#OAU organization of among us

[shittypantsblocklist]

ATTENTION!!!

It has come to my attention that many Tumblr users have SHAT their pants. This is very problematic behavior that violates peoples boundaries and mimics the behavior of infants, which is VERY PEDOPHILIC!!!! Please use this blocklist to root out people who have been #calledout for SHIDDING AND FARDING!!!!

!!!! Names marked in red are mega farters/epic tooters/pro bitching/shitty cunts !!!!

Remember, don't harass uwu

@radqueer-blocklist

[rasackyousof]

KACAAN | There was no choice.

Half a century ago, on 21st October, 1969, following the death of former Somali president, the Somali National Army took over power filling a political and institutional vacuum brought about by internal turmoil, incompetence and a corrupt government.

The October revolution was the beginning of a new era, which many consider the golden age of the modern Somali nation, the end of which was, nevertheless, disastrous.

The Mastermind

The October revolution (better known as The KACAAN) was engineered and led by Major General Mohamed Siad Barre.

Barre was born in Shiilaabo, in what is now the Somali State of Ethopia, in about 1910. S. Barre travelled to Lugh and Mogadishu in the then Somalia Italiana for what formal schooling he had and later joined the Corpo Zaptie, Polizia Africana Italiana.

After British Commonwealth forces overran the Italian colony early in 1941, S. Barre went on a course run by the King's African Rifles at Kabetti, in Kenya, and thereafter was employed in the special branch of the British Colonial Police, which took control of the Corpo Zaptie. This experience was his introduction to political intrigue, at which he proved adept. He rose to the highest rank then possible for an indigenous Somali.

In 1949, when Italy was granted United Nations Trusteeship over Somalia to prepare for independence after 10 years, S. Barre was awarded a two-year scholarship to the Carabinieri Police College in Italy, and thereafter he attended courses in politics and administration in Mogadishu. He was the first Somali to be commissioned as a full police officer.

When Somalia's own police force was formed, S. Barre had won accelerated promotion to the rank of Brigadier-General of Police. Barre opted for the Somali National Army on its formation in April 1960. He was one of its deputy commanders and was promoted to succeed the Commander-in-Chief when the latter died in 1965.

The Revolution

On 15 October 1969, Somalia's second president, H.E. Abdirashid Ali Sharmake, was assassinated in the town of Las-Anod in northern Somalia by a policeman whilst touring a drought-stricken area.

In a stark breach of the constitution of the newly founded State, several members of the parliament recommended that a candidate belonging to the same sub-clan as the assassinated president should inherit the post. It was agreed that Haji Muse Boqor, a Mogadishu businessman and close relative of the late president, be elected. As a result of the rampant corruption and vote-buying culture prevalent at the time, a bidding war was initiated where corrupt candidates were bidding on the price of the presidency. Not surprisingly, Haji Muse Bogor was leading the group (with a payment approximated at £4,000, according to some). A deal was struck and the parliament was set to vote for the fixed candidate in exchange for promised bribe, promising a continuation of the status quo.

The days following the assassination of the president were a clear demonstration of incompetence and a total chaos, diminishing the support and the trust the public had in the venal government. The ineptitude and endemic corruption practices not only aggravated the majority of the Somali population but the armed forces as well. It became clear that the nation was in a dire need of salvation.

In the early morning of 21 October 1969, the date which was set for the parliament to convene and present the presidency to the agreed candidate, Haji Muse Boqor, Somalia’s military intervened and seized all the strategic points in the capital and the main streets, immediately arresting all the members of parliament, several politicians linked to tribal chiefs or foreign interests and the lobbyists.

On 24 October, in a broadcasted speech, General S. Barre explained the reason behind the take-over:

"I would like to state clearly the reason for the take-over of the country by Armed Forces. I want our people to know that everything is going on as usual and that no problems have arisen as a result of the Revolution. The entire country is in the hands of the National Army and the Police Force. Intervention by Armed Forces was inevitable. It was no longer possible to ignore the evil things like corruption, bribery, nepotism, theft of public funds, injustice and disrespect to our religion and the laws of the country. The laws were thrust aside and people did whatever they wanted. No group or family can live happily if they do not respect their laws and regulations. There will be no development or any sort of progress for a nation if the laws of the country are forgotten. The corruption has culminated in the assassination of prominent leaders of the country. Somalia was on the point of collapse, not economically and politically alone, but disaster threatened historically and nationally as well. If we look back on recent events in the country, we will see how a peaceful land was changing to violence. Abdirashid Ali Sharmarke, the late president, was assassinated by a simple soldier who did not know him and who had no quarrel with him. We will not give a chance to wrong doers and law breakers.

We will abolish bribery, nepotism and tribalism. Tribalism was the only way in which foreigners got their chance of dividing our people. We will close all roads used by colonialists to enter our country and into our affairs. We will build up a great Somali nation, strongly united and welded together to live in peace. We will make sure the people respect the Islamic religion, if necessary, by all the force and strength we have. We will make Somalia a respected country in its internal and external policies. I would like to ask all Somalis to come out and build their nation, a strong nation, to use all their efforts, energy, wealth and brains in developing their country. At all costs avoid begging. The Imperialists, who always want to see people in hunger, disease and ignorance, will oppose us in order that we may beg them. They will spread many types of lies to try to misinterpret our noble aims and objectives.

They will try to persuade the world, and even other African states, to believe their lies. Apart from these lies, they will call us many evil names. They are, at present, collecting arms, money and many other necessary things for them to work against us. We are very happy and thankful to see the unity of the Armed Forces and the Somali population. The nation has given us true support for which we are very grateful. Nothing will harm us if we go on supporting each other for the sake of our country and nation. Lets us join hands in crushing the enemy of our land." - Barre, 1969

Notable Achievements

The Supreme Revolutionary Council established large-scale public works programs and successfully implemented an urban and rural literacy campaign, which helped dramatically increase the literacy rate. In addition to a nationalization program of industry and land, the new regime's foreign policy placed an emphasis on Somalia's traditional and religious links with the Arab world, eventually joining the Arab League (AL) in 1974. That same year, General Barre also served as chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the predecessor of the African Union (AU).

One of the principal objectives of the revolutionary regime was the adoption of a standard national writing system. Shortly after coming to power, Barre introduced the Somali language (Af Soomaali) as the official language of education, and selected the modified Latin script developed by the Somali linguist Shire Jama Ahmed as the nation's standard orthography. In 1972, all government employees were ordered to learn to read and write Somali within six months. The reason given for this was to decrease a growing rift between those who spoke the colonial languages, and those who didn't.

The Downfall

Part of Barre's time in power was characterized by oppressive dictatorial rule, including persecution, jailing and torture of political opponents and dissidents.

By the mid-1980s, more resistance movements supported by Ethiopia's communist Derg administration had sprung up across the country. Barre responded by ordering punitive measures against the clans he perceived as locally supporting the guerillas, especially in the northern regions. The clampdown included bombing of cities, with the northwestern administrative center of Hargeisa, a Somali National Movement (SNM) stronghold, among the targeted areas in 1988. The bombardment was led by General Mohammed Said Hersi Morgan, Barre's son-in-law, and resulted in the deaths of many civillians in the north.

Other Ethiopian-backed rebels who fought Barre's regime include; SSDF, USC and SPM, all of which were clan-based rebellion.

Eventually, the rebels, who lacked a shared post-Barre vision for the country, succeeded in ousting Barre and forced him out of the capital, throwing the country into chaos and civil war.

Barre's regime came to an end on 26th January, 1991.

My Note

Even though the Somali people have grown widely apart and portions of our history may be considered as contentious, and sometimes polarising, we should preserve every bit of our history, celebrate the positive, learn from the negative and use it to build a better future for the generations to come.

[diallokenyatta]

White people may not speak on it publicly but they have a unspoken global Pan European Union which includes their settler colonies. Has a Pan African Union ever been established throughout history? And if not how important do you feel it is that we make it a material reality?

