#Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak

[politicoscope]

Hosni Mubarak Biography and Profile

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Hosni Mubarak Biography and Profile

Hosni Mubarak Early Life

Hosni Mubarak (Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak) was born on 4 May 1928 in Munofiya. Mubarak was a former Egyptian military and political leader who served as the fourth president of Egypt from 1981 to 2011. Before he entered politics, Mubarak was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force. Hosni Mubarak was the longest serving Egyptian president, having ruled Egypt for almost 30 years until he was swept from power in a wave of mass protests in February 2011. Mubarak was a 24-year-old air force pilot when the military overthrew King Farouk in 1952. The son of a government clerk, he was born Muhammed Hosni El Sayed Mubarak in the Nile Delta village of Kafr Musailha on May 4, 1928, when Egypt was still heavily supervised by Britain, which controlled the Suez Canal. Details of his early life are sketchy. He qualified as a pilot in 1950 and spent more than two years in the Soviet Union a decade later, training to fly bombers.

When much of the air force was wiped out by Israeli warplanes in the Six-Day War of 1967, he was made head of the air force academy, charged with rebuilding air power to hit back. As head of the air force from 1972, he did just that, attacking Israel in 1973. Sadat, who succeeded Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970, saw in Mubarak a loyal subordinate and made him vice president in 1975. That office would lie vacant under Mubarak, who guarded his power jealously.

As president, Mubarak sent the army in to quell mutineers in the 1980s, and also repaired relations with Arab states after Sadat’s peace with Israel. In 1989, Egypt was readmitted to the Arab League, which moved its headquarters back to Cairo. American money made sure that Egypt never wavered from an arms-length civility toward the Jewish state, and Mubarak played mediator between Israel and the Palestinians down the years. His policies irritated many in the Middle East. After Hamas Islamists took control in the Gaza Strip, adjacent to Egypt, in 2007, Mubarak backed the Israeli blockade of the territory.

Violence by Islamists at home, including attacks on tourist sites and Red Sea resorts, remained a justification for the police state. In 1995, Mubarak survived one of several assassination attempts when Islamist gunmen fired on his car during a visit to Ethiopia.

A command economy fashioned under the Arab socialist Nasser lagged behind countries Egypt was once compared to, such as Turkey or South Korea. Egypt’s population almost doubled under Mubarak, but many remained mired in deep poverty. A spurt of growth in his final decade, fuelled by market reforms overseen by his son Gamal, made some rich, but corruption ensured the wealth stuck to the elite around the head of state, the military and those who found favour in the National Democratic Party (NDP).

Hosni Mubarak Biography and Profile

The son of a government clerk, he was born Muhammed Hosni El Sayed Mubarak in the Nile Delta village of Kafr Musailha on May 4, 1928, when Egypt was still heavily supervised by Britain, which controlled the Suez Canal. Muhammad Hosni Sayyid Mubarak insisted on keeping his private life out of the public domain while president. Mubarak exhibited a leaning toward the military. A graduate of the Air Force academy, he would serve as its director between 1966 and 1969. In 1972, Sadat appointed him as Air Force commander; he would later receive accolades from the late president over the Egyptian Air Force’s accomplishments during the conflict with Israel.

In 1975, Sadat appointed Mubarak to the post of vice-president and gave him his first taste of mainstream politics as a senior member of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). It was not clear why Sadat chose Mubarak, although some believe it was in reward for Mubarak’s effective tenure as chief of the air force.

Married to a half-British graduate of the American University in Cairo, Suzanne Mubarak, he was known to lead a strict life with a fixed daily schedule that began at 0600. Never a smoker or a drinker, he built himself a reputation as a fit man who led a healthy life. In his younger days, close associates often complained of the president’s schedule, which began with a workout in the gym or a game of squash.

He was sworn in as president on 14 October 1981, eight days after the Sadat assassination. Despite having little popular appeal or international profile at the time, the burly military man used his sponsorship of the issue behind Sadat’s killing – peace with Israel – to build up his reputation as an international statesman.

Mubarak head of the air force academy

Mubarak qualified as a pilot in 1950 and spent more than two years in the Soviet Union a decade later, training to fly bombers. When much of the air force was wiped out by Israeli warplanes in the Six-Day War of 1967, he was made head of the air force academy, charged with rebuilding air power to hit back. As head of the air force from 1972, he did just that, attacking Israel in 1973.

Mubarak Isolated From Arab and Muslim Countries

When Mubarak assumed power, Egypt was isolated from Arab and Muslim countries, many of whom had broken off diplomatic ties after Sadat signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1979. In one of its greatest diplomatic defeats, Egypt was kicked out of the Arab League and its headquarters were moved from Cairo to Tunisia. Mubarak’s first foreign policy mandate was to bring his country back into the Arab fold and to resume ties with major players in the region. His first success was in building a relationship with the then influential Arab leader Saddam Hussein, the Iraqi president, whose country was locked in a bloody war with Iran.

Egypt signed on as Iraq’s ally in the conflict, providing military assistance and expertise to Baghdad. By the time the Iran-Iraq war ended in 1988, Egypt had successfully emerged from its isolation. In 1990, in a move spearheaded by Iraq and Yemen, the Arab League headquarters were returned to Cairo. But the Arab rapprochement was short-lived as Egypt opposed Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. Mubarak urged Saddam to withdraw his forces from Kuwait; when Baghdad failed to do so, Egypt joined the US-led international effort to drive Iraqi troops out of Kuwait.

Hosni Mubarak Trial

By late May 2011, judicial officials announced that Mr Mubarak, along with his two sons – Alaa and Gamal – would stand trial over the deaths of anti-government protesters. So began a protracted series of court appearances – with the former president often been seen in the dock in an upright stretcher wearing his trademark sunglasses.

Hosni Mubarak Trial in Court

He has steadfastly argued his innocence – telling a retrial in August that that he was approaching the end of his life “with a good conscience”.

On 2 June 2012 he was found guilty of complicity in the murder of some of the demonstrators who took part in the wave of protests that began on 25 January 2011. Along with his former Interior Minister, Habib al-Adly, he was sentenced to life imprisonment for his crimes.

In January 2013 a court upheld an appeal against Mr Mubarak’s and Mr al-Adly’s convictions and granted retrials. Mr Mubarak and his sons were also ordered to be retried on corruption charges for which they were originally acquitted. Mr Mubarak was released from prison in August that year but placed under house arrest before being transferred to a military hospital.

In May 2014, Mubarak was found guilty of embezzlement, and sentenced to three years in prison. Alaa and Gamal were sentenced to four years each. The convictions were overturned in January 2015, but a retrial reinstated the same sentences. An appeals court upheld the sentences a year later, but Alaa and Gamal were freed because of time already served.

In November 2014, Mr Mubarak was finally acquitted in a retrial of conspiring to kill protesters during the 2011 uprising. At the same time, he was also acquitted of corruption charges involving gas exports to Israel.

In March 2017 Egypt’s top appeals court upheld Mr Mubarak’s acquittal and he went free, for the first time in six years.

Mubarak: Egypt’s Quasi-Military Leader

In effect, Mubarak ruled as a quasi-military leader when he took power. For his entire period in office, he kept the country under emergency law, giving the state sweeping powers of arrest and curbing basic freedoms. The government argued the draconian regime was necessary to combat Islamist terrorism, which came in waves during the decades of Mr Mubarak’s rule – often targeting Egypt’s lucrative tourism sector.

