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lovelyfantasticfart · 5 years ago

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Volvo Xc90 Excellence Release Date

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xenanghungviet · 6 years ago

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South Florida adds zero-emission RTGs – NEWS ARTICLE

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SFCT has ordered six Kalmar Zero Emission Rubber-Tyred Gantry cranes

South Florida Container Terminal (SFCT) has ordered six Kalmar Zero Emission Rubber-Tyred Gantry cranes (RTGs). The cranes will be equipped with a busbar energy system and operator-assist features like auto steering and container stack profiling.

The order was booked in Cargotec’s 2019 Q1 order intake with delivery scheduled to be completed in early 2020.

This will be the first container terminal in the United States that has 100% zero-emission RTG cranes. These are also the first RTG cranes that will be installed in the Port of Miami.

SFCT is a full-service marine terminal located at the Port of Miami. Due to its proximity to the Caribbean and the Americas, the terminal has established itself as a strategic point of entry and departure for cargo moving to the greater part of the world. SFCT provides full stevedoring and terminal services to some of the world’s largest shipping lines.

The Kalmar Zero Emission RTGs will be delivered as part of an ongoing densification and terminal redevelopment project at SFCT.

Mark J. Baker, SFCT managing director, says: “We are excited about the opportunity to increase our capacity through this terminal redevelopment project. We will not only offer better service to our customers, but we will do it eco-efficiently with all-electric RTGs. Kalmar has proven their ability to handle large terminal redevelopment projects on a global scale with successful RTG deliveries. We are happy to work with Kalmar and their US-based support team.”

Troy Thompson, vice president, sales for Kalmar Americas, adds: “We are very pleased to be the first to bring zero-emission yard cranes to Miami. We have worked extensively with the team at SFCT and are certain that our partnership will only strengthen further as we move through this major redevelopment project together.”

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hudsonespie · 6 years ago

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Kalmar Zero Emission RTGs To Help Boost Capacity At South Florida Container Terminal

Kalmar, part of Cargotec, has signed a deal to supply six Kalmar Zero Emission Rubber-tired Gantry cranes (RTGs) to South Florida Container Terminal, LLC. The cranes will be equipped with a busbar energy system and operator assist features like auto steering and container stack profiling. The order was booked in Cargotec’s 2019 Q1 order intake with delivery scheduled to be completed in early 2020. This will be the first container terminal in the United States that has 100% zero-emission RTG cranes. These are also the first RTG cranes that will be installed in the Port of Miami.

Image Credits: Kalmar – Twitter

South Florida Container Terminal, LLC is a full-service marine terminal located at the Port of Miami. Due to its ideal proximity to the Caribbean and the Americas, the terminal has established itself as a strategic point of entry and departure for cargo moving to the greater part of the world. SFCT provides full stevedoring and terminal services to some of the world’s largest shipping lines. The Kalmar Zero Emission RTGs will be delivered as part of ongoing densification and terminal redevelopment project at SFCT.

Mark J. Baker, Managing Director of South Florida Container Terminal stated: “We are excited about the opportunity to increase our capacity through this terminal redevelopment project. We will not only offer better service to our customers, but we will do it eco-efficiently with all-electric RTGs. Kalmar has proven their ability to handle large terminal redevelopment projects on a global scale with successful RTG deliveries. We are happy to work with Kalmar and their US-based support team”.

Troy Thompson, Vice President, Sales, Kalmar Americas: “We are very pleased to be the first to bring zero emission yard cranes to Miami. We have worked extensively with the team at SFCT and are certain that our partnership will only strengthen further as we move through this major redevelopment project together”.

Reference: kalmarglobal.com

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theconservativebrief · 6 years ago

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Julia Salazar is a Democratic candidate for New York’s 18th state Senate District, a part of Brooklyn containing neighborhoods ranging from wealthy Williamsburg to impoverished Cypress Hills. Normally, local races don’t receive a lot of national attention — but Salazar’s is different because of her tight affiliation with the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA).

Salazar identifies as a socialist and sees herself as “actively working to dismantle” capitalism. She’s a community organizer by background and is hoping to unseat incumbent Martin Malave Dilan in the September 13 Democratic primary. The comparisons between her and political phenom Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, another late-20s socialist Latina politician from New York City, practically make themselves. Salazar’s biography is arguably even more interesting than Ocasio-Cortez’s: She identifies as Jewish and has repeatedly described herself as coming from a working-class immigrant background.

But what if she is none of those things — neither working class nor immigrant nor Jewish?

That’s the question raised in a series of articles, starting with an August 23 piece in the Jewish publication Tablet, that have dug into Salazar’s background. In the Tablet piece, reporter Armin Rosen examined her family history and college time and concluded that her identity was “largely self-created”: that she is not an immigrant, and that she doesn’t actually come from a Jewish background. Rosen even quoted the candidate’s brother, Alex Salazar, to support his claims.

In an August 30 piece, City and State New York reporters Zach Williams and Ben Adler dove even deeper into her claims about her family background, interviewing her mother and her brother. The reporters claimed to have uncovered a pattern of dishonesty from Salazar about her background, saying that she offers “a selective presentation of the truth” and has “deployed her facts to gain maximum political advantage.”

This might seem like a straightforward case of a politician getting caught in lies. But Salazar has spent the days since the Tablet and City and State articles defending herself — at times persuasively, at times not — against the charges leveled in the pieces. I spent more than an hour with her on the phone, discussing the details of her story in granular detail. She insisted she was telling the truth.

“I was genuinely shocked [by the Tablet piece], and obviously deeply hurt on a personal level,” she told me.

This family dispute has become an issue of national interest, and not just because a lot of people who work in media happen to live in or near her district. Salazar’s fortunes are being seen by some political observers as a bellwether of the strength of the insurgent American left and socialist movement.

Brooklyn is a stronghold of young American progressivism, so the fortunes of the candidate the DSA chose to back in this district do matter — and whether she’s perceived as a liar by voters in her district really could affect that. And the debate over her Judaism raises a separate set of fraught issues, about who does and doesn’t count as “Jewish” for the American Jewish community.