White people do speak on it, Whites just can’t call their Pan-Euro, or Pan-White organizations “White,” because they have so corrupted the term “White,” that they have to use other terminology.

Instead of White Nationalism, mainstream Whites say “Patriotism.”Instead of Pan-Europeanism Whites say “Globalism,” or “Globalization.”Instead of White Unity, or White Power, mainstream Whites say “Western Culture,” or “Western Civilization.”And so on.

Whites have had Pan-Europeanism since 1452. When the Pope issued the “Dum Diversas,” which commanded White nations to divided up the world, respect each other's holdings in the New World, and allow them to reduce all the people of the New World to servitude. Since 1492 Europe developed an Ideology of White Supremacy and Global Conquest and the White nations have all sought to sustain this basic tenet, even though they’ve had internal conflicts on how to implement White Domination, including WWI and WWII, they have never departed from their fundamental unifying Pan-European Ideology and Mission, and there is no sign they will ever abandon this mentality and mission. 

Pan-Africanism has been advocated, proposed, and implemented since the anti-Colonial Era, it was first the Organization of African Unity.  It was founded by Kwame Nkrumah as a truly Pan-African organization, but after Nkrumah was ousted in a CIA Coup they OAU became a neocolonial body.The OAU was revamped and named the African Union, but it was also dominated by Arab Colonizers and Neocolonial Leaders. They were set up to sustain the Statu Quo in African not to fully liberate Africa or even Unite African Nations politically, economically, or militarily. Gaddafi was the founder of the revamped leader of the AU, but he was erratic and inconsistent, he would go from an oppositional stance on the Colonizing Nations to Oppositional; when he finally settled on a more Revolutionary stance against the West he was overthrown Assassinated by the Obama Administration.  None of the AU nations came to Lybias aid; which demonstrated the AU was just a club, not a true Pan-African Organization.Right now the AU is ran by a Genocidal Race-Traitor and willing puppet of the US; Paul Kagame, who is one of the key drivers in sustaining the genocidal conflict in the Congo. It’s a fucking disgrace.So; there’s no Pan-African Union that is worth our support at this moment. 

I think a true Pan-African Union has to be...

1. Founded by a Grassroots Revolutionary Pan-African Movement, from the bottom up. There are not African Heads of State that I would trust to build a true African Union at this Moment.  As the EFF in South African comes to power that position may change.2. It would have to fully incorporate the Global African Diaspora, and we need a formal African Diasporan Union and Delegation. African can’t oppose Globalized White Oppression with national or even conventional organizations, the opposition must be global as well. 

3. The New African Union must be not just Pan-African, but Revolutionary Pan-African; it’s not enough to implement good governance and cooperation among Africans, it must be in principled, operational, and material opposition to Capitalism, White Dominion, Imperialism, and Ecocide. Africa needs to unite to Fight the West, the East, and internal Enemies, it must be prepared for War, not just Governance. Black in the US and the rest of the Diaspora don’t have to wait on African, we can begin this work within the Diaspora, we must. African World Revolution is the only way forward. 

www.diallokenyatta.comwww.patreon.com/diallokenyatta#BroDiallo

[thisdaynews]

BIAFRA: CASE OF REFERENDUM AND THE PROCEDURES- ERITREA AS A CASE STUDY.

New Post has been published on https://thebiafrastar.com/biafra-case-of-referendum-and-the-procedures-eritrea-as-a-case-study/

BIAFRA: CASE OF REFERENDUM AND THE PROCEDURES- ERITREA AS A CASE STUDY.

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In mid-1991, the lengthy divergence among Eritrea and Ethiopia came to a close. The military of the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) entered and liberated the capital of Asmara, dealing absolute blow to the biggest standing army in Africa. On 27 May 1991, the Provisional Government of Eritrea (PGE) was formed and announced its intention to hold a referendum on Eritrean independence within two years. The next day, Ethiopian movements liberated Addis Ababa and unseated the ruthless regime of Mengistu Haile Mariam. The simultaneous victories of the Eritrean and Ethiopian people’s allowed for the diplomatic resolution of the Eritrean problem after three decades of war and subjugation.

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The Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF) convened a conference in Addis Ababa attended by 28 other Ethiopian parties and organizations. The participants voted to endorse Ethiopia’s National Charter which, among other provisions, accepted the right of the Eritrean people to self-determination. They outlined the support of the new Transitional Government of Ethiopia (TGE) for the internationally-supervised referendum decided upon by the Provisional Government of Eritrea (PGE).

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On 7 April 1993, the PGE issued Proclamation on the Eritrean Referendum. The decree provided for an internationally-observed, free and fair referendum. It allowed “the people of Eritrea to freely and democratically decide whether or not they wished to become independent and thus conclusively determine Eritrea’s status in the international community. ” The question on the ballot would be “Do you want Eritrea to be an independent and sovereign country?” with the choices being “yes” or “no.” The Referendum Proclamation specified that every Eritrean had the right to freely express his/her views on the issue. Eritreans and Eritrean associations in Eritrea opposing Eritrean independence were guaranteed the opportunity to express their views through meetings or the media.

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Registration was based on the provisions of the Eritrean Nationality Proclamation. Eritrean nationality was granted on the basis of several distinct qualifications. Any person born to a father or mother of Eritrean origin, in Eritrea or abroad, was entitled to citizenship. Special provisions were made for the many Eritreans of the Diaspora who, due to conditions of war in the country, possessed foreign nationalities. Provisions were also made for nationality by naturalization before and after 1952 (the onset of the federation period) and for nationality on the basis of adoption or marriage. The progressive nationality proclamation sought to provide eligibility in the broadest possible manner.

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The organization of the referendum process represented an enormous task. This was undertaken by an independent Referendum Commission. After the identification of Eritrean citizens eligible to participate in the referendum process, the Referendum Commission began registering voters. The registration process involved extensive work not only in the urban and rural areas of Eritrea, but also in all countries where Eritreans reside abroad. The Referendum Commission appointed special representatives to act on its behalf abroad.

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The final week of April 1993 marked the end of an era for the Eritrean people and with it the dawn of a new age. For close to fifty years, they had struggled tirelessly to achieve the fundamental right to determine their own destiny. Having won the right to define their status and chart their future, they voted with a single voice for independence in a referendum held from 23 -25 April 1993. The people of Eritrea have forever altered the course of Eritrean history and launched a new phase in the struggle for democracy, equality and freedom.

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On 27 April 1993, the independent Eritrean Referendum Commission, the United Nations Observer Mission for the Eritrean Referendum (UNOVER), the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the Arab League, the Non-Aligned Movement, the National Citizens Monitoring Group and a host of individual observers issued their preliminary results following the three day vote on Eritrea’s future. These organizations fielded over 500 independent observers. They were unanimous in their conclusion that the referendum had been free and fair.

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The head of the UNOVER mission, Mr. Samir Sanbar, announced UNOVER’s findings on 27 April. In his world he said, “On the basis of the evaluation performed by UNOVER, I have the honour, in my capacity as Special Representative of the Secretary- General, to certify that on the whole, the referendum process in Eritrea can be considered to have been free and fair at every stage, and that it has been conducted to my satisfaction.” In the words of the Provisional Government of Eritrea (PGE) Secretary General, Issaias Afwerki, the referendum was “a delightful and sacrosanct historical conclusion to the choice of the Eritrean people. And although it has been decided that formal independence will be declared on 24 May 1993, Eritrea is a sovereign country as of today.” (27 April 1993) Independent Eritrea was immediately recognized by several countries.