He presided over a period of domestic stability and economic development that meant most of his fellow countrymen accepted his monopolisation of power. But towards the end of his tenure in power, Mr Mubarak felt for the first time the pressure to encourage democracy, both from within Egypt, and from his most powerful ally, the United States. Many supporters of reform doubted the veteran ruler’s sincerity when he said he was all for opening up the political process.

Ahead of his declaration that he would not to stand again for the presidency, the US had heaped pressure on him to stand aside, calling for an “orderly transition” of power to a more democratic system. Mr Mubarak won three elections unopposed since 1981, but for his fourth contest in 2005 – after a firm push from the US – he changed the system to allow rival candidates.

Critics said the election was heavily weighted in favour of Mr Mubarak and the National Democratic Party (NDP). They accused the Egyptian leader of presiding over a sustained campaign of suppressing.

‘History will judge me’

The length of his time in power, along with his age and possible successors, had all been sensitive subjects in Egypt until the mass protests allowed the Egyptian people to find a voice. People around Mr Mubarak said his health and vigour belied his age – although a couple of health scares served as a reminder of his advancing years. Rumours about the president’s health gathered pace when he travelled to Germany in March 2010 for gall bladder surgery. They flared every time he missed a key gathering or disappeared from the media spotlight for any conspicuous length of time.

However much Egyptian officials tried to deny them, they kept circulating, with reports in the Israeli and pan-Arab media. The days of mass protests in Egyptian cities prompted Mr Mubarak to finally name a vice-president. On 29 January 2011, intelligence chief Omar Suleiman was elevated to the role in what was seen as an attempt by Mr Mubarak to bolster his support in the military. Two weeks later Mr Mubarak’s three-decade rule was over, and in March he was under arrest.

In the past, Mr Mubarak had said he would continue to serve Egypt until his last breath. In his speech on 1 February 2011, he said: “This dear nation… is where I lived, I fought for it and defended its soil, sovereignty and interests. On its soil I will die. History will judge me like it did others.”

Why Was Mubarak Overthrown?

Mubarak policies irritated many in the Middle East. After Hamas Islamists took control in the Gaza Strip, adjacent to Egypt, in 2007, Mubarak backed the Israeli blockade of the territory. Violence by Islamists at home, including attacks on tourist sites and Red Sea resorts, remained a justification for the police state. In 1995, Mubarak survived one of several assassination attempts when Islamist gunmen fired on his car during a visit to Ethiopia.

A command economy fashioned under the Arab socialist Nasser lagged behind countries Egypt was once compared to, such as Turkey or South Korea. Egypt’s population almost doubled under Mubarak, but many remained mired in deep poverty. A spurt of growth in his final decade, fuelled by market reforms overseen by his son Gamal, made some rich, but corruption ensured the wealth stuck to the elite around the head of state, the military and those who found favour in the National Democratic Party (NDP).

Politically, there was talk of reform, not least when former U.S. President George W. Bush was pushing the idea. After winning a series of single-candidate referendums that provided the legal basis of his rule, Mubarak agreed to contest a presidential election in 2005. But the defeat of Ayman Nour, a liberal lawyer who dared challenge him, was no surprise.

By 2010, the NDP felt confident enough of its impunity to claim 90% of the seats in a parliamentary election that saw the Muslim Brotherhood eliminated from the legislature. The resulting public outrage might have subsided, as it had before, had it not been for the sudden success of an uprising in Tunisia just a few weeks later which also prompted protests against Egypt’s ruler.

At first, Mubarak gave little ground to the hundreds of thousands of demonstrators in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, comforted by hesitation in Western capitals to cut loose an ally. Only when his generals began to desert him, fearful their own privileges might be swept away, and the Americans sided with the popular will, did he relent, at first insisting he would retire only later but finally flown off to his Red Sea retreat.

“Egypt and I shall not be parted until I am buried in her soil,” he said. He was arrested two months later.

A trial began in August 2011, the sight of Mubarak in a courtroom cage captivating viewers.

Egyptian Revolution of 2011

Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s third and longest-serving president, stepped down on February 11, 2011, after an 18-day-long mass uprising aimed at removing him from power. Omar Suleiman, the country’s then newly appointed vice-president, announced the move in a brief statement on state television, hours after Mubarak was reported to have left the capital Cairo for the Red Sea resort city of Sharm El-Sheikh.

The following day Vice-President Omar Suleiman made a terse announcement saying Mr Mubarak was stepping down and the military’s supreme council would run the country.

Mubarak’s resignation followed mass protests in Egypt against his 30-year rule, and came a day after he surprised the people of his country by refusing to resign. The former president succeeded Anwar Sadat, who was assassinated on October 6, 1981 while attending a military parade to commemorate the 1973 Arab-Israeli war.

Mohamed Mursi Won the Presidency

On June 2, 2012, just before Brotherhood candidate Mohamed Mursi won the presidency, Mubarak was jailed for life for conspiring to murder protesters, sent to Cairo’s Tora Prison though occasionally moved to the smart Maadi military hospital nearby due to claims of failing health. Prison time would be short, however, as another military man, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, overthrew Mursi the following year.

As Sisi launched a crackdown on the Brotherhood that critics said was more severe than anything under Mubarak, the case against the former president was dropped in 2014.

Three years later, following an appeal by the prosecution, Egypt’s top appeals court acquitted him, allowing him to return to his home the upscale Cairo neighbourhood of Heliopolis, not far from the presidential palace he had occupied for nearly three decades.

Hosni Mubarak Death

Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, who held power for 30 years until he was ousted in 2011 in a popular uprising against corruption and autocratic rule, died on Tuesday 25 February 2020, at the age of 91.

Hosni Mubarak Net Worth

Hosni Mubarak’s vast wealth started to attract widespread press scrutiny, with outlets like the Guardian and ABC News estimating his fortune at as much as $70 billion. However, this amount may be disputed by some people. The precise amount of cash and assets Mubarak and his family allegedly stole may start to come to light as Egypt works with international authorities in their recovery effort.

Hosni Mubarak spoke out and said:

“I do not own any accounts or assets outside Egypt… This is for the Egyptian people to know that their former president has accounts only in one Egyptian bank, according to what I have mentioned in my final financial statement. I agree to offer any authorizations that would enable the Egyptian public prosecutor – through the Egyptian Foreign Ministry’s contacts with foreign ministries worldwide – to take all the necessary legal procedures to reveal whether my wife, either of my sons, Alaa or Gamal, and I own any properties or assets directly or indirectly, whether they were commercial or personal, since I started working in the military and political public works and until now, so that everyone would make sure that all the allegations handled by the local and foreign mass media about me and my family’s ownership of huge properties abroad were fake.”

How Old is Hosni Mubarak?

Hosni Mubarak was 91 years when he died on Tuesday 25 February 2020.

Hosni Mubarak’s Family

Hosni Mubarak’s Spouse: Suzanne Mubarak (m. 1959). Hosni Mubarak’s Grandchildren: Omar Alaa Mubarak, Mahmoud Gamal Mubarak, Farida Gamal Mubarak, Mohammed Mubarak.

Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak Biography and Profile

[political-affairs]

Egypt buries Mubarak, the 'Pharaoh' toppled by Arab Spring

Egypt held a military funeral for its former President Hosni Mubarak, bestowing the state's final rehabilitation on the man who ruled for 30 years until he was ousted in disgrace in a 2011 popular uprising. Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak (4 May 1928 – 25 February 2020) was an Egyptian military and political leader who served as the fourth president of Egypt from 1981 to 2011. Before he entered politics, Mubarak was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force. He served as its commander from 1972 to 1975 and rose to the rank of air chief marshal in 1973. He assumed the presidency after the assassination of Anwar Sadat in 1981. Mubarak's presidency lasted almost thirty years, making him Egypt's longest-serving ruler since Muhammad Ali Pasha, who ruled the country from 1805 to 1848, a reign of 43 years.  Mubarak stepped down after 18 days of demonstrations during the Egyptian Revolution of 2011. On 11 February 2011, former Vice President Omar Suleiman announced that Mubarak and he had resigned as president and vice president respectively and transferred authority to the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces.