What follows is an attempt to untangle the mess of accusations and counteraccusations: to try to explain what’s true about Salazar’s self-portrayal, what’s false, and what can’t be proven — as well as the reasons any of this matters.

Julia Salazar was born in South Florida, just as the Cold War wound down (she’s 27 now). Her brother, Alex, was born two years earlier. Their father, Luis, was a naturalized citizen who had immigrated from Colombia. Their mother, Christine Salazar, is originally from New Jersey. Luis and Christine divorced while Julia and Alex were young, and Christine became the lead parent.

Already, some of those facts — which Julia and Alex agree on — contradict some things Salazar has said about herself. “I immigrated to this country with my family when I was very little,” she said at one campaign stop. “My family immigrated to the US from Colombia when I was a baby,” she said in an interview with Jacobin magazine. Those statements imply that she was born in Colombia, which is not true.

When you ask Salazar about this, she explains that she was shorthanding a more complicated story. She claims that she and her family shuttled back and forth from Colombia — her father worked as a cargo pilot, sometimes flying planes full of flowers between Medellin and Bogota. The family would join him in Colombia, despite living in the United States, and stay at Luis Salazar’s family home.

“It really shaped my early life, and we spent a lot of time there,” Julia said in one of our conversations. “To me, Colombia … was always my family’s home, when we were kids.”

Indeed, this is the story she has consistently told reporters. Emma Whitford, a Brooklyn-based reporter who interviewed Salazar months before the controversy, tweeted a transcript of their conversation — in which Salazar goes to great lengths to explain that she was, in fact, born in Miami:

i share this simply because these details shared in an on-the-record conversation w/ a reporter, so early in her campaign, challenge the notion that she crafted some sort of alternative narrative about herself (just listened back to the tape to be sure) pic.twitter.com/ou3Wbyikh7

— Emma Whitford (@emma_a_whitford) August 24, 2018

If that’s all there was to it, it would be reasonable to say that she’s been using “my family immigrated from Colombia” as a shorthand for a much more complicated background. That’s probably sloppy, but not necessarily dishonest.

One problem with this interpretation is that she has fudged her immigrant story in other ways. In a recent interview with Jewish Currents, she said, “I was born in Miami and we didn’t all have permanent residence in the US.” This seems to suggest that her father wasn’t a citizen, which isn’t true. Salazar claims she was referring to the fact that her father was in Colombia frequently, not (as it seemed) his citizenship.

“I can see how this could be misconstrued. I wasn’t seeking to comment on my father’s immigration status,” she told me.

The bigger problem, though, is that her brother denies spending very much time in Colombia as a child. He says Julia’s characterization of their childhood visits to Colombia is “not at all” accurate.

“We visited a couple times,” he told me. “I was baptized there when I was an infant, and we visited maybe a couple times as toddlers — or when I was a toddler. Then we visited once in 1992, and then again in 1998, I believe it was, for about five days” — a depiction that seems at odds with his sister’s claim that “we spent a lot of time there.”

It’s very difficult to prove these childhood experiences either way. City and State got ahold of Christine Salazar, who denied ever living with her husband in Colombia (as Julia had once suggested they had on Twitter).

“Maybe she was just referring to going there more than we went anywhere else,” Christine said of her daughter, per City and State. “Julia really embraced the Colombian culture.”

These comments aren’t unequivocal, though, as they don’t speak to the amount of time spent in Colombia (the key dispute between Alex and Julia). What’s more, Julia told me that her mother agrees with her characterization of their childhood, that Christine “understands that my memory, as a young child, was of us living in Colombia.”

I’ve reached out to Christine for clarification but as of publication time have not heard back.

This isn’t the only dispute between the siblings about their upbringing. Julia Salazar has frequently referred to her background as “working class,” whereas Alex said he would call them middle class.

The issue here is interpretive rather than factual. Luis earned a decent salary as a pilot, according to all the Salazars, but since Christine raised the kids, they only saw a portion of that money through alimony and child support. They grew up in a fairly large home in a nice city — Jupiter, Florida — but Christine at times had to push hard to make ends meet, working primarily as a pharmaceutical sales rep with occasionally a second job with a catering company.

“When we were growing up, our class status changed up and down — quite a lot,” Julia told me. “My brother very selectively mentions a time where my parents, collectively, made $100,000 in a year — but it was not by any means always that way.”

Alex thinks Julia is the one with the faulty memory. “My mom certainly worked very hard. But if we’re talking about what class level we were at, you’d have to have a pretty wide definition of working class — to include everyone other than millionaires, or something like that,” he said. “We lived a comfortable life, I’ll put it that way.”

When I asked Julia why her brother remembered things so differently, she accused her brother of having political motivations, of dissembling to hurt her campaign.

“I love my brother, [but] he has very right-wing politics. Very anti-socialist politics,” she said.

Alex refused to comment on the nature of his political beliefs, but he said the very idea that he was attacking his sister for political reasons was offensive.

“My political stuff is private to me, and it would never motivate me to say anything negative about my sister,” he said, his voice heavy with emotion. “Politics have nothing to do with telling the truth about my family.”

This detailed dispute may seem insignificant, but Salazar’s honesty matters in the same way that any candidate’s would: It speaks to whether voters should trust them with power. And this case is arguably higher-stakes than your standard-issue dispute. A socialist falsely claiming to be a working-class immigrant — one who has built her candidacy on her claim to be the best person to represent a racially and economically diverse district — would feel like a particularly significant betrayal of trust.

I’m not saying Julia is, in fact, lying. It’s clear she’s made some misstatements, and that those misstatements tend to run in the direction of giving her a more compelling personal story. But on the core issues of fact — how much time their family spent in Colombia, what the Salazars’ household income was — the reporting so far isn’t thorough enough to prove Julia wrong and Alex right (or vice versa).

What I am saying is that the stakes of what’s essentially a family dispute have become elevated, to the point where answers that might have once felt like Salazar trivia are now vital to a very public election that transcends its local nature.

Both Salazar children were raised Catholic. But after Luis Salazar died, when Julia was 18, she recalls experiencing a crisis of faith. She remembers talking to her father about their last name when he was alive, and him telling her that it was a common name among Sephardic Jews — Jews of Spanish or Middle Eastern descent. Alex, for his part, remembers having no such conversations with his father and is skeptical that Julia did.