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May 4, 1993, is the date of the official independence proclamation of Eritrea. Then, the national aspirations of the Eritrean people, demonstrated by their long struggle, commitment and sacrifice, finally became a reality. May 24 stands as the most significant of days in Eritrean history. It is also the date of the end of the war and the liberation of Eritrea. For generations to come, May 24 will mark a turning point in the lives of Eritrea’s people. On this day, they won the ultimate reward for their struggle and sacrifice for freedom. This is the procedure and manner of referendum the indigenous people of Biafra are pursuing. IPOB is saying and advocating that everybody will be allowed to air his/her opinion through a democratic process in the most credible and fair procedure. Having remained resolute in the face of brutalization, killings, forceful disappearance and unwanton arrest and detention of Biafrans since the Biafra genocide ended in 1967.

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The quest for Biafrans sovereignty is almost at the final stage, following many successful rallies, peaceful protests and civil disobedience and most decisively the undaunted resolve of the indigenous people of Biafra to boycott 2019 Nigeria elections which will send a strong signal to the relevant international organisations that Biafrans are not ready to remain in the contraption called Nigeria. Biafrans should remain resilient and focused, the case of Eritrea and Ethiopia shows that Biafra will surely emerge as an independent entity in the comity of nations. IPOB is the right track to Biafra referendum. Let us buckle up our belt and know that the journey of freedom is not cheap.

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#SupportBiafraReferendum #BoycottNigeriaElection, 2019

[toldnews-blog]

New Post has been published on https://toldnews.com/world/selassie-to-get-statue-at-african-union/

Selassie to get statue at African Union

Image caption Haile Selassie was Ethiopia’s last emperor

A statue of Ethiopia’s last emperor is to be unveiled outside the African Union’s headquarters in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.

The likeness of Haile Selassie is being given pride of place outside the $200m (£154m) building in recognition for his role in establishing its predecessor, the Organization of African Unity (OAU).

But that might not be the first thing that springs to mind on hearing the name Haile Selassie. The name is perhaps more easily connected with Jamaican singer Bob Marley and Rastafarians.

So who exactly is Haile Selassie, and how did he come to be worshipped as a god by people living thousands of miles away?

First things first: why is he getting a statue?

Haile Selassie was more than 30 years into his reign when he helped establish the OAU. Its first meeting, in May 1963, was held in Addis Ababa.

Ethiopia – which has never been colonised although it was subjected to a five-year military occupation by Mussolini’s Italy – had served as a symbol of African independence throughout the colonial period.

Now other countries were finally gaining independence, and this was a chance to bring nations together to fight against colonisation and white minority rule while also co-ordinating efforts to raise living standards and defend their sovereignty.

“May this convention of union last 1,000 years,” Selassie, who spent a year preparing the city for the meeting, told the gathered delegates.

As it happened, the OAU ceased to exist in its original form in 2002, replaced by the African Union (AU).

But his role in establishing the union has not been forgotten, and the statue is a way for the AU to recognise Selassie’s contribution.

So, how exactly did he come to be seen as a god?

It all comes down to his coronation in 1930, and a “prophecy” made by a Jamaican black rights campaigner, Marcus Garvey, a decade earlier.

Garvey had told his followers in 1920 they should “look to Africa, when a black king shall be crowned, for the day of deliverance is at hand”.

Image copyright AFP

Image caption Rastafarians believe Haile Selassie was the messiah

So, when a black man called Ras Tafari was crowned in Ethiopia, many saw that as a sign the prophecy had come true.

In East Africa, Ras Tafari (“chief” Tafari) became Haile Selassie (“power of the trinity”). Almost 8,000 miles away in the West Indies, Haile Selassie became God (or Jah) incarnate – the redeeming messiah – and Ethiopia, the promised land.

In short, the Rastafari movement was born.

Did Selassie believe it himself? Well, he certainly didn’t try to dispel the belief when he visited Jamaica in 1966. The emperor was greeted by thousands, desperate to get a glimpse of their god. Among the devotees was the wife of a young Reggae musician, Bob Marley, who was away in the US.

Rita Marley would later describe how she saw nail marks on Selassie’s palm as he waved at her. It was a moment of religious awakening, and when her husband returned, they embraced the belief.

Three years earlier, Rastafarians had begun to move to Ethiopia and a piece of land Selassie had put aside for black people from the West in 1948. After the visit, the numbers grew larger. Today, the community numbers about 300 people.

But followers were presented with a conundrum after Selassie died in 1975, a year after he was deposed in a Marxist revolution. After all, gods cannot die.

This was resolved after it was argued Selassie’s body was just his earthly body.

Also, it should be noted, Garvey was never a believer. In fact, he was a critic of Selassie.

What was he really like?

Opinion is still split over whether Selassie was good for Ethiopia or not.

A Human Rights Watch report accuses him of acting with “official indifference” to famines in various regions of the country and attempting to conceal the famine of 1972-72, in which an estimated 200,000 people died.

He is also known to have violently cracked down on people who opposed him during his reign.

Image copyright AFP

Image caption Selassi’s statue joins that of Ghana’s President Kwame Nkrumah, another AU founder

Marcus Garvey was unimpressed after he fled Ethiopia in 1936 following the invasion of Benito Mussolini’s troops a year earlier, describing Selassie as a “coward” and calling him out for “the terrors of slavery”. The practice was not outlawed in Ethiopia until 1942.

Academic Dr Yohannes Woldemariam has gone as far as to argue that Selassie should be remembered as a dictator. Indeed, he created a constitution which placed all the power in his hands and those of his descendents.

But his supporters argue he was a great leader and moderniser, who was one of the first African leaders to become a figure on the global stage.

His appeal to the League of Nations after his country was invaded is still remembered today – not least because it forms the basis of Bob Marley’s 1976 song, War.

What’s more, he was not made emperor through a chance of birth. Although born into a noble family in 1892, he was only named leader after impressing Menelik III with his intelligence.

And – as the AU’s statue to him reminds people – he was a great advocate for pan-African cooperation, leaving a lasting legacy that continues to have an effect on millions of people across the continent today.

[technicalschoolsnearme25]

Instructive Leadership in the 21st Century

Instructive Leadership in the 21st Century

Instruction assumes a special part appropriate from the introduction of mankind in its ahead adventure. Out of sight of the rising worldwide nation of 21st century, training has exceptionally difficult parts to play. The 'worldwide family' turns into a nearby - weave network, limiting and wiping out geographic, ethnic, etymological, social, financial and every single other hindrance and the part of training needs to experience an obvious change. At this time of remaking and rethinking, the specific idea of instruction must be remade, re-imagined and adjusted absorbing the great components of the past and disposing of the terrible ones. Indeed, the fundamental idea of training stays flawless in its central goal however instructional method and strategy must be looked into. That is the thing that T.S Eliot stated, "It is in actuality a piece of the capacity of training to enable us to get away, not from our own particular time - for we are bound by that - yet from the scholarly and passionate impediments of our time."The instructive administration in this century is enriched with the respectable part of dealing with these adjustments in a successful and suitable way.

The most imperative test of instruction is to keep pace with the information society. The learning and data advance, create and are gained at a disturbing rate. The instructive authority needs to enable the establishment to include the detonating development of information for fear that it would stay out of date. This underscores the training being mechanically state-of-the-art and logically investigating. This change in perspective is because of the goliath jumps in correspondence and data innovation that can be controlled as an advantage instead of a test. Along these lines, the genuine worry in instruction today lies in the compelling administration of this intricate marvel. Consequently, the academicians should be progressively ultra paced in the instructive procedure.

The most elevated edge of rivalry is the charm of 21st century. This mission for magnificence organizes the requirement for intensity in all fields. The tranquil information granted through traditional strategies may leave the vital and the operator in the training a  Car dealerships in houston long ways behind the indications of the time. The result of a place of graduation should be furnished with the best to confront the world in front of it. Except if the establishment prevails in this respectable mission, it will simply be included as only one among the others in the rundown of the purported a huge number of schools. Consequently, driving advancement in instruction guaranteeing uncompromising quality in the minutest of subtle elements and in the meantime being viable, the instructive authority makes a foundation a pace-setting one.