On 13 April 2011, a prosecutor ordered Mubarak and both of his sons (Alaa and Gamal) to be detained for 15 days of questioning about allegations of corruption and abuse of power. Mubarak was then ordered to stand trial on charges of negligence for failing to halt the killing of peaceful protesters during the revolution. These trials began on 3 August 2011. On 2 June 2012, an Egyptian court sentenced Mubarak to life imprisonment. After sentencing, he was reported to have suffered a series of health crises. On 13 January 2013, Egypt's Court of Cassation (the nation's high court of appeal) overturned Mubarak's sentence and ordered a retrial. On retrial, Mubarak and his sons were convicted on 9 May 2015 of corruption and given prison sentences. Mubarak was detained in a military hospital and his sons were freed 12 October 2015 by a Cairo court. He was acquitted on 2 March 2017 by the Court of Cassation and released on 24 March 2017. He died on 25 February 2020. He received a military burial at a family plot outside Cairo.

[omokoshaban]

Former Egyptian President, Hosni Mubarak is died at 91

Former Egyptian President, Hosni Mubarak is died at 91

Hosni Mubarak Former Egyptian president is dead

Mr Mubarak, a former Egyptian military and political leader, the fourth Egyptian President from 1981 to 2011 passed away today according to Aljazeera.

He was ousted as president during the Arab Spring that spread across the region in 2011.

Born Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak on May 4, 1928, he was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force…

[osobypostacieludzie]

Hosni Mubarak ( Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak, محمد حسني السيد مبارك, Muḥammad Ḥusnī Sayyid Mubārak, Muhammad Husni as-Sajjid Mubarak ) - egipski polityk i dowódca wojskowy. Był czwartym prezydentem Egiptu od 1981 do 2011 roku. Mubarak został mianowany wiceprezydentem Egiptu w 1975 r. i objął prezydenturę 14 października 1981 r. po zamachu na prezydenta Anwara El Sadata. Długość jego prezydentury sprawiła, że ​​był on najdłużej rządzącym egipskim władcą od czasów Muhammada Alego Paszy. Zanim wszedł do polityki, Mubarak był oficerem zawodowym w egipskich siłach powietrznych, służąc jako dowódca od 1972 do 1975 roku i wznosząc się do rangi marszałka lotnictwa. Mubarak został usunięty po 18 dniach demonstracji podczas egipskiej rewolucji w 2011 roku. 11 lutego wiceprezydent Omar Suleiman ogłosił, że Mubarak zrezygnował z funkcji prezydenta i przekazał władzę Najwyższej Radzie Sił Zbrojnych. Tego dnia Mubarak wraz z rodziną opuścił pałac prezydencki w Kairze i przeprowadził się do Szarm el-Szejk w Egipcie. 13 kwietnia prokurator zarządził zatrzymanie byłego prezydenta i obu jego synów na 15 dni przesłuchań w sprawie zarzutów korupcji i nadużywania władzy. 24 maja Mubarak został postawiony przed sądem pod zarzutem umyślnego zabójstwa pokojowych demonstrantów podczas egipskiej rewolucji w 2011 r., a jeśli zostanie skazany, stanie w obliczu kary śmierci. Oprócz zbadania jego roli w premedytowanym morderstwie pokojowych demonstrantów w 2011 r. w Egipcie, w czerwcu 2011 r. egipskie prokuratury wojskowe ogłosiły, że badają rolę Mubaraka w zabójstwie jego poprzednika, Anwara Sadata.

[ericfruits]

Unlike other Arab regimes, Tunisia’s remembers old crimes

print-edition icon Print edition | Middle East and Africa

Dec 18th 2018 | CAIRO

AN ARABIC PROVERB holds that “what is past is dead.” Eight years after the Arab spring most Arab regimes treat these words as policy. Though Egypt prosecuted a few ministers from Hosni Mubarak’s era, the ex-dictator is enjoying a placid retirement. The abuses of the current regime, which massacred hundreds of its own citizens in 2013, are not discussed. Rebels in Libya and Yemen killed their strongmen only to commit new atrocities. Bashar al-Assad wants the world to forget how he stoked a civil war and laid waste to Syria.

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Tunisia is different. On December 14th its Truth and Dignity Commission (known by its French acronym, IVD) held its final public meeting. Modelled on South Africa’s post-apartheid Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the IVD’s mandate goes back to 1955, a year before Tunisia gained independence from France. Most of its work has focused on the dictatorship of Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali, who ruled the country from 1987 until 2011. By the end of 2018 it will hand the government its final report, a compendium of the ancien régime’s crimes based on interviews with nearly 50,000 witnesses, about one Tunisian in 230.

Many brought tales of torture in dark dungeons, family members who disappeared and corruption by policemen and civil servants. Few had evidence of crimes that occurred decades ago. “The victims have the right to forget,” says Sihem Bensedrine, the head of the commission. “The obligation is on us to establish the truth.” The government made that task difficult. Both the interior ministry and military courts refused to give the IVD access to their files. Earnest critics accused Ms Bensedrine of mismanagement; mendacious ones called her corrupt.

About 20 cases have already gone to trial in special courts. Faysal Baraket’s family never believed that he died in a car crash in 1991. They thought the university student was tortured to death by police for joining a then-banned Islamist group. A judge eventually ordered his body to be exhumed in 2013, and 21 officers are now on trial for his murder. Another 16 defendants have been charged with crushing a riot in 2008 by miners in Gafsa, an impoverished city in the west.

The president, Beji Caid Essebsi, is not eager to prosecute thousands of other cases. A member of the old regime, he has spoken about letting go of the past. In March his government voted not to extend the IVD’s mandate, originally due to end in May (a court later overruled the decision). He is also mired in a political crisis. His party, Nidaa Tounes (NT), is an unwieldy coalition of wealthy businessmen, labour leaders and old-regime figures that is run by his son, Hafedh. About half of its MPs have defected since the election in 2014. Some support Youssef Chahed, the technocratic prime minister, who had jostled for power with Hafedh. NT suspended Mr Chahed in September. His “war on corruption” has targeted people close to the party.

There is much still to do in Tunisia’s nascent democracy. The security forces are far from reformed. Too many corrupt officials still wield power. The IVD’s report may yet be forgotten.

For all its flaws, though, the IVD was unprecedented in the Arab world. Millions of Tunisians were transfixed by its televised sessions, where victims gave stark testimony to a live audience. Activists in other Arab countries tuned in as well for a glimpse of what their own leaders deny them. There was a certain symmetry to the commission’s final session, held almost eight years to the day after Muhammad Bouazizi, a poor fruit vendor, set himself ablaze after being robbed by police, igniting the Arab spring. Two groups of protesters gathered outside. One held portraits of the victims. The other waved signs denouncing “the justice of revenge”. Police simply stood between them. No one was beaten with truncheons or whisked away to oubliettes.

This article appeared in the Middle East and Africa section of the print edition under the headline "Justice, eventually"

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[okaynigeria]

Former President of Egypt, Hosni Mubarak is dead

Former President of Egypt, Hosni Mubarak is dead

Hosni Mubarak, the president of Egypt from 1981 to 2011 is dead.