Julia was starting at Columbia University and figured New York would be a good place to get in touch with her possibly Jewish roots. She got involved with pro-Israel activism, a cause she would later renounce, and became a frequent presence at Hillel, the main hub for campus Jewish life.

“By early 2010,” she told me, “I [was] even going to services with friends.”

At this point, Julia said, she had started thinking about identifying as Jewish — though she didn’t identify as such publicly for some time. Indeed, as the Tablet article points out, there is some evidence against her claim from as recently as 2012, including statements from people who said they knew her:

By all appearances, the 21-year-old Salazar had both the politics and religious beliefs of a conservative Christian. In a series of tweets preserved by pro-Israel activist Hen Mazzig, Salazar quotes a pastor at Apostles Church in New York in a tweet that includes the hashtag #John13, referring to a chapter in the New Testament. “A thought I plan to ruminate on this week:” she tweeted in September of 2012, “Follow #Christ for his own sake, if you plan to follow Him at all,” quoting the 19th-century Anglican Bishop J.C. Ryle. One acquaintance who knew Salazar during her time as a CUFI activist said that she wasn’t shy about her religious faith, dropping the occasional “praise Jesus” into casual conversation.

This is the core of the allegation that she had fabricated her Jewish identity, one Julia strongly denies. She does not know who Tablet’s anonymous source was and vehemently denies being a practicing Christian who said things like “praise Jesus.” In fact, she told me, she likely would have publicly identified as “agnostic” at that point.

The tweets containing Christian references, she says, were the result of her reading Christian Scripture and apologetics for academic purposes. The same preserved tweets from 2012 also show her discussing events at Hillel, backing up her story that she was involved in campus Jewish life.

The Tablet piece points to a mysterious shift in Salazar’s self-conception occurring in 2013, “just a few months” after a trip to Israel. “By September of 2013,” Tablet’s Rosen writes, “she said she kept kosher at her apartment.”

According to Salazar, there is a simple explanation for this seemingly jarring transition: She formally converted to Judaism.

In mid- to late 2013 — she doesn’t remember when, exactly — she took a b’nai mitzvah course (the Jewish ritual for becoming a Jewish adult) that, if completed, would amount to a conversion. Some reporting had implied that Salazar only took two months of the course and did not complete it; she told me it was “more like five months” and that she definitely completed all the required work.

I could not independently verify Salazar’s account. Rabbi Daniel Kirzane, who was then the rabbinic intern at Columbia’s Hillel, supervised the course; he wrote me an email saying he had “no comment at this time” on Salazar. Neither Columbia-Barnard Hillel nor Rabbi Yonah Hain, Hillel’s rabbi, responded to repeated attempts to contact them.

But Salazar appears to have lived a Jewish life since graduating Columbia. She’s spent a significant amount of time working for a Jewish activist group, Jews for Racial and Economic Justice. And the business of casting doubt on someone’s Judaism — particularly a Jew of color — is quite dubious.

There is a long tradition of gatekeeping in the Jewish community, one that particularly targets religious liberal Jews and Jews of color. Salazar is a Reform Jew (as am I), the most theologically liberal of the three major American Jewish denominations. Some more traditional Jews do not consider Reform conversions to be valid and would deny Judaism to anyone converted under Reform practices. American Jewry is also dominated by a European-descendant establishment, despite a significant and growing population of Jews of color who can have real problems feeling accepted in the community.

These are sources of tremendous tension and division inside the Jewish community and perhaps explain why the Tablet article never outright denies that Salazar should be considered Jewish. Tablet’s editor-in-chief, Alana Newhouse, denied that the article was an exercise in gatekeeping, saying in an interview that “we have no test of, or opinions about, ‘who is or isn’t a Jew.’” (Disclosure: I briefly worked with Newhouse as a Tablet guest blogger in 2012.)

But the Tablet article was received quite differently by the general public. You can find a number of tweets comparing Salazar to Rachel Dolezal, the white woman who claimed to be black. The Forward, a major American Jewish publication, published a piece claiming Salazar does not “meet the standard for Jewish identity.” New York Times opinion editor Bari Weiss wrote that Salazar did not seem to be Jewish in a widely circulated tweet:

Tablet clearly wanted the conversation to be about Salazar’s trustworthiness rather than a public litigation of her Jewishness. Yet that’s what ended up happening, a case study in why this kind of conversation is so fraught.

All that said, there are still some clear factual problems with Salazar’s comments on her Judaism. Tablet’s Rosen points to a 2014 post on the anti-Zionist site Mondoweiss written by a “Julia Carmel,” whose Twitter page appears to be Salazar’s. (“Reach me at @SalazarSenate18 instead,” the profile states.) Under that post is a comment by an account bearing Salazar’s name saying that “like most American Jews, I was raised with the delusion that Israel was a safe haven for me, perhaps even the only safe place for Jews.” The implication here is that she was raised Jewish as a child, when she in fact was not.

That certainly is not the most honest portrayal of her past. It’s consistent with the somewhat loose way in which she talks about her family history, throwing around words like “immigrant” when they don’t apply. Whether that gives others license to deny her Jewish identity full stop, in the absence of clear proof that she’s lying, is a different story entirely.

The Julia Salazar campaign is a big deal for the left. She’s been the subject of very friendly interviews in popular left outlets like Jacobin, whose reading groups she used to attend, and the podcast Chapo Trap House.

Salazar is also longtime DSA activist, having served on the organizing committee of the DSA’s socialist-feminist working group. She has campaigned with Cynthia Nixon, the actress and progressive candidate for governor. She has been endorsed by soon-to-be US Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, who has done campaign events with her even after the Tablet controversy broke out.

That last endorsement, in particular, sets the stakes at work in this candidacy. According to Salazar, it was Ocasio-Cortez’s victory that attracted significant amounts of media attention and public enthusiasm about her campaign in the first place.

“After Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez … we received a flood of support,” Salazar said. “That momentum sort of naturally translated to my campaign.”