A viable training is life instruction. Propelling one's information and soaking up fitness wind up advantageous just when it adds to the passionate knowledge and personal satisfaction of the person. John Dewey characterizes," Education isn't readiness forever; instruction is life itself". 21st century has the greatest turmoil in its qualities and needs. Alongside accomplishing proficient development throughout everyday life, the general improvement of the individual needs an uncommon pressure. Training ought to prepare a person to re-characterize and re-find the way of life and qualities for oneself. How an individual takes choices best shapewear and allocates needs rely upon how well the instruction has extended his/her points of view. To devote oneself to the administration of the country and his/her fellowmen, one should be fortified by the nature of instruction he/she gets. The inquiry is whether the cutting edge training drives a student forward along a way where he is advanced scholastically, socially, inwardly, physically and profoundly or not. "The principle part of scholarly instruction isn't the securing of realities yet figuring out how to make actualities live." - Oliver Wendell Holmes

The instruction is a dream, mission and an energy. The field of training in this manner needs visionaries, ministers and individuals with get-up-and-go and enthusiasm. With regards to Indian instructive situation, a nation with human capital as the best quality finds, in the meantime, its immensely developing populace as one of the obstacles in its way to more noteworthy statures. Benjamin Distraeli states, 'in the instruction of the general population of this nation, the destiny of this nation depends'. Furnished the populace ends up outfitted with quality Maternity Shapewear abilities and instruction, the nation will have a solid edge over alternate countries in the developing scene. Particularly for India, its future lies in how the youthful ages deliver great changes in every one of the domains of political, financial, social, profound et cetera. As the training molds the ages, so will be the eventual fate of the general public. To finish up, G.K Chestertson properly stated, "Training is basically the spirit of a general public as it goes starting with one age then onto the next".

Falling Standard Of Education In Nigeria: Who Is To Be Blame?

Presentation

The idea " falling standard of Education" is a relative term on the grounds that there is no very much characterized instruments to gauge it with most extreme unwavering quality and legitimacy. That is the reason researchers' perspectives on the idea fluctuates. These researchers see it at alternate points of view, contingent upon the edge every one of them is taking a gander at it.

Babalola, A (2006) sees the idea from affirmation of Nigerian University items in created nations colleges. That the initial six Nigerian Universities (University of Ibadan, Ile Ife, Lagos, Benin, Nsukka and Zaria) had their items contending positively with some other washer dryer clearance University on the planet as their items were looked for by University of Harvard, Cambridge, Oxford and London for entrance into their post-graduate appliances houston courses. That these understudies record breaking exhibitions and when they graduate are utilized by the best multi-national organizations and corporate bodies internationally dissimilar to today where no Nigerian University is among the main 6,000 Universities of the world (Adeniyi, Bello (2008) in Why no stress over rankings). He sees standard from how colleges add to learning and taking care of issues plaguing humankind.

As indicated by Gateway to the Nation (2010), University of Ibadan is positioned 6,340th University on the planet. In Africa, University of Ibadan is positioned 57th, OAU 69th and South African Universities are driving the route in Africa.

He likewise utilize composed and communicated in English as a measuring stick for estimating standard of instruction which University of London directed an exploration in West Africa and the outcome demonstrated that educators prepared by car dealerships in houston frontier experts were preferred of over those prepared by indigenous instructors.

He likewise utilized staffing, financing, establishment, birthplace and understudies as standard of instruction.

Standard of training to Dike, V. (2003) is the means by which training add to the general wellbeing (or sociopolitical and financial improvement of a Nation).

Standard of training to either passing or coming up short of outer examinations like WAEC, NECO, NABTEB, JAMB,(NOW UTME) among others.

Educators without Boarders (2006) takes a gander at instructive standard from how the results of schools can be estimated regarding result. That is the manner by which school leavers add to the general public regarding psychological full of feeling and psychomotor. I will utilize understudies to allude to the two understudies and students, I will utilize go to allude to both important and superintendent.

Which ever way you luxury cars houston may see standard of instruction, for you to finish up whether the standard is falling or not, you should think about all the previously mentioned factors including accomplishing instructive objectives.

Similarly, for equity to be done while estimating these benchmarks one needs to take a gander at dependability where every one of the schools to be estimated must have a similar foundation, showing materials, nature of educators, level and level of students, condition inside which learning happens, a few techniques for appraisal and a few sorts of commitment to the general public among others.

Reasons for FALLING STANDARDS

Safe house talked about Houston SEO Expert  what makes up standard in training, may I hunger for your liberality to a portion of the set up realities that constitute falling standard of instruction in Nigeria.

(1) Discipline: This is one of the extraordinary properties of training when it is appropriately watched.

a. Rehashing: school never again watch rehashing as each understudy is elevated to the following class whether they comprehend or not gives space for falling standard.

b. Participation: The 75% of participation all around acknowledged as the bases for somebody to sit for examination is never again watched.

c. Late coming: Student that come late are never again rebuffed, which prompts their losing morning classes.

d. Trouble making: Students are never again rebuffed for bad conduct as a result of their parental impacts (lost of employments or superfluous exchange).

e. Cultism: This could allude SEO Company Toronto to customs, more often than not under vow restricting the individuals to a typical course. They work secretly in satisfaction of their targets to the impediment of other individuals. Hence, arranging auxiliary needs above essential needs.

These factions exist due to over populace of understudies in schools, wrong confirmations not founded on merits, consequently dread of examination disappointments and narrow minded common increases.

(2) Quest for paper capability: Nigerians regard paper capability above execution in the fields. Subsequently, psychological, full of feeling and psychomotor spaces should be estimated on the field.

(3) Politicizing training: Merit is never again viewed as it is currently " who you know" and not "what you can convey" Technocrats (educationists are not named Commissioner of instruction and training board).

(4) Policy issue: Sometimes the kind what career is right for me of arrangements government make on training unfavorably influences yield. For example, in College of Education, we have National Commission for Colleges of Education (NCCE), contending with JAMB for affirmation as the two rules change.

Similarly, WAEC, NECO, NABTEB, JAMB ( now UTME) rival qualifying pre-essentials and direction of passages into tertiary foundations.

(5) Teachers not being a piece of the examination bodies. One marvels whether the consistent Assessment put together by these instructors are utilized or not.

(6) Accessibility of Schools: The Nigerian populace blast has dwarfed the current schools as the current schools need to over concede.

This point can be for all intents and purposes found in the accompanying regions:

(I) Teacher/Student proportion of 1:25 is no longer there as in my class, it is 1:3900.

(ii) Students/books/Journals proportion of 1:10 is not any more achievable.

(iii) Politics of affirmation: Schools can never again set focuses for admission to accommodate with their offices as ground-breaking notes from above will drive the school specialists to either finished concede or end up in the work advertise again. However it is those that are giving these notes are assume to assemble more schools or give required business analyst certification framework and so forth to suit those gathering these notes.

(7) Over-reliant on psychological area: Schools don't offer respects to full of feeling space that will shape characters of our young ones. Little consideration is given to psychomotor while no consideration is given to emotional area.

(8) Shortage of qualified early childhood development instructors: Some schools in the rustic territories just have the director as government worker while the rest that might be optional school drop outs are PTA staff. What marvel can these staff perform? Embankment, V. (2006) watched that lone 23% out of the then 400,000 elementary schools in Nigeria have review II notwithstanding when NCE is presently the base capability for instructors at essential and Junior Secondary schools.

(9) Teachers welfare: It is not any more news that

(a) Politicians don't have arrangement board to arrange their pay increment.

(b) There is no divergence among political office holders from the elected, state and nearby governments.

(c) Their compensations are expanded at galactic way.

(d) Their compensations are expanded whenever without plan of action to whether the country's economy can manage it or not.