According to reports from Egypt, he died weeks after undergoing surgery.

He was ousted as president during the Arab Spring that spread across the region in 2011.

Born Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak on May 4, 1928, he was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force before joining politics.

He was aged 91.

[jerrytackettca]

The Facebook Dilemma

As of the third quarter of 2018, 2.27 billion people actively used Facebook,1 the world's largest social media site, up from 1 billion in 2012. On average, each user spends about 41 minutes using the site daily,2 down from 50 minutes average in 2016.

Some, of course, spend far more. Teens, for instance, may spend up to nine hours perusing the site, the consequences of which are only beginning to be understood.

As noted by The Motley Fool,3 Facebook is unique in its ability to monetize the time people spend on its platform. During the third quarter of 2018, the site generated more than $6 per user. For the fourth quarter of 2017, Facebook raked in a total of $12.97 billion, $4.3 billion of which was net profit.4

Most of this revenue — $11.4 billion for the fourth quarter alone — came from mobile ads,5 which are customized to users' preferences and habits. According to CNN Money,6 98 percent of Facebook's revenue comes from advertising, totaling $39.9 billion in 2017.

Facebook's Primary Business Is Collecting and Selling Your Personal Data

Facebook has repeatedly been caught mishandling users' data and/or lying about its collection practices. The fact is, its entire profit model is based on the selling of personal information that facilitates everything from targeted advertising to targeted fraud.

Like Google, Facebook records,7 tracks and stores every single thing you do on Facebook: every post, comment, "like," private message and file ever sent and received, contacts, friends lists, login locations, stickers and more. Even the recurrent use of certain words is noted and can become valuable currency for advertisers.

For individuals who start using Facebook at a young age, the lifetime data harvest could be inconceivably large, giving those who buy or otherwise access that information a very comprehensive picture of the individual in question.

Facebook also has the ability to access your computer or smartphone's microphone without your knowledge.8 If you suddenly find yourself on the receiving end of ads for products or services you just spoke about out loud, chances are one or more apps are linked into your microphone and are eavesdropping.

In the featured video, "The Facebook Dilemma," Frontline PBS correspondent James Jacoby investigates Facebook's influence over the democracy of nations, and the lax privacy parameters that allowed for tens of millions of users' data to be siphoned off and used in an effort to influence the U.S. elections.

The Early Days of Facebook

The Frontline report starts out showing early video footage of Zuckerberg in his first office, complete with a beer keg and graffiti on the walls, talking about the success of his social media platform. At the time, in 2005, Facebook had just hit 3 million users.

In an early Harvard lecture, Zuckerberg talks about how he believes it's "more useful to make things happen and apologize later than it is to make sure you dot all your i's now, and not get stuff done." As noted by Roger McNamee, an early Facebook investor, it was Zuckerberg's "renegade philosophy and disrespect for authority that led to the Facebook motto, 'Move fast and break things.'"

While that motto speaks volumes today, "It wasn't that they intended to do harm, as much as they were unconcerned about the possibility that harm would result," McNamee says. As for the sharing of information, Zuckerberg assured a journalist in an early interview that no user information would be sold or shared with anyone the user had not specifically given permission to.

In the end, Zuckerberg’s quest to “Give people the power to share and make the world more open and connected,” has had far-reaching consequences, affecting global politics and technology, and raising serious privacy issues that have yet to be resolved.

For years, however, employees firmly believed Facebook had the power to make the world a better place. As noted by Tim Sparapani, Facebook director of public policy from 2009 to 2011, Facebook "was the greatest experiment in free speech in human history," and a "digital nation state."

However, the company — with its largely homogenous workforce of 20-something tech geeks — has proven to be more than a little naïve about its mission to improve the world through information sharing. Naomi Gleit, vice president of social good, the company's growth team, says they were slow to understand "the ways in which Facebook might be used for bad things."

The Facebook News Feed

One of the key features of Facebook that keeps users engaged is the news feed, described by former product manager on Facebook's advertising team, Antonio Garcia Martinez, as "Your personalized newspaper; your 'The New York Times' of you, channel you. It is your customized, optimized vision of the world."

However, the information that appears in your newsfeed isn't random. From the very beginning, it was driven by a secret algorithm, a mathematical formula that ranked stories in terms of importance based on your individual preferences. This personalization is "the secret sauce," to quote Martinez, that keeps users scrolling and sharing.

The addition of the "Like" button in 2009 revolutionized the company's ability to gather personal data — information about your preferences that can then be sold for cold hard cash. It also "acted as a social lubricant" and a "flywheel of engagement," Soleio Cuervo, a former product manager for the company, says.

The ability to get feedback through "likes" made people feel like they were being heard, and this ultimately became "the driving force of the product," Cuervo says. However, the "Like" button also suddenly allowed Facebook to determine who you care about most among your friends and family, what kind of content makes you react or take action, and which businesses and interests are truly important to you — information that helps build your personality profile and can be sold.

The Legal Provision That Allowed Facebook to Exist and Flourish

The Facebook news feed was made possible by laws that do not hold internet companies liable for the content posted on their website. As explained by Sparapani, "Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act is the provision which allows the internet economy to grow and thrive. And Facebook is one of the principal beneficiaries of this provision."

Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act basically says an internet provider cannot be held responsible if someone posts something violent, offensive or even unlawful on their site. According to Sparapani, Facebook “took a very libertarian perspective” with regard to what it would allow on its site.

Aside from a few basic common decency rules, the company was “reluctant to interpose our value system on this worldwide community,” Sparapani says. Were they concerned about truth becoming obfuscated amid a flood of lies? Jacoby wonders. “No,” Sparapani says. “We relied on what we thought were the public’s common sense and common decency to police the site."

Real-World Impacts of Social Media

The tremendous impact of social media, the ability to share information with like-minded individuals, became apparent during the so-called “Arab Spring” in 2011, when a Facebook page created by Wael Ghonim, a Google employee in the Middle East, literally sparked a revolution that led to the resignation of Egyptian President Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak, just 18 days after a Facebook call-out for protest resulted in hundreds of thousands of people taking to the streets.

Around the world, it became clear that Facebook could be used to create democratic change; that it has the power to change society as we know it. Alas, with the good comes the bad. After the revolution, conflict in the Middle East spiraled out of control as the polarization between opposing sides grew — and the social media environment both bred and encouraged that polarization.

What's worse, Facebook's news feed algorithm was actually designed to reward polarizing material with greater distribution. The end result played out in the streets, where sectarian violence led to bloodshed.

"The hardest thing for me was seeing the tool that brought us together tearing us apart,” Ghonim says, adding, “These tools are just enablers for whomever; they don’t separate between what’s good and bad. They just look at engagement metrics.” Since the Arab Spring, the rise of fake news has been relentless.

"Everything that happened after the Arab Spring should have been a warning sign to Facebook,” says Zeynep Tufekci, a researcher and former computer programmer. One major problem, she believes, is that Facebook was unprepared to monitor all of the content coming from every corner of the globe.

She urged the company to hire more staff, and to hire people who know the language and understand the local culture in each region Facebook is available. Still, it's unlikely that any company, at any size, would be able to police the content of a social network with more than 2 billion users.

Privacy — What Privacy?

In order for Facebook to go public, it had to be profitable, which is where the selling of user data comes in. By selling the information the platform has collected about you as you move through content and even web pages outside of Facebook, "liking" and commenting on posts along the way, marketers are able to target their chosen market.