Her most prominent backers, including the New York DSA and Ocasio-Cortez, appear to be standing by her even after the controversy. Prominent socialists, like Jacobin editor-in-chief Bhaskar Sunkara, have defended her on social media:

Whether Salazar likes it or not, her campaign has become another proof of concept for socialism in America. If she wins, it’ll be more evidence that socialists in general and the DSA in particular are forces to be reckoned with in the Democratic Party. If she loses — well, then the DSA will be the socialists who couldn’t even win an election in Bushwick.

Original Source -> Julia Salazar, the socialist politician accused of lying about her past, explained

via The Conservative Brief

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newstfionline · 7 years ago

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In rose beds, money blooms

By Damian Paletta, Washington Post, February 10, 2018

MADRID, COLOMBIA--The majority of roses Americans give one another on Valentine’s Day, roughly 200 million in all, grow here, the savanna outside Bogota, summoned from the soil by 12 hours of natural sunlight, the 8,400-foot altitude and an abundance of cheap labor.

Thousands of acres of white-tarped greenhouses, some the size of several football fields, are crammed with seven-foot stems topped with rich red crowns. Many are pulled into warehouses by horses, chilled to sleep in refrigeration rooms, and then packed with other flowers onto planes--1.1 million at a time--to be sold in the United States.

It’s peak season for a massive Colombian industry that shipped more than 4 billion flowers to the United States last year--or about a dozen for every U.S. resident.

The Colombian industry has bloomed thanks to a U.S. effort to disrupt cocaine trafficking, the expansion of free-trade agreements--and the relentless demand by American consumers for cheap roses.

The transformation demonstrates the barreling, often brutal, efficiency of globalization: In 27 years, market forces and decisions made in Washington have reshaped the rose business on two continents. The American flower industry has seen its production of roses drop roughly 95 percent, falling from 545 million to less than 30 million.

It’s just the kind of decline that President Trump has railed against. Trump, who recently took action against foreign sellers of solar panels and washing machines, is now considering tariffs on steel and aluminum as well as a withdrawal from the North American Free Trade Agreement, changes that would reach deep into the American economy. He has promised an unapologetic “America First” agenda that some U.S. flower growers hope could bring them back into the Valentine’s Day rush.

But the rose industry offers a striking reminder of why it is so hard to roll back the economic relationships between countries. Where it used to face horrific violence and corruption, Colombia has nurtured an industry that produces roses faster and cheaper than anywhere in the United States--and can even get them to many U.S. retailers faster than domestic growers.

And in the United States, corporate giants such as Walmart and its competitors have replaced florists as the top seller of roses, ordering flowers in huge masses for consumers who have little interest in paying for the cost of a domestically grown rose.

Colombians don’t even celebrate Valentine’s Day, but among flower growers, the foreign holiday can account for close to 20 percent of annual revenue.

The volume of the rose trade is breathtaking. In the three weeks leading up to Feb. 14, 30 cargo jets make the trip from Colombia to Miami each day, with each plane toting more than a million flowers.

From Miami’s airport, the flowers are loaded into refrigerated trucks--200 are needed each day--and from there many go to warehouses in South Florida, where they are repackaged, assembled into bouquets, and then shipped all over the country.

A rose is both a symbol of love and a commodity, and American buyers want them to be simultaneously stunning and produced en masse. Colombia found a way to meet these demands.

Walmart alone is purchasing 24 million Colombian roses to sell for Valentine’s Day. One of its senior associates, Deborah Zoellick, is so well known in Colombia and South Florida that her travels are closely tracked. That’s because any buying decision by the United States’ largest retailer can single-handedly change the flow of roses on two continents.

This year promised to be especially busy. Valentine’s Day falls on a Wednesday, a boon for Colombian growers, as they believe Americans are more likely to splurge on midweek sales and still count on extra purchases on the weekend before and after.

Andres Osorio, managing director of Bogota-based Avianca Cargo, said he expects business to be up 7 percent from 2017, and the airline he works for added new warehouse space in Miami to make room for 12 daily flower flights.

But long before they are loaded onto Osorio’s planes or sold in Walmart’s stores, they are “pinched” from their stems by someone like Romulo Castro, who uses a two-second snip to set the whole process in motion.

Inside a steamy greenhouse here on the outskirts of Bogota, Castro, 57, was dwarfed inside a giant rose bed, surrounded by tens of thousands of bright red roses. He is wearing two hats: a baseball cap to hold his hair tight against his head and a wide-brimmed floppy hat to protect his neck from the near-equatorial sun.

He eyeballs a stem, cuts it 25 inches below its red top, and places the flower in a basket. Step left, scissors open, snip again.

He’s one of 850 workers at the Flores de Serrezuela farm, roughly 20 miles west of Bogota.

Every time Castro places a rose in his basket, it enters an integrated supply chain that, through a mix of high-end technology and a few anachronistic touches, gets the flowers from beds outside Bogota to U.S. retailers in a matter of days--often faster than flower growers in California can get their products to East Coast markets.

Bunches destined for Miami are wrapped in clear plastic. Flowers going to Canada are boxed in blue cardboard. White cardboard for the flowers going to Japan, and green-and-yellow cardboard containers for the flowers going to Russia.

Once they are boxed, they are moved into a giant refrigeration room. They will probably stay in below-40-degree temperatures until they are sold in their final destination.

Here at Serrezuela, the women wear green uniforms, and on the back it says “Nuestra Gente Florece,” which means “Our People Flourish.” There are 130,000 Colombians working in floriculture, and it exports more than 6 billion stems each year to a total of 90 countries.

The process is overseen by Ricardo Samper, 38, a second-generation flower grower who graduated from Boston University and has an MBA from Northwestern University.

He made the decision several years ago to diversify the client base beyond just the United States and to target buyers in Japan and elsewhere, where profit margins are higher, but Valentine’s Day is still his peak.

“I’m sold out,” he said, standing in the post-harvest room and surveying his holiday rose and carnation inventory. “I’ve been sold out since December.”

When Samper’s father founded the family flower farm on about five acres of land in 1985, Colombia was a much more dangerous place.

Colombian drug cartels used coca plants to produce cocaine in the South American jungle. Through corruption, guile and murder, they muscled these drugs by the ton into the United States.

President George H.W. Bush and other officials sought incentives that would push Colombians away from cocaine production and toward more legitimate parts of their economy, promising to open up access to U.S. consumers.