(e) But for educators, they  technical schools near me should arrange the 10 to 20% of an endeavor to build their pay with thought of the economy of the country. By what means can these instructors contribute and perform supernatural occurrence when their relatives are in the clinics and the O.S. disorder is composed on their cards by drug specialists while they don't have cash to treat.

(10) Constant Strikes: This is a hindrance to smooth covering of syllabus. Oefule (2009) clarified that one Nigerian visitor made an inquiry on strike at Oxford University people group however the bad habit chancellor couldn't considerably recall about strike, just the enlistment center recollected that it for a long time back. This is the thing that administration intends to the general population.

(11) Long control of  A+ certification training the military; Education was not legitimately subsidized by the military administrations as per Babalola, A(2006) Obasanjos organization acquired numerous left finished issues of the military, for example, non-installment of annuities and tips of resigned University staff, poor compensation of college staff, dilapidating structures of schools, libraries with obsolete books, outdated lab supplies, awful grounds streets, insufficient water and power supply among others.

(12) In the auxiliary and elementary schools levels, schools don't have structures talk less` of furniture's, supplies and perusing materials. This is where the establishment of instruction ought to be laid. Any broken establishment will prompt flawed structures. What do you anticipate from the tertiary level?

(13) Lack of preparing of instructors: Teachers are not prepared to refresh their insight with most recent disclosures in view of research, at that point how might they give what they don't have?

(14) Poor territory of Educational showing offices: Dike V. (2006) revealed that examination result demonstrates that more plus size shapewear than 2015 elementary schools in Nigeria don't have assembling however consider under trees, talk less of instructing materials.

(15) Corruption: pioneers of the schools and some Government authorities either scheme to purchase supplies with advance cash that can't be of any utilization to the school or take such credits and don't do anything with it.

(16) Poor budgetary distribution to training: An exploration work of 2001 demonstrates that Nigeria just, dispense under 20% to instruction it additionally uncovers that Nigeria burns through 0.76% to instruction as against Uganda 2.6%, Tanzania3.4%, Mozambique 4.1%, Angola 4.9%, Coted Ivore 5% Kenya 6.5% and South Africa 7.9% among others.

WHO IS TO BE BLAMED?

We have seen the reasons for falling benchmarks and from these causes we can conclude that the accompanying are to be faulted:

1. Government assume to used appliances houston  convey the lion offer of the accuse in light of the fact that the various factors are needy factors to it.

2. Instructors likewise have their offers of the fault with respect to their determined obligations.

3. Guardians: nourishing has t

[newsflashuk]

APC has not delivered on change promises – Atiku

Nigeria’s former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar on Wednesday declared that the citizens were yet to witness the change promised them by the All Progressives Congress-led administration.

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Atiku spoke at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, UNN, in a lecture series organized by the Senior Staff Club of the University.

Addressing a large crowd made up of academics, students, politicians, Igbo leaders, among others, he stated that Nigeria had failed to realize her potentials as a result of the refusal of the political leaders to restructure the country.

“Restructuring will help to bring the benefits of change we promised the people in the last election which we have not seen.

“We need restructuring in order to address the challenges that hold us back; these problems will remain unaddressed unless we restructure‎.

“Issue of restructuring is beyond resource control; there are more important issues. In my own vision, the restructuring will not make some states richer and some poorer; it is a win-win situation for all the States. Nigeria will derive more revenue after restructuring”, he declared.

Those present at the event include former governors Chief Okwesiieze Nwodo, ‎Obong Victor Atttah, Ohanaeze President, Nnia Nwodo, Afenifere spokesman, Yinka Odumakin, among others.

In a remark, Nwodo who chaired the event said:: “at no point have we had the kind of political tension we have today; it is in time like this that leaders exhume courage.”

He advocated for a Constitution ‎that will reflect the wishes of the people, stressing that the people of Nigeria subscribed to previous constitutions because they had no choice.

Atiku was earlier invested as a fellow of the Senior Staff Club.

His lecture read in full:

We have spent the last few years making the case for the restructuring of our federal system. This is in response to the cries of marginalization by various segments of the country as well as the realization that our federation, as presently constituted, impedes optimal development and the improvement of our peoples’ aspirations.

As you all know, virtually every segment of this country has at one point or the other complained of marginalization by one or more segments and agitated for change.

We have made tremendous progress in our advocacy as more and more of key stakeholders have come to realize the critical importance of restructuring for our country’s health, its unity, and its future. The proponents of what we now call restructuring do not necessarily mean the same thing, and do not necessarily have the same expectations in terms of outcome. That is normal.

The agitations and propositions are fueled by feelings of historical wrongs, of marginalization, of being short-changed, of resentment and envy and of fear of domination. But one thing they all agree on is that our country, as presently constituted, does not work well and will work significantly better with changes in the structure of the relationships among its component units.

Those opposed to restructuring capitalise on the differences of opinion dismiss the agitations pointing to what they regard as the imprecise nature of the definition of restructuring or they claim that the proponents want to dismember the country.

In this presentation,I shall state my understanding of restructuring, and some of the steps we need to take to bring it about in a peaceful, democratic manner. I do not intend to dwell so much on why it is important as I can see an emerging consensus on that, even as disagreements remain on what it should look like and who gets what when actualized.

Different ideas have been floated including resource control, fiscal federalism, true federalism, restructuring.

I said a week ago at another forum in Abuja that it is normal for us to have different positions on restructuring.

Eventually, we shall sit down and discuss, negotiate and arrive at a model that will be suitable for our country and which will help ensure rapid development and mutual and respectful coexistence.

Before I proceed, let me caution us all that restructuring, by whatever name, is not a magic bullet that would resolve all of Nigeria’s challenges or those of any section, region or zone of the country.

Listening to some people, even those who seek to dismember the country, you would think that once their dream is achieved their part of the country or the country as a whole will become a paradise. But as we all know, life is not that simple. We need restructuring in order to address the challenges that restructuring can help us address, and which will remain unaddressed unless we restructure. Period. This also answers the cynics who question whether restructuring is even important since it won’t solve all our problems. No system would.

To me, restructuring means making changes to our current federal structure so it comes close to what our founding leaders established, in response to the very issues and challenges that led them to opt for a less centralized system. It means devolving more powers to the federating units with the accompanying resources. It means greater control by the federating units of the resources in their areas. It would mean, by implication, the reduction of the powers and roles of the federal government so that it would concentrate only on those matters best handled by the centre such as defence, foreign policy, monetary and fiscal policies, immigration, customs and excise, aviation as well as setting and enforcing national standards on such matters as education, health, and safety.

Some of what my ideas of restructuring involve requires the constitutional amendment; some do not. Take education and roads for instance. The federal government can immediately start the process of transferring federal roads to the state governments along with the resources it expands on them. In the future, if the federal government identifies the need for a new road that would serve the national interest, it can support the affected states to construct such roads, and thereafter leave the maintenance to the states, which can collect tolls from road users for the purpose. The federal the government does not need a constitutional amendment to start that process.

The same goes for education and health care. We must reverse the epidemic of federal take-over of state and voluntary organizations’ schools and hospitals which began in the 1970s and also transfer those established by the federal government to the states. We do not need a constitutional amendment to transfer federal universities and colleges as well as hospitals to the states where they are located. The University of Nigeria, Nsukka, the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and the University of Ife (now OAU) were built by regional governments when we had a thriving federal system. We all know what then happened.

The federal government, awash in oil revenues took them over, rapidly expanded them, and began to build more federal universities in response to the inevitable demand from states that did not have any located within their jurisdictions. The result is what we have today: universities, including the first generation ones that are no longer taken seriously anywhere in the world.

Local control makes for quicker decision-making; makes for adaptation to local needs; makes the adoption of new technologies and methods of teaching and learning quicker.