While this seems innocuous enough at first glance, this data harvesting and selling has tremendous ramifications, opening people up to be purposely deceived and misled.

Zuckerberg, whose experience with advertising was limited, hired former Google vice president of global online sales and operations, Sheryl Sandberg, as chief operating officer. In one interview, Sandberg stresses that Facebook is "focused on privacy," and that their business model "is by far the most privacy-friendly to consumers."

"That's our mission," Zuckerberg chimes in, adding "We have to do that because if people feel like they don't have control over how they're sharing things, then we're failing them." "It really is the point that the only things Facebook knows about you are things you've done and told us," Sandberg says.

Internally, however, Sandberg demanded revenue growth, which meant selling more ads, which led to data harvesting that today exceeds people’s wildest imagination.

How to Build an Orwellian Surveillance Machine

By partnering with data brokering companies, Facebook has access to an incredible amount of data that has nothing to do with what you post online — information on your credit card transactions, where you live, where you shop, how your family is spending its time, where you work, what you eat, read, listen to and much more.

Information is also being collected about all other websites you’re perusing, outside of Facebook’s platform. All of this information, obtained by companies without your knowledge, is shared with Facebook, so that Facebook can sell ads that target specific groups of users. As noted by Tufekci, in order for Facebook’s business model to work, “it has to remain a surveillance machine."

In short, it’s the ultimate advertising tool ever created. The price? Your privacy. Sparapani was so uncomfortable with this new direction of Facebook, he resigned before the company’s partnering with data brokers took effect.

The extent of Facebook's data collection remained largely unknown until Max Schrems, an Austrian privacy advocate, filed 22 complaints with the Irish Data Protection Commission, where Facebook's international headquarters are located.

Schrems claimed that Facebook’s personal data collection violated European privacy law, as Facebook was not telling users how that data was being used. In the end, nothing happened. As noted by Schrems, it was obvious that “even if you violate the law, the reality is it’s very likely not going to be enforced.” In the U.S., the situation is even worse, as there are no laws governing emerging technologies which utilize9 the kinds of data collection done by Facebook.

Federal Trade Commission Investigates Privacy Concerns

A 2010 investigation of Facebook's data collection by the U.S. Federal Trade Commission (FTC) revealed the company was sharing user data with third party software developers without the users' consent — conduct the FTC deemed deceptive.

The FTC also grew concerned about the potential misuse of personal information, as Facebook was not tracking how third parties were using the information. They just handed over access, and these third parties could have been absolutely anyone capable of developing a third-party app for the site. Facebook settled the FTC's case against them without admitting guilt, but agreed by consent order to "identify risk to personal privacy" and eliminate those risks.

Internally, however, privacy issues were clearly not a priority, according to testimony by Sandy Parakilas, Facebook's platform operations manager between 2011 and 2012 who, during his time with the company, ended up in charge of solving the company's privacy conundrum — a responsibility he felt significantly underqualified for, considering its scope.

The Cambridge Analytica Scandal

Facebook, with founder Mark Zuckerberg at its helm, faced a firestorm after The New York Times and British media outlets reported Cambridge Analytica used "improperly gleaned" data from 87 million Facebook users to influence American voters during the 2016 presidential election.10,11

Cambridge Analytica data scientist Christopher Wylie, who blew the whistle on his employer, revealed the company built "a system that could profile individual U.S. voters in order to target them with personalized political advertisements" during the presidential campaign.

Parakilas insisted Facebook could have prevented the whole thing had they actually paid attention to and beefed up their internal security practices.12 Indeed, Cambridge Analytica used the very weakness the FTC had identified years before — a third-party personality quiz app called "This Is Your Digital Life."13

The Dark Side of Social Media Rears Its Ugly Head Again

Indeed, the U.S. Department of Defense has also expressed its concerns about Facebook, noting the ease with which it can spread disinformation. As noted by former Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency program manager, Rand Waltzman, the significant danger with giving out personal data is that you’re opening yourself up to be a target of manipulation — whether you’re being manipulated to buy something you don’t need or believe something that isn’t true.

Between 2012 and 2015, Waltzman and colleagues published 200 scientific papers on the potential threats posed by social media, detailing how Facebook and other platforms could be used for nefarious purposes. According to Waltzman, disinformation can be turned "into a serious weapon" on Facebook, as you have the ability to mislead enormous amounts of people with very little effort.

Essentially, Facebook allows for the propagation of propaganda at an enormous scale. "It's the scale that makes it a weapon," Waltzman says. Jacoby interviews a young Russian who claims to have worked as a paid social media propagandist for the Russian government, using fake Facebook profiles to spread false information and sow distrust of the Ukranian government.

The reach of this disinformation was made all the greater by the fact that you can pay to promote certain posts. In the end, all of the tools created by Facebook to benefit advertisers work equally well as government propaganda tools. The end result is tragic, as fake news has mushroomed to incomprehensible levels. Taking anything at face value these days is risky business, no matter how legitimate it may appear.

Understand the Risks of Social Media Use

Social media has many wonderful benefits. But there’s a dark side, and it’s important to be aware of this. Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR) has actually drafted legislation to protect consumer information by enforcing strict punishments, including jail time for up to 20 years, for senior company executives who fail to follow the guidelines to protect user data. As reported by Endgadget:14

"The FTC would add 175 new members to its staff to carry out enforcement and would be given the ability to penalize a company up to four percent of its revenue for its first violation. Companies would also be required to submit regular reports to the FTC to disclose any privacy lapses that have occurred.

Companies making more than $1 billion in revenue and handling information from more than 1 million people and smaller companies handling the data of more than 50 million people would be subject to the regular check-ins. Failure to comply would care a punishment of potential jail time for executives.

The legislation would also institute a Do Not Track list. When a consumer joins the list, companies would be barred from sharing their data with third parties or using it to serve up targeted advertisements … Even if consumers don't choose to join the list, they would be granted the ability to review information collected about them, see who it has been shared with or sold to and challenge any inaccuracies."

Aside from privacy concerns and fake news, Facebook lurking has also been linked to decreased emotional well-being, and online bullying, social isolation and depression have all become serious problems among our youth.

The obvious answer to all of these issues is to minimize your use of Facebook, and be mindful of what you post, click on and comment on while there. Information is still being gathered on your personal life by other data brokers, but at least it won’t be as effectively “weaponized” against you if it’s not tied to your Facebook profile.

from http://articles.mercola.com/sites/articles/archive/2018/11/17/facebook-data-collection.aspx

source http://niapurenaturecom.weebly.com/blog/the-facebook-dilemma

[paullassiterca]

The Facebook Dilemma

As of the third quarter of 2018, 2.27 billion people actively used Facebook,1 the world’s largest social media site, up from 1 billion in 2012. On average, each user spends about 41 minutes using the site daily,2 down from 50 minutes average in 2016.

Some, of course, spend far more. Teens, for instance, may spend up to nine hours perusing the site, the consequences of which are only beginning to be understood.

As noted by The Motley Fool,3 Facebook is unique in its ability to monetize the time people spend on its platform. During the third quarter of 2018, the site generated more than $6 per user. For the fourth quarter of 2017, Facebook raked in a total of $12.97 billion, $4.3 billion of which was net profit.4

Most of this revenue — $11.4 billion for the fourth quarter alone — came from mobile ads,5 which are customized to users’ preferences and habits. According to CNN Money,6 98 percent of Facebook’s revenue comes from advertising, totaling $39.9 billion in 2017.

Facebook’s Primary Business Is Collecting and Selling Your Personal Data

Facebook has repeatedly been caught mishandling users’ data and/or lying about its collection practices. The fact is, its entire profit model is based on the selling of personal information that facilitates everything from targeted advertising to targeted fraud.

