 2022 electoral act and use of new technology. In that election, Yar’Adua won more votes in key areas than there were voters. “It is very ironic that the first election after the passage of the act from this long period of election reform is one that has caused such injury to the public trust,” Hoffmann-Atar said.

In some states such as Lagos where Tinubu lost by a small margin, there are reports that vote tallies transmitted electronically at some polling stations were actually erroneously uploaded totals from northern states—suggesting, for example, that Obi had a larger than officially recorded win in Lagos.

International observers slammed election day’s chaotic exercise. A 40-person delegation led by Joyce Banda, the former president of Malawi, concluded that the secrecy around some ballot counts “created confusion and eroded voters’ trust in the process”; the EU criticized logistical failures that “challenged the right to vote.”

Tinubu is a divisive figure who has been labelled “corruption personified” by one Nigerian politician. Money laundering allegations trail him. (Despite denying tax fraud allegations, he settled a $41.8 million lawsuit out of court in August 2022.) But his supporters credit his term as governor with having greatly increased Lagos’s revenue generation through foreign investment and taxation; and point to his pro-democracy activism, which led to his exile under dictator Sani Abacha. Nigerian newspaper This Day editor Shaka Momodu cuttingly wrote that Tinubu’s “desire to be seen and called a democrat is only matched by the reality of his undemocratic tendencies.”

There are plenty of historical power structures and a divisive playbook underpinning Tinubu’s win. As a grandmaster of Nigerian political maneuvering and after decades behind the scenes financing or sabotaging political careers, Tinubu built himself powerful bases (alongside the erosion of the main opposition party’s strongholds) to win the vote.

He utilized regional and religious alliances like many Nigerian politicians before him. Outside of Lagos, in key southwestern cities such as Abeokuta and Ibadan, his campaign posters adopted a distinct phrase, “Awa Lokan,” meaning “It’s our turn”—merging his win with that of the Yoruba nation. In these cities, Foreign Policy witnessed his supporters calling out “Asiwaju”—his Yoruba title, meaning leader.

Tinubu also spent much of his time networking northern governors on a controversial Muslim-Muslim ticket alongside Kashim Shettima, a former governor of northeastern Borno State. He also claimed responsibility for Buhari’s presidency. “I am a talent hunter,” he once boasted. “I put talents in office.”

Opposition parties have ongoing litigation against Tinubu’s victory. PDP’s Abubakar—another political godfather—called it “a rape of democracy.”

The opposition parties are also blaming each other. Obi claims he won the election and will prove it. Abubakar, his former running mate turned rival, suggests Obi simply split PDP votes. Obi ditched the PDP last year when it became clear he wouldn’t be its presidential candidate, having been Abubakar’s running mate in 2019.

“There is a fact that he took our votes from the southeast and south-south and that of course would not make him a president,” Abubakar said. “You all know that to be a president of this country you need votes from everywhere.” Here he referred to Obi’s poor results in the north, outside of Christian areas, where he polled between zero and 10 percent. To win outright, a candidate needs the most votes and a geographical spread of 25 percent of votes cast in two thirds of all states and the capital territory. Northern Nigeria, which has 19 of Nigeria’s 36 states, thus determines elections.

Obi was dismissed as a “social media president“ but managed to outpoll the ruling APC in Nigeria’s federal capital Abuja and commercial powerhouse Lagos. The success was aided by young, digitally savvy Nigerians frustrated that the two main parties’ grip on power has failed to make their lives better or lift out of poverty the multidimensionally poor, which constitute over 60 percent of the population.

They wanted a president with a cleaner record, even if Obi is not entirely unblemished. (He was named in the Pandora Papers, a dossier of global leaders hiding offshore wealth.) “In Peter Obi, there was hope that Nigeria could change,” Edna Ugochinyere, a 24-year-old student in Lagos, told Foreign Policy.

Obi’s popularity is historic. Nigeria has never had an Igbo candidate come so close to the presidential seat since the civil war, when Gen. Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, an Igbo, seized power in January 1966 and lasted just six months in office before being overthrown by Hausa army officers in an event that culminated in the bloody Biafran War.

Until today, the inner circle of the Class of ‘66, from Gen. Yakubu Gowon to Abacha, have controlled Nigeria. Their terms in office have been characterized by unaccountability and entrenched corruption that have proved difficult to shake. As Michael Ogbeidi, a professor of history and strategic studies at the University of Lagos, noted, “The sixteen unbroken years of the military era from the fall of the Second Republic in 1983 and the restoration of democracy in 1999 represents an era in the history of the country when corruption was practically institutionalized as the foundation and essence of governance.”

When Buhari first seized power in 1983, his short-lived regime was notorious for having jailed some 500 corrupt politicians and businessmen. But under his current eight-year civilian tenure, Nigerians have become less safe and income per capita has fallen.

Tinubu inherits his party’s legacy. Nigeria’s youth unemployment rate is 42.5 percent, impacting 21.72 million people, which is more than the entire population of Senegal and about 70 percent of Ghana’s population. Islamist insurgencies have spread beyond the northeast. Nigerians are under threat from kidnappers, communal clashes, and various secessionists.

Almost half of Nigerians lack electricity. Total debt stock has increased six-fold to around 77 trillion naira ($167 billion), or 40 percent of GDP. Buhari controversially added an extra $50 billion in government overdrafts to state debt.

Unsurprisingly, between 50 percent and 70 percent of Nigerians want to leave the country. One Afrobarometer survey suggests 89 percent of Nigerians believe the country is heading in the wrong direction.

Many worry a disputed election in Nigeria could be consequential for other elections across the continent. Social media misinformation is circulating now, including that U.S. president Joe Biden has called for results to be cancelled.

Prior to the election, analysts had warned of disputes if the process was not seen as transparent. “In a very divisive election cycle like this—one of the ways to manage division is to ensure that every policy is seen to be fair and believed to be fair, that there is uniformity of process and national compliance to the legal framework on election,” said Cynthia Mbamalu, director of programs at Abuja-based Yiaga Africa, a non-partisan group promoting fair elections in Nigeria. “With the economic hardship we have a lot of people that are angry. There are a lot of angry Nigerians.”

The nation’s political landscape is perhaps irreversibly fragmenting as young voters grasp the immense staying power of so-called kingmakers—elite politicians born decades before them.

The flip side is data collated by citizens and at polls will be scrutinized over many months. “An election that was not as transparent as people were expecting it to be will maybe even become one of the most transparent elections, ironically, Nigeria has ever had,” Hoffmann-Atar said. “Young people are going to learn how to engage with politics outside of election day and how that is very crucial to winning on the day …. They are going to learn how Nigeria’s politics disenfranchises them.”

Ultimately, the fact that a third party even managed to challenge Nigeria’s two-party system is a significant albeit small democratic success.

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