At the American University of Nigeria, which I founded in Yola, we are currently building the largest solar farm in the North East to provide power to the University and reduce our reliance on the national grid and also reduce our carbon footprint. We have since established an E-Library, which gives our students access to tens of millions of library materials from around the world. Can you imagine if we were part of the federal system of universities and were to wait on the federal government for these investments? Take another example. When the current security crisis in the North East began to grow, we quickly decided to recruit a large number of security personnel, trained and equipped them to provide security within and around the AUN campus to complement the efforts of already overstretched national security forces. We did not have to wait for a distant organ in Abuja to come around to a decision on what should be done to protect our students and staff. These kinds of decisions and investments are not just easier with private organizations. They are easier within a decentralized system where decisions are made by local authorities closer to the relevant organizations. If you at UNN have to deal with a government at Enugu that has a clearer understanding of the local conditions, needs, and aspirations, you are likely to accomplish more and return the UNN to its past glory.

These are possible first steps and would be easy wins for the federal government and the country. They will in part show the goodwill of the federal authorities in dealing with this very serious issue, and complement the important consultations which the Acting President has undertaken in recent times to douse tension in the country.

Indeed the federal government can voluntarily withdraw from most of the items listed in the very thin Concurrent Legislative List of our Constitution. I believe that the benefits accruing from these first steps will help us as we move towards the changes that require amendments to our Constitution. Let me mention a few critical ones just to illustrate.

1. Creation of and Funding for Local Governments by the Federal Government. Few things illustrate federal overreach into state matters than the creation of direct funding of local governments by the Federal Government. As I have said on numerous occasions, this makes a mockery of the word “local.”

No good evidence has been produced to show that our local governments are now doing better than they were prior to federal intrusion. That intrusion must stop. Local governments are not federating units. State governments should have the freedom to create as many local governments as they wish or not to have local governments at all.

Citizens of every locality would then know that it is the responsibility of their states to provide services for their welfare. A possible compromise to help reduce opposition to this needed change is for the existing number of local governments to be maintained during the transition with the federal funds going the respective states as part of the devolution of resources. Henceforth local government administration should be the responsibility of state governments. Period.

2. A constitutional amendment allowing for the establishment of State Police is another critical element of the required restructuring. With that, the Federal and state governments should be able to decide on jurisdictions and which matters would fall under federal statutes and which under state statutes, and where there would be joint jurisdiction (in which case the federal government can take over in cases of conflict). One thing about federalism that we seem to have forgotten is that it is about freedom, autonomy, and choice.

State police would not be mandatory for every state. Those states which, for whatever reason, prefer federal police would work out arrangements with the federal police on cost-sharing and other matters related to policing their jurisdictions.

3. Reduction in the Number of Federating Units. I strongly believe that we need to reduce the number of federating units. The decades of excessive reliance on oil revenues and the relative neglect of other revenue sources as well as our near addition to states-creation mean that even the increase of the resources transferred to the states may not make many of the financially non-viable states to become viable.

Those calling for new states seem oblivious to the fiscal crisis the existing states are in and how dependent they are on transfer payments from Abuja. If we are to maintain the current state structure, how do we ensure their financial viability? Obviously, they would have to diversify their economies and revenue sources, but what happens to those unable to do so? One option that I have suggested is a means-test requiring states to generate a specified percentage of their share of federal allocations internally or be absolved into another state. Or we may revisit Chief Alex Ekwueme’s suggestion that we use the existing geopolitical zones as federating units rather than the current states. Using the zones would ensure immediate financial viability and scale and also address the concerns of minorities about domination by our three major ethnic groups.

4. The issue of Resource Control is perhaps the most contentious. It is the big elephant in the room but the one most proponents and opponents of restructuring prefer to dance around while often throwing insults at each other. Fear, greed, envy, and resentment are at the centre of our disagreements on resource control. On the one hand, those who feel they are better endowed with the currently important or exploited national resource, oil, express some level of greed and resentment and a desire to monopolize those resources. On the other hand, those who feel less well-endowed express some degree of fear, envy, and resentment. We must start from the point of view that no country’s regions or localities are equally or uniformly endowed. Diversity is the norm, and often the strength. And there are also historical swings or changes in fortune: the well-endowed areas of today may become less so tomorrow. Sharing is part of human existence and part of what makes human societies possible. I have consistently advocated for local control of resources but with federal taxing powers to help redistribute resources and to help address national priorities. Local control will encourage our federating units to look inwards at untapped resources in their respective domains and promote healthy rivalry among them.

I must point out that all of these do not have to be done in one fell swoop. Change is often difficult, especially for those who feel that they are beneficiaries of the status quo. We can start with the less contentious ones, including state police, and return jurisdiction for local governments to states.

Discussions and negotiations among leaders from across the country can be speeded up to ensure timely resolution of these contentious issues. Our generation cannot afford to be the one that is unable to negotiate and bargain for a workable federal system that truly serves our peoples and enables them to live in peace and harmony with mutual respect.

The Nigerian federation is a work in progress. We just have to continue that work, a truly serious work, to build bridges across our various divides.

That’s what we need in order to create the kind of country where our young people can thrive and realize their full potentials, young people such as Ms. Immaculata Onuigbo, the best graduating student and Valedictorian for the Class of 2017 at the American University Nigeria, Yola. We owe it to them and the generations to come.

I thank the Senior Staff club of the UNN for inviting me to share these thoughts with you and for honoring me today. Thank you for your attention.

The post APC has not delivered on change promises – Atiku appeared first on Newsflash247.

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[clubofinfo]