Like Google, Facebook records,7 tracks and stores every single thing you do on Facebook: every post, comment, “like,” private message and file ever sent and received, contacts, friends lists, login locations, stickers and more. Even the recurrent use of certain words is noted and can become valuable currency for advertisers.

For individuals who start using Facebook at a young age, the lifetime data harvest could be inconceivably large, giving those who buy or otherwise access that information a very comprehensive picture of the individual in question.

Facebook also has the ability to access your computer or smartphone’s microphone without your knowledge.8 If you suddenly find yourself on the receiving end of ads for products or services you just spoke about out loud, chances are one or more apps are linked into your microphone and are eavesdropping.

In the featured video, “The Facebook Dilemma,” Frontline PBS correspondent James Jacoby investigates Facebook’s influence over the democracy of nations, and the lax privacy parameters that allowed for tens of millions of users’ data to be siphoned off and used in an effort to influence the U.S. elections.

The Early Days of Facebook

The Frontline report starts out showing early video footage of Zuckerberg in his first office, complete with a beer keg and graffiti on the walls, talking about the success of his social media platform. At the time, in 2005, Facebook had just hit 3 million users.

In an early Harvard lecture, Zuckerberg talks about how he believes it’s “more useful to make things happen and apologize later than it is to make sure you dot all your i’s now, and not get stuff done.” As noted by Roger McNamee, an early Facebook investor, it was Zuckerberg’s “renegade philosophy and disrespect for authority that led to the Facebook motto, ‘Move fast and break things.’”

While that motto speaks volumes today, “It wasn’t that they intended to do harm, as much as they were unconcerned about the possibility that harm would result,” McNamee says. As for the sharing of information, Zuckerberg assured a journalist in an early interview that no user information would be sold or shared with anyone the user had not specifically given permission to.

In the end, Zuckerberg’s quest to “Give people the power to share and make the world more open and connected,” has had far-reaching consequences, affecting global politics and technology, and raising serious privacy issues that have yet to be resolved.

For years, however, employees firmly believed Facebook had the power to make the world a better place. As noted by Tim Sparapani, Facebook director of public policy from 2009 to 2011, Facebook “was the greatest experiment in free speech in human history,” and a “digital nation state.”

However, the company — with its largely homogenous workforce of 20-something tech geeks — has proven to be more than a little naïve about its mission to improve the world through information sharing. Naomi Gleit, vice president of social good, the company’s growth team, says they were slow to understand “the ways in which Facebook might be used for bad things.”

The Facebook News Feed

One of the key features of Facebook that keeps users engaged is the news feed, described by former product manager on Facebook’s advertising team, Antonio Garcia Martinez, as “Your personalized newspaper; your 'The New York Times’ of you, channel you. It is your customized, optimized vision of the world.”

However, the information that appears in your newsfeed isn’t random. From the very beginning, it was driven by a secret algorithm, a mathematical formula that ranked stories in terms of importance based on your individual preferences. This personalization is “the secret sauce,” to quote Martinez, that keeps users scrolling and sharing.

The addition of the “Like” button in 2009 revolutionized the company’s ability to gather personal data — information about your preferences that can then be sold for cold hard cash. It also “acted as a social lubricant” and a “flywheel of engagement,” Soleio Cuervo, a former product manager for the company, says.

The ability to get feedback through “likes” made people feel like they were being heard, and this ultimately became “the driving force of the product,” Cuervo says. However, the “Like” button also suddenly allowed Facebook to determine who you care about most among your friends and family, what kind of content makes you react or take action, and which businesses and interests are truly important to you — information that helps build your personality profile and can be sold.

The Legal Provision That Allowed Facebook to Exist and Flourish

The Facebook news feed was made possible by laws that do not hold internet companies liable for the content posted on their website. As explained by Sparapani, “Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act is the provision which allows the internet economy to grow and thrive. And Facebook is one of the principal beneficiaries of this provision.”

Section 230 of the Communications Decency Act basically says an internet provider cannot be held responsible if someone posts something violent, offensive or even unlawful on their site. According to Sparapani, Facebook “took a very libertarian perspective” with regard to what it would allow on its site.

Aside from a few basic common decency rules, the company was “reluctant to interpose our value system on this worldwide community,” Sparapani says. Were they concerned about truth becoming obfuscated amid a flood of lies? Jacoby wonders. “No,” Sparapani says. “We relied on what we thought were the public’s common sense and common decency to police the site.“

Real-World Impacts of Social Media

The tremendous impact of social media, the ability to share information with like-minded individuals, became apparent during the so-called “Arab Spring” in 2011, when a Facebook page created by Wael Ghonim, a Google employee in the Middle East, literally sparked a revolution that led to the resignation of Egyptian President Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak, just 18 days after a Facebook call-out for protest resulted in hundreds of thousands of people taking to the streets.

Around the world, it became clear that Facebook could be used to create democratic change; that it has the power to change society as we know it. Alas, with the good comes the bad. After the revolution, conflict in the Middle East spiraled out of control as the polarization between opposing sides grew — and the social media environment both bred and encouraged that polarization.

What’s worse, Facebook’s news feed algorithm was actually designed to reward polarizing material with greater distribution. The end result played out in the streets, where sectarian violence led to bloodshed.

"The hardest thing for me was seeing the tool that brought us together tearing us apart,” Ghonim says, adding, “These tools are just enablers for whomever; they don’t separate between what’s good and bad. They just look at engagement metrics.” Since the Arab Spring, the rise of fake news has been relentless.

"Everything that happened after the Arab Spring should have been a warning sign to Facebook,” says Zeynep Tufekci, a researcher and former computer programmer. One major problem, she believes, is that Facebook was unprepared to monitor all of the content coming from every corner of the globe.

She urged the company to hire more staff, and to hire people who know the language and understand the local culture in each region Facebook is available. Still, it’s unlikely that any company, at any size, would be able to police the content of a social network with more than 2 billion users.

Privacy — What Privacy?

In order for Facebook to go public, it had to be profitable, which is where the selling of user data comes in. By selling the information the platform has collected about you as you move through content and even web pages outside of Facebook, "liking” and commenting on posts along the way, marketers are able to target their chosen market.

While this seems innocuous enough at first glance, this data harvesting and selling has tremendous ramifications, opening people up to be purposely deceived and misled.

Zuckerberg, whose experience with advertising was limited, hired former Google vice president of global online sales and operations, Sheryl Sandberg, as chief operating officer. In one interview, Sandberg stresses that Facebook is “focused on privacy,” and that their business model “is by far the most privacy-friendly to consumers.”

“That’s our mission,” Zuckerberg chimes in, adding “We have to do that because if people feel like they don’t have control over how they’re sharing things, then we’re failing them.” “It really is the point that the only things Facebook knows about you are things you’ve done and told us,” Sandberg says.

Internally, however, Sandberg demanded revenue growth, which meant selling more ads, which led to data harvesting that today exceeds people’s wildest imagination.

How to Build an Orwellian Surveillance Machine

By partnering with data brokering companies, Facebook has access to an incredible amount of data that has nothing to do with what you post online — information on your credit card transactions, where you live, where you shop, how your family is spending its time, where you work, what you eat, read, listen to and much more.