So in 1991, Congress passed the Andean Trade Preference Act, a law that would lift duties on numerous exports from Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia and Peru. The roughly 6 percent import duty on Colombian roses disappeared.

Still, the reminders of darker days are everywhere, both in Colombia and in Miami, where the incoming flowers are met by agents from U.S. Customs and Border Protection.

When flowers leave farms outside Bogota, they are sealed in the back of trucks to prevent anyone from tampering with the delivery. Once they reach Miami, they are X-rayed for cocaine and other contraband.

Today, the vast majority of Colombian flowers come in clean, but that wasn’t always the case.

Almost all the flowers brought to Miami by Avianca are unloaded in Cargo Terminal 708, where a team of Customs and Border Protection agents is waiting around the clock to inspect a portion of each shipment. Standing beside a white table, with a magnifying glass on a chain around his neck, inspector Robert Skafidas remembers seeing much different types of flower shipments from Colombia. He said growers would sometimes use garden weeds to fill out bouquets. And many inspectors remember seeing cocaine stuffed into boxes of roses.

“They would just tuck it in the bouquet,” Skafidas said. “But that doesn’t happen anymore.”

Many U.S. government and industry officials say the 1991 law helped grow legitimate Colombian businesses, particularly flower farms, by connecting them with the global economy.

“You can employ people who would otherwise not have jobs, and have to find something else to do,” said Mario Vicente, general manager at Fresca Farms, a Miami importer that also owns flower farms in Colombia. “I’m not going to say the drugs don’t exist, but if you take flowers out of the equation, the pressure to produce more drugs would be enormous.”

Colombian roses have a number of advantages over U.S. flowers. They grow fast and at a high altitude with the same amount of sunshine all year.

The red roses many Americans will purchase this week are called Freedom roses in Colombia, a particular breed that was put into mass production around the time of the 2001 terrorist attacks in the United States. These roses are durable, bright and strong, but they have little fragrance. They also grow near a major international airport, where planes can reach Miami in less than four hours. And, importantly, labor costs are low. The minimum wage in Colombia is around $300 a month.

In the first three months of 1992, Colombian roses were selling to U.S. wholesalers for an average of 24 cents per stem, according to a 1995 report from the U.S. International Trade Commission. The wholesale price of U.S.-grown roses remained trapped at around 35 cents a stem from 1986 until 2006, according to U.S. Agriculture Department data. It has ticked up in recent years because U.S. growers have focused primarily on higher-end roses that are designed for weddings and special events.

At USA Bouquet Company in Doral, Fla., 75 workers are crowded in one section of the room, putting imported red roses into vases and then carefully packing them in boxes for a Valentine’s shipment to Walgreens.

The roses that come in from Colombia ready to be quickly packaged and sold are referred to as “chop and plops,” flowers that need their stems recut but no other changes. Other flowers need to be assorted into specific bouquets to meet orders for supermarkets, online retailers or anyone else who locked in a contract with the company.

The room is around 40 degrees, cold enough to keep the flowers dormant but not so cold that employees will quit. The production floor can pack up 1,200 cases of flowers each hour, with 10 bouquets in every case, a dozen flowers in every bouquet, for a 16-hour workday.

There are dozens of similar warehouses within 20 miles of USA Bouquet. In the weeks running up to Valentine’s Day, many of them run around the clock, rushing to pack and ship flowers before the next truck arrives.

#roses #Colombia #Colombian roses #Valentine's Day

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yesilovehorses-blog1 · 7 years ago

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Plane With Horse Feed, Vet Supplies Lands in Puerto Rico

New Post has been published on http://lovehorses.net/plane-with-horse-feed-vet-supplies-lands-in-puerto-rico/

Plane With Horse Feed, Vet Supplies Lands in Puerto Rico

A Swift Air flight carrying nearly 20 tons of hay cubes and veterinary supplies departed from Miami at 4:30 a.m. today and landed in San Juan, Puerto Rico, at approximately 7 a.m. The plane, funded by The Jockey Club and Thoroughbred Charities of America’s (TCA) Horses First Fund, is the result of a week-long effort undertaken by numerous equine groups to get aid to the more than 800 Thoroughbreds at the Camarero Race Track and to begin assisting other horses on the island.

The American Association of Equine Practitioners (AAEP) Foundation, TCA, The Jockey Club, Brookledge’s Horse America, Caribbean Thoroughbred Aftercare, and the Texas Equine Veterinary Association (TEVA) worked closely with Ranch Aid, a Federal Emergency Management Agency-appointed organization that assists with logistics and care for large animals during natural disasters. The Humane Society of the United States also assisted by facilitating the federal approval of the shipment.

“There were many, many challenges but we are thrilled to see feed and vet supplies finally reaching the horses in Puerto Rico,” said Erin Crady executive director of TCA. “This effort would not have been possible without the incredible team work and support of so many organizations and people working tirelessly to get this plane into Puerto Rico.”

Finding an available aircraft to carry the feed and supplies was a daunting challenge given that most cargo planes are being utilized for humanitarian efforts. Terry Finley, a TCA board member, reached out to friend Vincent Viola, the owner of St. Elias Stables and a shareholder of Swift Air, who immediately put TCA in contact with Swift Air to ship the much-needed equine supplies.

The veterinary supplies and medications in route to San Juan were donated in part by MWI Animal Health and purchased by TEVA and delivery assistance by south Florida veterinary practice, Teigland, Franklin, and Brokken. Hay cubes were donated in part by Cargill/Nutrena and purchased by the AAEP Foundation. Additionally, the AAEP foundation purchased two satellite phones and south Florida Purina Animal Nutrition representative Shiela Conde provided delivery assistance.

“This is truly a team effort on the part of the equine industry, there are so many others involved with various efforts,” said Keith Kleine, AAEP’s director of industry relations. “First and foremost, we must thank our thousands of donors since Hurricane Harvey first hit Texas. The generosity has been incredible but sadly, much more is needed to support the horses impacted by Hurricane Maria. There are thousands of horses and caretakers in both Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands that need support.”