Expert: Somalia partitioned under Italy, Britain, France In 2016, Somalia was declared the most fragile state in the world – worse off than Syria. Famine struck yet again in 2017, compounded by President Trump’s attempt to ban Somalis from entering the US. But for the first time since 1991, when Somalia collapsed along with its one-time ally, the Soviet Union, Somalia now has functioning political institutions. Dual US-Somali citizen Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo became president in February 2017, approved by the US, refugees are returning from the US, Canada and Europe, and remittances from them buttress the economy. Just to make sure Farmajo knows who’s really in charge, Trump ordered an air strike on suspected militant bases in April 2017, near the Bab el-Mandeb strait choke point separating Yemen from Eritrea, boasting it killed 150 Shabab fighters. The 1980s were a monstrous decade. We are still living out the disasters that the Cold War and the US war to prevent ‘the advance of socialism’, which had been on the books since the end of WWII, and was reaching its logical conclusion by then. After two world wars, everyone expected peace, and the vast majority — socialism. No such luck. Hundreds of coups in the 1950s — 60s orchestrated by the CIA kept most countries toeing the imperial line. But after Vietnam, for a few shining moments in the 1970s, there was a shift by a slightly sobered America. The world breathed a sigh of relief. Somalia was prospering, free of British shackles, not yet embraced by the US. Ethiopia had a Nasser-like military coup in 1974 promising socialism next door. Sudan was at peace and pursuing a Nasserist policy under Colonel Gaafar Nimeiri. But the region was beginning its ‘time of troubles’, soon experiencing the fallout of its century of imperialism with a vengeance. British, French, Italian ‘Scramble’ Somalia, a country of 12.3m, has one of the most illustrious histories among Muslim states, prosperous for thousands of years as a trading nation perched on the strategic Horn of Africa, an early convert to Islam. As with all of Africa, it went into sharp decline in the late 19th century, after the Berlin conference of 1884, when European powers began the “Scramble for Africa”. In the last heroic resistance to imperialism, the Dervish leader Mohammed Abdullah Hassan rallied support from across the Horn of Africa and began one of the longest colonial resistance wars. Hassan emphasized that the British “have destroyed our religion and made our children their children” and that the Christian Ethiopians in league with the British were bent upon plundering the political and religious freedom of the Somali nation. While all other Muslim states fell to Christian invaders, Somalia held out. Hassan acquired weapons from the Ottomans and Sudan. But the Ottoman caliphate collapsed, and Churchill was free to use the new airplanes in 1920 to bomb the “mad mullah” and Somali forces, just as he was doing in Iraq. It took four invasion attempts before Hassan’s Dervish state was defeated, and territories turned into a British ‘protectorate’. The 1920s — 30s were a busy time for Britain in the Muslim world. Somalia was every bit as strategic as Palestine, and British schemes for both proved to be time bombs which still are plagued by and plague the West. Britain ceded most of the present territory of Somalia to Mussolini in 1925 as a reward for the Italians having joined the Allies in WWI. The British retained control of the southern half of the partitioned Jubaland territory, which was later called the Northern Frontier District, and the northwestern province Somaliland, which declared independence in 1991, and is now a member of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization. Italy administered central Somalia after WWII, until independence in 1960. French Somaliland (Djibouti) stayed with France till 1977, just too convenient strategically to give up, and is now the headquarters of the US AFRICOM regional military command. Italy proved to be the most helpful of the lot to Somalis, providing education and otherwise preparing Somalis for independence, and are now remembered more or less fondly. Italian was the lingua franca till 1970s, there being no Somali alphabet and the population illiterate till independence. The British did nothing, and created the conditions for endless regional war by giving the predominantly Somali Muslim Ogaden plateau to (largely Christian) Ethiopia, and another Somali territory to (largely Christian) Kenya. At the same time, of course, it was preparing to bequeath Muslim Palestine to (European) Jews. In all three cases, Muslims were treated as second rate, of no use to the imperialists, as they would never abandon Islam and join in imperial schemes. The British set the stage for Somalia to fail without colonial ‘guidance’. To be fair, Britain (and France) were just doing what the new masters, the US, demanded in the 1950s, shaping up Africa to meet its own needs, so the blame must be shared today. Socialism vs clanism and nationalism Siad Barre Given its handicaps, Somali independence was bitter-sweet. After a halting start, a military coup put Siad Barre (1910–1995) in the presidency from 1969–91. Like Lumumba in the Congo, Nkruma in Ghana, and Nasser in Egypt, Barre took the Soviet Union and socialism as the template for development. Volunteer labour harvested and planted crops, and built roads, hospitals and universities. Almost all industry, banks and businesses were nationalized, and cooperative farms were set up. A new writing system for the Somali language was also adopted, and Somali replaced Italian as the language of the public sphere. Although his government forbade clanism and stressed loyalty to the central authorities, Barre’s dictatorship became a hostage to his own clans. Even so, it was popular, presiding over a vibrant economy and stabilized by egalitarian economic policies. Portraits of him in the company of Marx and Lenin lined the streets on public occasions, though he did not promote a personality cult. He advocated a form of scientific socialism based on the Quran and Marx, emphasizing Somalia’s traditional and religious links with the Arab world, eventually joining the Arab League in 1974. That same year, Barre also served as chairman of the Organization of African Unity (OAU), the predecessor of the African Union (AU). The mid-1970s were halcyon days for Somalia. Barre was the Soviet Union’s poster child, not so willful, it seemed, as Egypt’s Nasser, and not (yet) toppled like Lumumba and Nkrumah. But storm clouds were on the horizon. In the late 1970s, buoyed by Somalia’s success, fed up with a corrupt (Christian) government under the aging Emperor Selassie, and inspired by the Ethiopian revolution, the Western Somali Liberation Front in Ogaden, began a campaign for union with Somalia. Rebels wanted Islam and socialism, emulating liberation movements throughout the colonial world. Their plea for help was heard, and in July 1977, the Somali national army marched into the Ogaden, capturing most of the territory, welcomed by the native Somalis, but attracting the ire of the entire international community. This was at the height of detente, and the Soviet Union was playing more-or-less by the implicit rules of detente — 1/ don’t provoke revolution or civil war, but help friendly regimes. 2/ ‘Socialist countries shouldn’t invade other socialist countries. The Soviet Union was forced to chose between Barre and Mengistu, both socialists.  It joined the international outcry against Somalia’s occupation of the Ogaden, though Ethiopia was wracked by civil war and Mengistu had no friends. 1979 Haile Mirian Mengistu The invasion was reversed, and the US was able to take advantage of the crisis, and cultivate Barre as a useful ally, shunned by the Soviet Union. Only a year later, in 1979, abandoning detente and following ‘great game’ rules, an eerily similar scenario would play itself out in Afghanistan. This time the US chose to side with the mujahideen against the Soviets. Though Barre was a pariah, he became ‘our pariah’ by 1980,* along with the Afghan mujahideen. Instead of working with the Soviets in Africa (pushing Barre out of his ‘greater Somalia’) and in central Asia (stabilizing the now socialist secular regime of Babrak Karmal to fight the Muslim extremists), the US under Reagan launched old-fashioned war and subversion of anything that was socialist, leaving only rubble and terror in Somalia, Ethiopia and Afghanistan, which continues to plague the world. * Barre was ousted in 1991. Barre’s Ethiopian nemesis, Mengistu Haile Miriam, was also ousted in 1991, both victims of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Barre died in political exile in Nigeria in 1995. Mengistu lives in Zimbabwe. • First published in Crescent International http://clubof.info/

[newsflashuk]

APC has not delivered on change promises – Atiku

Nigeria’s former Vice President, Alhaji Atiku Abubakar on Wednesday declared that the citizens were yet to witness the change promised them by the All Progressives Congress-led administration.

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Atiku spoke at the University of Nigeria, Nsukka, UNN, in a lecture series organized by the Senior Staff Club of the University.

Addressing a large crowd made up of academics, students, politicians, Igbo leaders, among others, he stated that Nigeria had failed to realize her potentials as a result of the refusal of the political leaders to restructure the country.

“Restructuring will help to bring the benefits of change we promised the people in the last election which we have not seen.

“We need restructuring in order to address the challenges that hold us back; these problems will remain unaddressed unless we restructure‎.

“Issue of restructuring is beyond resource control; there are more important issues. In my own vision, the restructuring will not make some states richer and some poorer; it is a win-win situation for all the States. Nigeria will derive more revenue after restructuring”, he declared.

Those present at the event include former governors Chief Okwesiieze Nwodo, ‎Obong Victor Atttah, Ohanaeze President, Nnia Nwodo, Afenifere spokesman, Yinka Odumakin, among others.

In a remark, Nwodo who chaired the event said:: “at no point have we had the kind of political tension we have today; it is in time like this that leaders exhume courage.”

He advocated for a Constitution ‎that will reflect the wishes of the people, stressing that the people of Nigeria subscribed to previous constitutions because they had no choice.

Atiku was earlier invested as a fellow of the Senior Staff Club.

His lecture read in full:

We have spent the last few years making the case for the restructuring of our federal system. This is in response to the cries of marginalization by various segments of the country as well as the realization that our federation, as presently constituted, impedes optimal development and the improvement of our peoples’ aspirations.

As you all know, virtually every segment of this country has at one point or the other complained of marginalization by one or more segments and agitated for change.

We have made tremendous progress in our advocacy as more and more of key stakeholders have come to realize the critical importance of restructuring for our country’s health, its unity, and its future. The proponents of what we now call restructuring do not necessarily mean the same thing, and do not necessarily have the same expectations in terms of outcome. That is normal.

The agitations and propositions are fueled by feelings of historical wrongs, of marginalization, of being short-changed, of resentment and envy and of fear of domination. But one thing they all agree on is that our country, as presently constituted, does not work well and will work significantly better with changes in the structure of the relationships among its component units.

Those opposed to restructuring capitalise on the differences of opinion dismiss the agitations pointing to what they regard as the imprecise nature of the definition of restructuring or they claim that the proponents want to dismember the country.

In this presentation,I shall state my understanding of restructuring, and some of the steps we need to take to bring it about in a peaceful, democratic manner. I do not intend to dwell so much on why it is important as I can see an emerging consensus on that, even as disagreements remain on what it should look like and who gets what when actualized.

Different ideas have been floated including resource control, fiscal federalism, true federalism, restructuring.