Information is also being collected about all other websites you’re perusing, outside of Facebook’s platform. All of this information, obtained by companies without your knowledge, is shared with Facebook, so that Facebook can sell ads that target specific groups of users. As noted by Tufekci, in order for Facebook’s business model to work, “it has to remain a surveillance machine.“

In short, it’s the ultimate advertising tool ever created. The price? Your privacy. Sparapani was so uncomfortable with this new direction of Facebook, he resigned before the company’s partnering with data brokers took effect.

The extent of Facebook’s data collection remained largely unknown until Max Schrems, an Austrian privacy advocate, filed 22 complaints with the Irish Data Protection Commission, where Facebook’s international headquarters are located.

Schrems claimed that Facebook’s personal data collection violated European privacy law, as Facebook was not telling users how that data was being used. In the end, nothing happened. As noted by Schrems, it was obvious that “even if you violate the law, the reality is it’s very likely not going to be enforced.” In the U.S., the situation is even worse, as there are no laws governing emerging technologies which utilize9 the kinds of data collection done by Facebook.

Federal Trade Commission Investigates Privacy Concerns

A 2010 investigation of Facebook’s data collection by the U.S. Federal Trade Commission (FTC) revealed the company was sharing user data with third party software developers without the users’ consent — conduct the FTC deemed deceptive.

The FTC also grew concerned about the potential misuse of personal information, as Facebook was not tracking how third parties were using the information. They just handed over access, and these third parties could have been absolutely anyone capable of developing a third-party app for the site. Facebook settled the FTC’s case against them without admitting guilt, but agreed by consent order to "identify risk to personal privacy” and eliminate those risks.

Internally, however, privacy issues were clearly not a priority, according to testimony by Sandy Parakilas, Facebook’s platform operations manager between 2011 and 2012 who, during his time with the company, ended up in charge of solving the company’s privacy conundrum — a responsibility he felt significantly underqualified for, considering its scope.

The Cambridge Analytica Scandal

Facebook, with founder Mark Zuckerberg at its helm, faced a firestorm after The New York Times and British media outlets reported Cambridge Analytica used “improperly gleaned” data from 87 million Facebook users to influence American voters during the 2016 presidential election.10,11

Cambridge Analytica data scientist Christopher Wylie, who blew the whistle on his employer, revealed the company built “a system that could profile individual U.S. voters in order to target them with personalized political advertisements” during the presidential campaign.

Parakilas insisted Facebook could have prevented the whole thing had they actually paid attention to and beefed up their internal security practices.12 Indeed, Cambridge Analytica used the very weakness the FTC had identified years before — a third-party personality quiz app called “This Is Your Digital Life.”13

The Dark Side of Social Media Rears Its Ugly Head Again

Indeed, the U.S. Department of Defense has also expressed its concerns about Facebook, noting the ease with which it can spread disinformation. As noted by former Defense Advanced Research Projects Agency program manager, Rand Waltzman, the significant danger with giving out personal data is that you’re opening yourself up to be a target of manipulation — whether you’re being manipulated to buy something you don’t need or believe something that isn��t true.

Between 2012 and 2015, Waltzman and colleagues published 200 scientific papers on the potential threats posed by social media, detailing how Facebook and other platforms could be used for nefarious purposes. According to Waltzman, disinformation can be turned “into a serious weapon” on Facebook, as you have the ability to mislead enormous amounts of people with very little effort.

Essentially, Facebook allows for the propagation of propaganda at an enormous scale. “It’s the scale that makes it a weapon,” Waltzman says. Jacoby interviews a young Russian who claims to have worked as a paid social media propagandist for the Russian government, using fake Facebook profiles to spread false information and sow distrust of the Ukranian government.

The reach of this disinformation was made all the greater by the fact that you can pay to promote certain posts. In the end, all of the tools created by Facebook to benefit advertisers work equally well as government propaganda tools. The end result is tragic, as fake news has mushroomed to incomprehensible levels. Taking anything at face value these days is risky business, no matter how legitimate it may appear.

Understand the Risks of Social Media Use

Social media has many wonderful benefits. But there’s a dark side, and it’s important to be aware of this. Sen. Ron Wyden (D-OR) has actually drafted legislation to protect consumer information by enforcing strict punishments, including jail time for up to 20 years, for senior company executives who fail to follow the guidelines to protect user data. As reported by Endgadget:14

“The FTC would add 175 new members to its staff to carry out enforcement and would be given the ability to penalize a company up to four percent of its revenue for its first violation. Companies would also be required to submit regular reports to the FTC to disclose any privacy lapses that have occurred.

Companies making more than $1 billion in revenue and handling information from more than 1 million people and smaller companies handling the data of more than 50 million people would be subject to the regular check-ins. Failure to comply would care a punishment of potential jail time for executives.

The legislation would also institute a Do Not Track list. When a consumer joins the list, companies would be barred from sharing their data with third parties or using it to serve up targeted advertisements … Even if consumers don’t choose to join the list, they would be granted the ability to review information collected about them, see who it has been shared with or sold to and challenge any inaccuracies.”

Aside from privacy concerns and fake news, Facebook lurking has also been linked to decreased emotional well-being, and online bullying, social isolation and depression have all become serious problems among our youth.

The obvious answer to all of these issues is to minimize your use of Facebook, and be mindful of what you post, click on and comment on while there. Information is still being gathered on your personal life by other data brokers, but at least it won’t be as effectively “weaponized” against you if it’s not tied to your Facebook profile.

from Articles http://articles.mercola.com/sites/articles/archive/2018/11/17/facebook-data-collection.aspx source https://niapurenaturecom.tumblr.com/post/180195916286

[inhandnetworks-blog]

Robot Submarine Searching for EgyptAir Crash Evidence

www.inhandnetworks.com

Egypt has sent a robot submarine to join the hunt for an EgyptAir plane which crashed in some of the deepest waters of the Mediterranean Sea with 66 people on board, President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi said on Sunday.

Ships and planes scouring the sea north of Alexandria have found body parts, personal belongings and debris from the Airbus 320, but are still trying to locate the black box recorders that could shed light on the cause of Thursday's crash.

Sisi said that underwater equipment from Egypt's offshore oil industry was being brought in to help the search.

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"They have a submarine that can reach 3,000 meters under water," he said in a televised speech. "It moved today in the direction of the plane crash site because we are working hard to salvage the black boxes."

An oil ministry source said Sisi was referring to a robot submarine used mostly to maintain offshore oil rigs. It was not clear whether the vessel would be able to help locate the black boxes, or would be used in later stages of the operation.

Air crash investigation experts say the search teams have around 30 days to listen for pings sent out once every second from beacons attached to the two black boxes. At this stage of the search they would typically use acoustic hydrophones, bringing in more advanced robots later to scan the seabed and retrieve any objects once they have been found.

EgyptAir flight 804 from Paris to Cairo vanished off radar screens early on Thursday as it entered Egyptian airspace over the Mediterranean. The 10 crew and 56 passengers included 30 Egyptian and 15 French nationals.

French investigators say that the plane sent a series of warnings indicating that smoke had been detected on board shortly before it disappeared.

The signals did not indicate what caused the smoke or fire, and aviation experts have not ruled out either deliberate sabotage or a technical fault, but they offered early clues as to what unfolded in the moments before the crash.

"Until now all scenarios are possible," Sisi said in his first public remarks on the crash. "So please, it is very important that we do not talk and say there is a specific scenario."

The crash was the third blow since October to hit Egypt's travel industry, still reeling from political unrest following the 2011 uprising that ousted Hosni Mubarak.

A suspected Islamic State militant group (ISIS) bombing brought down a Russian airliner after it took off from Sharm al-Sheikh airport in late October, killing all 224 people on board, and an EgyptAir plane was hijacked in March by a man wearing a fake suicide belt.

