#Napoleon B

[galakteon]

what the flip nelson in g&b

[witheon]

You believe me like a god, I'll betray you like a man.

[lazicalm]

“But when I met you, right away, I knew that you would never, ever, ever hurt me.” - You Love Me by Kimya Dawson

(Reference picture below)

[kelvinthegoatt]

When you sent actual napoleonic figures into the G&B universe(totally ooc):

[anoliverbranch]

Vive la France

Forget to post this

[9thermidorian]

Barry... HE DIDNT DESERVE TO DIE HE DESERVES TO LIVE HAPPILY WITH ME

[empirearchives]

Napoleon Bonaparte by Hiroshi Sugimoto, c. 1999

From Hiroshi Sugimoto’s Portraits, a series of depictions of historical and contemporary figures. Sugimoto isolated wax figures from staged vignettes in waxworks museums, posed them in three-quarter-length view, and illuminated them to create haunting Rembrandt-esque portraits of historical figures, such as Henry VIII, Napoleon Bonaparte, Fidel Castro, and Princess Diana.

(Guggenheim)

[battlestariroh]

Napoleon, calling himself “Emperor of the French” instead of “Emperor of France” to make it clear it’s all about the people:

[Leslie Knope winking & saying “I’m not like a regular mom; I’m a cool mom!]

[theweirdbox123]

okay so one of my GnB ocs is a cannibal (very original i know)

but i wrote about him just bc :3

His name is claude btw and hes a french sapper. He was left without food.

[witheon]

More G&B

[sethsetshetshehehstehtsetshet]

Yaoi because i got

Ueueueu!!!!

[captainknell]

Happy birthday Marshal Bessieres! August 6, 1768

The evening before the battle Marshal Bessieres was forcing a defile near Poserna, and having, according to custom, advanced into the very midst of the skirmishers, a musket-ball struck him in the breast and extended him lifeless on the ground. His death was concealed from the brave men he had so long commanded, and by whom he was greatly beloved, until after the victory the following day.

- Napoleon's Military Career by Montgomery B. Gibbs

[9thermidorian]

Another art dump

[empirearchives]

Councils of Prud'hommes

The Councils of Prud'hommes were a labour council created by Napoleon. As one of Napoleon’s many working class reforms, they were elected councils which solved disputes between workers and their employers.

Historian Robert B. Holtman called them “an early attempt at satisfactory management-labor relations in the new era of industrialization” and said “Through the councils of prud'hommes France became the first modern state to have a court for industry” (The Napoleonic Revolution).

First appearing in Lyon in 1806, conseils de prud'hommes were conceived as industrial justices of the peace that also developed a conciliatory approach while specialising in the regulation of economic activities. Proposals to establish such councils had already been formulated in the context of eighteenth-century conflicts between artisans and guild officials, in order to cope with the issue of subordination in labour relations. The need to establish local institutions to monitor labour relations had also been noted by the Constituent Assembly in 1791. But the creation of conseils de prud'hommes also resulted from powerful struggles led by workers over the revolutionary period. As noted by Guicheteau, it represented the outcome of multiple experiments led by different actors, most notably in Lyon, with the aim of applying revolutionary principles to the field of labour relations.

The councils’ officials were representatives elected from within trade communities—merchants, master-artisans and eventually also workers. Their success was also impressive, and new councils were soon created in other cities, so that by the end of the century they had spread throughout the country. In cities where prud'hommes remained absent, justices of the peace continued to deal with labour conflicts. Though at first also created to deal with commercial matters such as brand and quality control, prud'hommes rapidly narrowed their focus down to labour relations. It is crucial to note that, though they were ruling on individual disputes, their decisions had crucial collective implications.

Prud'hommes pronounced judgements and gave conciliatory advice on every aspect of labour relations, and thus played a pivotal role in the structuring of social relations of production. In doing this, they systematically refused to grant arbitrary powers to employers or to let unfettered market competition determine working conditions. A close analysis of prud'hommes’ decisions conducted by Cottereau clearly and amply confirms this. Whenever they felt that their rights were not respected, workers would appeal to these courts.

Employers were not granted the right to define individual tasks or the organisation of work. Methods of production could only be established by workers alone or jointly with employers, according to local trade usages, but could not simply be imposed from above by employers. Until the last third of the nineteenth century, prud'hommes objected to the establishment of all internal factory or workshop regulations that did not respect customary trade customs. In this, they were often backed up by municipal and regional political authorities.

Bargaining also took place within a framework defined by municipal policies and the decisions of conseils des prud'hommes, establishing minimum wages and tariffs; and whenever the bon droit was infringed upon, discussions, arguments and (sometime violent) conflicts emerged.

The point is not simply that the employers’ powers were importantly circumscribed. Over the first two-thirds of the nineteenth century, such powers, at least in a unilateral form, were nowhere to be found. Prud'hommes and local or regional authorities justified their decisions and interventions by stressing the fact that issues pertaining to labour relations and the organisation of production were ‘public matters’. The separation of ‘economic’ and ‘political’ spheres specific to capitalism, which implies the privatisation of political powers to organise production, and their confinement to an ‘economic’ sphere, simply did not exist in France until the last decades of the nineteenth century, an authentic relationship of reciprocity characterised labour relations and was largely accepted, and sometimes even actively defended, by most employers, as well as by workers. As Cottereau explains, justices de paix and prud'hommes enforced, and helped to define the contours of, a moral economy, and this economy was at times also upheld by collective struggles.

The reason why so many historians have overlooked prud'hommes:

Importantly, these trade communities were also no longer backed by the central state. Sets of customary norms represented a kind of local and semi-clandestine legislation. Consequently, prud'hommes made sure not to over-publicize some of their decisions, as many could have been—and were, in fact, on relatively rare occasions, until the last third of the nineteenth century—recognised as illegal by superior law courts and high state officials and politicians. This partly explains why their crucial regulatory role within the nineteenth-century French economy has been so often ignored by historians.

Thus, for instance, after the central state’s intervention to abolish the tariffs set by Lyon’s municipal government for the silk industry in 1831, and following the popular revolts that ensued that same year and in 1834 (which will be discussed in the next chapter), the city’s prud'hommes continued to administer and to enforce piece rates clandestinely, with the support of the trade community and in direct opposition to the official liberalism.

Source:

Xavier Lafrance, The Making of Capitalism in France — Class Structures, Economic Development, the State and the Formation of the French Working Class, 1750-1914, ch. 3

[apurpledust]

Thinking a lot about them recently and can't help but notice how this couplet from one of my favourite Chinese poems called "Jin Se" can sum up their relationship : 「此情可待成追憶？ 只是當時已惘然。」 This feeling might have become something to be remembered later on; Merely, at that time I were already perplexed and lost.

This saying could roughly be interpreted as the two people's relationship should have bought back wonderful memories, but one didn’t cherish it enough when they were together, and now it just brings sorrowness.

😭 Actually, this could also be apply towards Napoleon with Lannes / Duroc aka his harem too. He is just so shippable.

[banefort]

bear with me i just rewatched Napoleon lol but i think there’s a lot to be said regarding similarities between Larys Strong and Talleyrand, to the point where Larys feels deliberately modeled on the French politician

- both born into aristocratic families

- both renowned for their political maneuverability and capriciousness

- both held power and titles over multiple regimes (including civil war and revolution)

- both being extreme sexual deviants

- both having congenital clubfoots