I said a week ago at another forum in Abuja that it is normal for us to have different positions on restructuring.

Eventually, we shall sit down and discuss, negotiate and arrive at a model that will be suitable for our country and which will help ensure rapid development and mutual and respectful coexistence.

Before I proceed, let me caution us all that restructuring, by whatever name, is not a magic bullet that would resolve all of Nigeria’s challenges or those of any section, region or zone of the country.

Listening to some people, even those who seek to dismember the country, you would think that once their dream is achieved their part of the country or the country as a whole will become a paradise. But as we all know, life is not that simple. We need restructuring in order to address the challenges that restructuring can help us address, and which will remain unaddressed unless we restructure. Period. This also answers the cynics who question whether restructuring is even important since it won’t solve all our problems. No system would.

To me, restructuring means making changes to our current federal structure so it comes close to what our founding leaders established, in response to the very issues and challenges that led them to opt for a less centralized system. It means devolving more powers to the federating units with the accompanying resources. It means greater control by the federating units of the resources in their areas. It would mean, by implication, the reduction of the powers and roles of the federal government so that it would concentrate only on those matters best handled by the centre such as defence, foreign policy, monetary and fiscal policies, immigration, customs and excise, aviation as well as setting and enforcing national standards on such matters as education, health, and safety.

Some of what my ideas of restructuring involve requires the constitutional amendment; some do not. Take education and roads for instance. The federal government can immediately start the process of transferring federal roads to the state governments along with the resources it expands on them. In the future, if the federal government identifies the need for a new road that would serve the national interest, it can support the affected states to construct such roads, and thereafter leave the maintenance to the states, which can collect tolls from road users for the purpose. The federal the government does not need a constitutional amendment to start that process.

The same goes for education and health care. We must reverse the epidemic of federal take-over of state and voluntary organizations’ schools and hospitals which began in the 1970s and also transfer those established by the federal government to the states. We do not need a constitutional amendment to transfer federal universities and colleges as well as hospitals to the states where they are located. The University of Nigeria, Nsukka, the Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria and the University of Ife (now OAU) were built by regional governments when we had a thriving federal system. We all know what then happened.

The federal government, awash in oil revenues took them over, rapidly expanded them, and began to build more federal universities in response to the inevitable demand from states that did not have any located within their jurisdictions. The result is what we have today: universities, including the first generation ones that are no longer taken seriously anywhere in the world.

Local control makes for quicker decision-making; makes for adaptation to local needs; makes the adoption of new technologies and methods of teaching and learning quicker.

At the American University of Nigeria, which I founded in Yola, we are currently building the largest solar farm in the North East to provide power to the University and reduce our reliance on the national grid and also reduce our carbon footprint. We have since established an E-Library, which gives our students access to tens of millions of library materials from around the world. Can you imagine if we were part of the federal system of universities and were to wait on the federal government for these investments? Take another example. When the current security crisis in the North East began to grow, we quickly decided to recruit a large number of security personnel, trained and equipped them to provide security within and around the AUN campus to complement the efforts of already overstretched national security forces. We did not have to wait for a distant organ in Abuja to come around to a decision on what should be done to protect our students and staff. These kinds of decisions and investments are not just easier with private organizations. They are easier within a decentralized system where decisions are made by local authorities closer to the relevant organizations. If you at UNN have to deal with a government at Enugu that has a clearer understanding of the local conditions, needs, and aspirations, you are likely to accomplish more and return the UNN to its past glory.

These are possible first steps and would be easy wins for the federal government and the country. They will in part show the goodwill of the federal authorities in dealing with this very serious issue, and complement the important consultations which the Acting President has undertaken in recent times to douse tension in the country.

Indeed the federal government can voluntarily withdraw from most of the items listed in the very thin Concurrent Legislative List of our Constitution. I believe that the benefits accruing from these first steps will help us as we move towards the changes that require amendments to our Constitution. Let me mention a few critical ones just to illustrate.

1. Creation of and Funding for Local Governments by the Federal Government. Few things illustrate federal overreach into state matters than the creation of direct funding of local governments by the Federal Government. As I have said on numerous occasions, this makes a mockery of the word “local.”

No good evidence has been produced to show that our local governments are now doing better than they were prior to federal intrusion. That intrusion must stop. Local governments are not federating units. State governments should have the freedom to create as many local governments as they wish or not to have local governments at all.

Citizens of every locality would then know that it is the responsibility of their states to provide services for their welfare. A possible compromise to help reduce opposition to this needed change is for the existing number of local governments to be maintained during the transition with the federal funds going the respective states as part of the devolution of resources. Henceforth local government administration should be the responsibility of state governments. Period.

2. A constitutional amendment allowing for the establishment of State Police is another critical element of the required restructuring. With that, the Federal and state governments should be able to decide on jurisdictions and which matters would fall under federal statutes and which under state statutes, and where there would be joint jurisdiction (in which case the federal government can take over in cases of conflict). One thing about federalism that we seem to have forgotten is that it is about freedom, autonomy, and choice.

State police would not be mandatory for every state. Those states which, for whatever reason, prefer federal police would work out arrangements with the federal police on cost-sharing and other matters related to policing their jurisdictions.

3. Reduction in the Number of Federating Units. I strongly believe that we need to reduce the number of federating units. The decades of excessive reliance on oil revenues and the relative neglect of other revenue sources as well as our near addition to states-creation mean that even the increase of the resources transferred to the states may not make many of the financially non-viable states to become viable.

Those calling for new states seem oblivious to the fiscal crisis the existing states are in and how dependent they are on transfer payments from Abuja. If we are to maintain the current state structure, how do we ensure their financial viability? Obviously, they would have to diversify their economies and revenue sources, but what happens to those unable to do so? One option that I have suggested is a means-test requiring states to generate a specified percentage of their share of federal allocations internally or be absolved into another state. Or we may revisit Chief Alex Ekwueme’s suggestion that we use the existing geopolitical zones as federating units rather than the current states. Using the zones would ensure immediate financial viability and scale and also address the concerns of minorities about domination by our three major ethnic groups.

4. The issue of Resource Control is perhaps the most contentious. It is the big elephant in the room but the one most proponents and opponents of restructuring prefer to dance around while often throwing insults at each other. Fear, greed, envy, and resentment are at the centre of our disagreements on resource control. On the one hand, those who feel they are better endowed with the currently important or exploited national resource, oil, express some level of greed and resentment and a desire to monopolize those resources. On the other hand, those who feel less well-endowed express some degree of fear, envy, and resentment. We must start from the point of view that no country’s regions or localities are equally or uniformly endowed. Diversity is the norm, and often the strength. And there are also historical swings or changes in fortune: the well-endowed areas of today may become less so tomorrow. Sharing is part of human existence and part of what makes human societies possible. I have consistently advocated for local control of resources but with federal taxing powers to help redistribute resources and to help address national priorities. Local control will encourage our federating units to look inwards at untapped resources in their respective domains and promote healthy rivalry among them.

I must point out that all of these do not have to be done in one fell swoop. Change is often difficult, especially for those who feel that they are beneficiaries of the status quo. We can start with the less contentious ones, including state police, and return jurisdiction for local governments to states.

Discussions and negotiations among leaders from across the country can be speeded up to ensure timely resolution of these contentious issues. Our generation cannot afford to be the one that is unable to negotiate and bargain for a workable federal system that truly serves our peoples and enables them to live in peace and harmony with mutual respect.

The Nigerian federation is a work in progress. We just have to continue that work, a truly serious work, to build bridges across our various divides.

That’s what we need in order to create the kind of country where our young people can thrive and realize their full potentials, young people such as Ms. Immaculata Onuigbo, the best graduating student and Valedictorian for the Class of 2017 at the American University Nigeria, Yola. We owe it to them and the generations to come.

I thank the Senior Staff club of the UNN for inviting me to share these thoughts with you and for honoring me today. Thank you for your attention.

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