Additionally, Ocala Breeders’ Sales and Florida breeder Kim Heath organized five shipping containers of supplies and feed. The containers were transported from Ocala, Florida, to Jacksonville, Florida, last Friday where they will be loaded on a cargo ship slated to arrive in San Juan on Oct. 6.

Further relief efforts are being coordinated to provide ongoing support to the nearly 1,500 Thoroughbreds and thousands of other horses on the island of Puerto Rico and the Virgin Islands. Options for transporting some horses back to the U.S. mainland are also being evaluated.

Donations in support of the nonprofit organizations contributing to this effort can be made to:

American Association of Equine Practitioners Foundation

Caribbean Thoroughbred Aftercare

Thoroughbred Charities of America Horses First Fund

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lotuscontainers · 5 years ago

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alanafsmith · 7 years ago

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What the Cali cartel learned from Pablo Escobar, according to a DEA agent who hunted both of them

Medellin cartel chief Pablo Escobar had his life snuffed out on December 2, 1993, but his reputation as a brutal and prolific drug trafficker has lived on.

Though he reined over the Colombian underworld for years, he was not the only game in town.

Chief among his rivals was the Cali cartel, based in the city of the same name southwest of Escobar's stronghold in Medellin and run by two brothers, Miguel and Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela.

It's suspected the two cartels cooperated to some extent in the 1980s, organizing an armed group to fight kidnappers and working to stabilize the drug market and divide up territory in the US — the Medellin cartel took Miami and South Florida, while the Cali cartel controlled New York City and parts of the northeast.

But they remained rivals, and the cartels fought a vicious turf war in Colombia, even as Escobar and his partners waged a war against the Colombian state to fend off arrest and extradition.

Cali cartel leaders were behind efforts to kill Escobar, hiring mercenaries in a failed attempt on his life in 1989 and reportedly supporting a paramilitary group that ran his Medellin cartel to ground in the early 1990s.

Like Escobar, the Cali traffickers had been operating since the 1970s, but their organization didn't reach its zenith until after his death. At the height of its power it sent hundreds of tons of cocaine to the US and laundered billions of dollars in drug money. It was reportedly responsible for 80% of the world's cocaine trade at one point.

Like rivals in any other industry, the Cali cartel leadership took lessons from Escobar's rise and fall.

"What we noticed was that Cali cartel had learned from the Medellin cartel not to make those types of mistakes," Javier Peña, a US Drug Enforcement Administration who worked on both the Escobar and the Cali cartel cases, said on The Cipher Brief podcast.

"For example, I call the Medellin cartel 'wild, wild west'; Cali cartel was more business-like. They were more organized; they had more business savvy. They had more sophisticated accountants," added Peña, who was been portrayed by actor Pedro Pascal on three seasons of the Netflix show "Narcos."

Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela, nicknamed "the Chess Player," in particular earned a reputation for being business-oriented, preferring bribery to violence.

The Rodriguez Orejuela brothers and their partners, posing as businessmen and investing in Colombian and US companies, earned a level of public respect for their behavior (though they were always willing to resort to violence). Gilberto called himself an "honest drugstore magnate," referring to a chain of pharmacies his family owned.

"The cartels, I think, learned a valuable lesson with what Pablo Escobar was doing with wholesale violence, just basically narco terrorism," Mike Vigil, former chief of international operations for the DEA, told Business Insider in an interview earlier this year about the evolution of Colombia's criminal organizations.

"They learned a valuable lesson that the more violence you generate against the government, against the citizens, the more of a target you're going to become by the government and the international community," Vigil said.

The "Cali cartel was harder [to track] because of the network they had. They used more professional-type accountants. They had education in the United States ... and Cali was also more sophisticated in their smuggling method," Peña said.

While the Medellin cartel was known for bulk smuggling, particularly with planes flying into Florida, the Cali cartel "would hide a lot of coke inside big cargo-type containers, inside cement, inside heavy machinery, which was very hard to detect," Peña added. Such methods persist among traffickers in Colombia and elsewhere.

The Cali cartel was known to operate "cells" in US cities — Miami, New York, and Houston in particularly during the late 1990s. A regional manager would lead the cell, hiring submanagers to handle jobs like transport, storage, and distribution of drugs as well as collection of drug-sale proceeds.

But the Cali cartel's growth and assertiveness still earned it attention from the US and Colombian governments.

Officials in Washington put pressure on their Colombian counterparts to bring down the Rodriguez Orejuela brothers and their partners in the early and mid-1990s, after years of what seemed to be little official action against their activities.

Cali cartel activity in the US in the early 1990s was particularly brazen at times, as it used violence to protect its interest on US soil.

Cartel cofounder Jose Santacruz Londono was accused of ordering an assassination over a business deal gone bad in summer 1991. That same year, he reportedly ordered the killing of a Cuban-born New York journalist whose stories had raised the cartel's ire.

"They are trying to do things in this country similar to what they do in Colombia," the-DEA chief Thomas A. Constantine said in early 1995.

The period between 1994 and 1995 was especially concerning for the US, after the release of recordings of people identified as Cali cartel leaders discussing millions of dollars of contributions to the presidential campaign of Ernesto Samper. The revelations damaged US-Colombia relations and led to Washington revoking Samper's visa.

In a letter released in 2000 purportedly written by Gilberto and Miguel, they admitted to giving millions to the campaign. Members of Samper's presidential campaign were eventually convicted in relation to the drug money, but Samper, president from 1994 to 1998, was cleared by Colombia's Congress.

Numerous high-level Cali cartel figures were arrested in 1995, however, including Jorge Eliecer Rodriguez Orejuela in March and cartel cofounder Jose Santacruz Londono in July.

That summer also saw the downfall of the Rodriguez Orejuela brothers themselves.

Then-President Ernesto Samper called the June arrest of Gilberto — caught hiding in a secret compartment in a luxurious Cali home — "the beginning of the end for the Cali cartel."

When Miguel was arrested two months later — caught in his underwear before he could hide in a secret closet — national police chief Jose Serrano said, "The Cali cartel died today."

The Medellin and Cali cartels continued to exist in some form in the years after their respective leaders' demise, but Colombian criminal organizations continued to evolve in response to a changing drug market and ongoing pressure from authorities.

In 1997, US officials said there were more cartel operatives than ever in South Florida and levels of cocaine coming into the area were higher than ever.

A DEA spokeswoman called Miami "the North American headquarters for the South American cartels" in early 1997.

"They haven't gone away," she added. "They've just changed their profile."

In Colombia, the reign of large, hierarchical cartels gave way to that of paramilitary groups, who were eventually replaced by more criminal groups, or "bandas criminales," that are more compartmentalized, dispersed, and autonomous than their predecessors.

"The criminal underworld in Colombia has become very much like traditional organized crime under, like, Carlo Gambino, where they try to be invisible," Vigil told Business Insider.

SEE ALSO: Pablo Escobar's death cleared the way for a much more sinister kind of criminal in Colombia

Join the conversation about this story »

NOW WATCH: Pablo Escobar: The life and death of one of the biggest cocaine kingpins in history

from All About Law http://www.businessinsider.com/cali-cartel-learned-from-escobar-according-to-dea-agent-javier-pena-2017-9

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nancy-astorga · 7 years ago

Text

What the Cali cartel learned from Pablo Escobar, according to a DEA agent who hunted both of them

Medellin cartel chief Pablo Escobar had his life snuffed out on December 2, 1993, but his reputation as a brutal and prolific drug trafficker has lived on.

Though he reined over the Colombian underworld for years, he was not the only game in town.

Chief among his rivals was the Cali cartel, based in the city of the same name southwest of Escobar’s stronghold in Medellin and run by two brothers, Miguel and Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela.

It’s suspected the two cartels cooperated to some extent in the 1980s, organizing an armed group to fight kidnappers and working to stabilize the drug market and divide up territory in the US — the Medellin cartel took Miami and South Florida, while the Cali cartel controlled New York City and parts of the northeast.

But they remained rivals, and the cartels fought a vicious turf war in Colombia, even as Escobar and his partners waged a war against the Colombian state to fend off arrest and extradition.

Like Escobar, the Cali traffickers had been operating since the 1970s, but their organization didn’t reach its zenith until after his death. At the height of its power it sent hundreds of tons of cocaine to the US and laundered billions of dollars in drug money. It was reportedly responsible for 80% of the world’s cocaine trade at one point.

Like rivals in any other industry, the Cali cartel leadership took lessons from Escobar’s rise and fall.

“What we noticed was that Cali cartel had learned from the Medellin cartel not to make those types of mistakes,” Javier Peña, a US Drug Enforcement Administration who worked on both the Escobar and the Cali cartel cases, said on The Cipher Brief podcast.

“For example, I call the Medellin cartel ‘wild, wild west’; Cali cartel was more business-like. They were more organized; they had more business savvy. They had more sophisticated accountants,” added Peña, who was been portrayed by actor Pedro Pascal on three seasons of the Netflix show “Narcos.”

Gilberto Rodriguez Orejuela, nicknamed “the Chess Player,” in particular earned a reputation for being business-oriented, preferring bribery to violence.

The Rodriguez Orejuela brothers and their partners, posing as businessmen and investing in Colombian and US companies, earned a level of public respect for their behavior (though they were always willing to resort to violence). Gilberto called himself an “honest drugstore magnate,” referring to a chain of pharmacies his family owned.

“The cartels, I think, learned a valuable lesson with what Pablo Escobar was doing with wholesale violence, just basically narco terrorism,” Mike Vigil, former chief of international operations for the DEA, told Business Insider in an interview earlier this year about the evolution of Colombia’s criminal organizations.

“They learned a valuable lesson that the more violence you generate against the government, against the citizens, the more of a target you’re going to become by the government and the international community,” Vigil said.

The “Cali cartel was harder [to track] because of the network they had. They used more professional-type accountants. They had education in the United States … and Cali was also more sophisticated in their smuggling method,” Peña said.

While the Medellin cartel was known for bulk smuggling, particularly with planes flying into Florida, the Cali cartel “would hide a lot of coke inside big cargo-type containers, inside cement, inside heavy machinery, which was very hard to detect,” Peña added. Such methods persist among traffickers in Colombia and elsewhere.

The Cali cartel was known to operate “cells” in US cities — Miami, New York, and Houston in particularly during the late 1990s. A regional manager would lead the cell, hiring submanagers to handle jobs like transport, storage, and distribution of drugs as well as collection of drug-sale proceeds.

But the Cali cartel’s growth and assertiveness still earned it attention from the US and Colombian governments.

Cali cartel activity in the US in the early 1990s was particularly brazen at times, as it used violence to protect its interest on US soil.

“They are trying to do things in this country similar to what they do in Colombia,” the-DEA chief Thomas A. Constantine said in early 1995.

In a letter released in 2000 purportedly written by Gilberto and Miguel, they admitted to giving millions to the campaign. Members of Samper’s presidential campaign were eventually convicted in relation to the drug money, but Samper, president from 1994 to 1998, was cleared by Colombia’s Congress.

Numerous high-level Cali cartel figures were arrested in 1995, however, including Jorge Eliecer Rodriguez Orejuela in March and cartel cofounder Jose Santacruz Londono in July.

That summer also saw the downfall of the Rodriguez Orejuela brothers themselves.

Then-President Ernesto Samper called the June arrest of Gilberto — caught hiding in a secret compartment in a luxurious Cali home — “the beginning of the end for the Cali cartel.”

When Miguel was arrested two months later — caught in his underwear before he could hide in a secret closet — national police chief Jose Serrano said, “The Cali cartel died today.”

The Medellin and Cali cartels continued to exist in some form in the years after their respective leaders’ demise, but Colombian criminal organizations continued to evolve in response to a changing drug market and ongoing pressure from authorities.

In 1997, US officials said there were more cartel operatives than ever in South Florida and levels of cocaine coming into the area were higher than ever.

A DEA spokeswoman called Miami “the North American headquarters for the South American cartels” in early 1997.

“They haven’t gone away,” she added. “They’ve just changed their profile.”

In Colombia, the reign of large, hierarchical cartels gave way to that of paramilitary groups, who were eventually replaced by more criminal groups, or “bandas criminales,” that are more compartmentalized, dispersed, and autonomous than their predecessors.

“The criminal underworld in Colombia has become very much like traditional organized crime under, like, Carlo Gambino, where they try to be invisible,” Vigil told Business Insider.

SEE ALSO: Pablo Escobar’s death cleared the way for a much more sinister kind of criminal in Colombia

Join the conversation about this story »

NOW WATCH: Pablo Escobar: The life and death of one of the biggest cocaine kingpins in history

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petcarejaipur-blog · 7 years ago

Text

Dog for sale Houston: Required documentation for traveling with dogs

Tips for traveling with dogs on this holiday

Required documentation for traveling with dogs

Depending on the destination, the required documentation, as well as the vaccines that must have the animal, may be different.

To travel within the European Union environment, the pet must have a valid Veterinary Passport. Likewise, it is also mandatory to identify the dog through the implantation of a microchip.

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Airlines Rules

Each airline imposes its own conditions to allow passengers to travel by plane with dogs. But most are more or less similar. The minimum age required for animals to travel by air is 8 weeks. Even so, in some cases can be 10 or even 12 weeks.

Dogs must climb on board in containers made of resistant materials and that have a closure that guarantees that at no time will it open accidentally. In addition, they must be in good condition, both externally and internally. Proper air circulation and an impermeable bottom must be allowed.

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Rules for companies to travel by plane with dogs

In the case of Iberia, Air, to carry the dog in a cabin, the total weight (animal plus cage) must not exceed 8 kg . Containers must have maximum dimensions of 45 centimeters in length, 35 centimeters in width, and 25 centimeters in depth.

Those traveling to South America in LATAM and want to bring the pet next to them, must have a certificate from a veterinarian with a maximum validity of 10 days.

When the animals travel in the cargo hold, the animal must have enough space inside its transporter to stand without problems. Containers can not have wheels.

#Dog for sale Chicago #Dog for sale Indianapolis #Dog for sale Columbus #Dog for sale Philadelphia #Dog for sale Austin #Dog for sale Dallas #Dog for sale Houston #Dog for sale San Antonio #Dog for sale New York

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cubaverdad · 7 years ago

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High on Cuba policy proposal: restricting U.S. business deals with Cuba’s military-run entities

High on Cuba policy proposal: restricting U.S. business deals with Cuba's military-run entities BY NORA GÁMEZ TORRES [email protected] Cuban-American members of Congress have been pushing the Trump administration to restrict deals between U.S. companies and Cuban firms controlled by the island's military, as part of the new Trump policy toward Cuba expected to be announced this week in Miami. White House spokeswoman Helen Aguirre Ferré confirmed Monday that the proposal is under consideration, but added that it was "one of the many possibilities under discussion." The possibility of restrictions put a spotlight on the military-run companies, which are just about everywhere on the island. If you're a U.S. traveler in Cuba and you buy a bottle of water in the supermarket or a souvenir in a store, or you rent a car or a hotel room, it's very likely that you're putting money into the pockets of the military-run GAESA, which experts say controls nearly 60 percent of the Cuban economy. GAESA, the Spanish acronym for Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A., is the business conglomerate owned by the Revolutionary Armed Forces and controls more than 50 enterprises, although the exact details are difficult to establish. GAESA operates in virtually every profitable area of the Cuban economy, controlling hotel chains, car rental agencies and sales companies, banks, credit card and remittance services, supermarkets, clothing shops, real estate development companies, gasoline stations, import and export companies, shipping and construction companies, warehouses and even an airline. Heading the conglomerate is army Gen. Luis Alberto Rodriguez Lopez Calleja, who, according to various reports, is married or was married to a daughter of Cuban ruler Raúl Castro. One of the best known companies of GAESA is the Gaviota hotel chain, which owns nearly 29,000 rooms around the country and serves an estimated 40 percent of all the island's foreign tourism. Gaviota has signed management contracts for 83 percent of its rooms with international hotel chains like Spain's Meliá and the Swiss-based Kempinski. It also has a deal with Sheraton's Starwood chain to administer the Four Points Hotel in Havana, a contract that was allowed by policy changes under the Obama administration. Gaviota also owns the Gran Hotel Manzana in Havana, Cuba's first luxury hotel, managed by the Kempinski group. Exclusive hotel shops that sell Montblanc, Versace and Armani goods are owned by CIMEX, a Cuban business conglomerate taken over by GAESA in 2010. CIMEX, founded by the Ministry of the Interior, includes financial services, a chain of shops and import and export agencies. Restrictions by the Trump administration on doing business with Cuba's military-run companies, if imposed, would impact more than tourism because GAESA operates in virtually every sector of the island's economy — with the exception of telecommunications and agriculture. GAESA's Almacenes Universales S.A., for example, controls the container terminal in the Port of Mariel, which receives most of the cargo that once arrived at the port of Havana. The terminal was built by Brazil's Odebrecht company, with funding from President Dilma Rousseff's government. Western Union has said that its operations in Cuba use the infrastructure of FINCIMEX (Financiera Cimex) to send remittances to Cuba. FINCIMEX also processes VISA and MASTERCARD transactions on the island. FINCIMEX also handles remittances sent to Cuba through companies like VaCuba. And the room-rental company Airbnb, which saw its Cuba operations boom after the Obama Administration approved it, may be affected by any change because it pays home and apartment owners through VaCuba. Airbnb declined to comment for this story. The birth of GAESA goes back to the 1980s. But when Raúl Castro, who was in charge of the military for more than five decades, replaced his brother Fidel in 2006, military officers began taking more control of the economy under the argument that they were more efficient than Cuban bureaucrats. Trump policy change on Cuba coming, but he has not made decision yet GAESA expanded even further in 2016 when it took over Cuba's International Financial Bank (BFI) as well as Habaguanex, a corporation that Fidel Castro had favored with a special license to run hotels, shops and restaurants in Old Havana. MIAMI HERALD STAFF WRITER PATRICIA MAZZEI CONTRIBUTED TO THIS REPORT. Follow Nora Gámez Torres on Twitter: @ngameztorres Source: High priority: restricting U.S. business deals with Cuba's military-run | Miami Herald - http://ift.tt/2slVcvx via Blogger http://ift.tt/2rcPiJ3

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