ISIS claimed responsibility for the Sharm al-Sheikh bombing within hours but a purported statement from the group's spokesman Abu Muhammad al-Adnani, distributed on Saturday, made no mention of the crash.

Relatives of the victims of the crashed EgyptAir flight MS804 react and cry during an absentee funeral mass at the main Cathedral in Cairo, Egypt, on Sunday. Mohamed Abd El Ghany/Reuters

Anguish of relatives

EgyptAir has told relatives of the victims that recovering and identifying bodies from the sea could take weeks, adding to the pain and uncertainty of grieving families.

Samar Ezzedine, 27 and newly wed, was one of the cabin crew on flight 804. Her mother Amal has sat in the lobby of a hotel overlooking Cairo Airport, still waiting for her daughter to come back.

"She is missing, who hosts a funeral for a missing person?" she murmured.

Samar's aunt, Mona, said Amal was reluctant to go home or even move away from the hotel door. "She doesn’t want to believe it... I told her to switch off her phone, but she said: 'What if Samar calls?' "

An EgyptAir union appealed to Sisi to allow death certificates to be issued for the victims, to avoid the usual five-year delay in the case of missing people which leaves relatives in a legal limbo, including over pensions.

In his speech on Sunday, Sisi said the investigation would not be over quickly, but promised it would be transparent.

"This could take a long time but no one can hide these things. As soon as the results are out, people will be informed," he told ministers and parliamentarians in the port city of Damietta.

The October crash devastated Egyptian tourism, a main source of foreign exchange for a country of 80 million people.

Tourism revenue in the first three months of the year plunged by two thirds to $500 million from a year earlier, and the latest incident could crush hopes for a swift recovery.

EgyptAir Chairman Safwat Moslem said the radius of the search zone was 40 nautical miles, but could be expanded. The radius is equivalent to an area of 5,000 square nautical miles (17,000 square km).

A European satellite spotted a 2 km-long oil slick in the Mediterranean, about 40 km (20 nautical miles) southeast of the aircraft's last known position, the European Space Agency said.

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[hallsp]

Travel is fatal to prejudice, bigotry, and narrow-mindedness, and many of our people need it sorely on these accounts. Broad, wholesome, charitable views of men and things cannot be acquired by vegetating in one little corner of the earth all one’s lifetime.

That was old Samuel Clemens, the redoubtable Mark Twain, concluding his humorous book about a trip through Europe to the Holy Land in the year of our Lord 1867. The Innocents Abroad was his second book and helped to make his name before he put pen to paper with The Adventures of Tom Sawyer. Twain made the journey by sea at the ripe old age of 32.

I’ve decided to take a similar trip at the same age, going by land through southern Europe to Greece, then on to Israel and Palestine, to Turkey and Iran, and ending up in the Lebanon.

The mystery that attends every journey is how the traveller got to his starting point.

My reasons for setting out on this journey are manifold, but my primary motivation is an abiding interest in the Middle East. This troubled region, often placed at the centre of the world in medieval mappae mundi, is the birthplace of the world’s three monotheistic faiths, and has been at the centre of human activity since humankind first ventured out of Africa.

Today is no different. News from the area dominates all others. The Islamic world is in a state of fitna, a classical Arabic term that might best be rendered as strife or distress; of that there can be no doubt. Al-Qa’eda’s stated goal of bringing their war to the West has succeeded. It has become a meaningless cliché to say that the world changed on 9/11, but the world is obviously markedly different. Historians of the future will surely talk of the time pre- and post-9/11. This was the first large-scale attack on the West, propaganda of the deed on an extraordinary scale, but this was not the first incident of its kind. This problem has been festering for some time. Now the situation is escalating and deteriorating before our eyes, first with the war on terror, then the Arab Spring and civil war in Syria, the rise of ISIS, and now the normalisation of global terrorism. The consequences of all of this will only be known in the years and decades to come.

“To understand a man,” Napoleon is supposed to have said, “you must know what was happening in the world when he was twenty.” Well, Napoleon was twenty in 1789, l’année sans pareille. I turned twenty in 2005: a post-9/11 world, with the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq still in full swing. My burgeoning atheism, a result of my studies in the physical sciences, meant that I was beginning to look more critically at the consequences of religious faith, particularly its more extreme forms.

In 2013, I spent some time learning Arabic in Cairo, Egypt. I chose Cairo as it’s the unofficial capital of the Arab world. After all, one in four Arabs are Egyptian. It’s also the headquarters of the Arab League. The Al-Azhar Mosque, dedicated in 972, is one of the oldest seats of learning in the world, and, without doubt, the foremost theological centre of (Sunni) Islam.

That’s not all. The Egyptian music and film industries are gigantic. As a result, their colloquial dialect of Arabic is the most widely understood. Plus, Egypt has all of that amazing history, all the way back to the Pharaohs of the Early Dynastic Period. Then there’s politics. Egypt may not have started the Arab Spring, but it was certainly centre-stage.

I was there in January and February, after the fall of Hosni Mubarak, about six months after the election of Mohammad Morsi. The Muslim Brotherhood, persecuted for decades, finally had their grip on power. A couple of months later, of course, Morsi would be overthrown by large-scale protests and the inevitable intervention of the army, in the person of Abdel Fattah el-Sisi.

Egypt remains very much politically divided: Islamist versus Secular, Rural versus Urban, Rich versus Poor. Egypt, though, is the Arab world in microcosm. This same dynamic is happening everywhere from Tunisia to Iraq.

Now, on this trip, I’m consciously following the refugee trail in the opposite direction, making my way over land from Europe to the Middle East, from Ireland through England, France, and southern Europe, through the Balkans, that forgotten part of Europe most recently affected by inter-religious and ethnic conflict, and on towards Greece, and the Middle East proper.

I have one question on my mind: what is the root cause of all this conflict?

Obviously I have certain ideas about the causes, but I’d like to put them to the test, and to talk with people on the ground.

I have a number of other interests, not unrelated to the above. Firstly, having grown up in Ireland, I’m interested in partition, and irredentism around the world. I’m also fascinated by the connection, real or imagined, between a people and a land. Then there’s the question of identity: ethnic, cultural, religious, and everything in between.

My own philosophy, for what it’s worth, is humanistic. I don’t believe in a chosen people, anecclesia, or an ummah. Every human being on the Earth is my brother and sister, absent any distinction.

I don’t particularly like the term freethinker, but the first person to be referred to as such was an obscure Irishman by the name of John Toland. He was giving a lecture once, at the turn of the eighteenth century, and someone in the audience asked him for his credo, a statement of his beliefs. “The sun is my father,” he replied, “the earth is my mother, the world is my country, and all men are my family.” I regularly toast to John Toland, and I’m in absolutely no need of any excuse to drink.

I also occasionally drink to the memory of Muhammad ibn Ahmad Al-Burani, whose underlying concept was that all cultures are distant relatives of one another because they are all human constructs. This is manifestly true.

All things considered, I am now convinced that religion does great harm, because it is fundamentally sectarian, but much more importantly: I think that religion is based on falsehood, and I care deeply about the truth.

In the first instance, religion divides humanity into separate, mutually exclusive, groups. The process of “othering” can then proceed at pace.

Extremist Jews, viewing Judaism as supreme, support the expansion of the Jewish State, and the settlement of the West Bank; while Fundamentalist Christians, viewing Christianity as supreme, support these Jews in the hope of hurrying the End Times, and attempt to impose their own twisted morality onto the rest of secular society; while Radical Muslims, viewing Islam as supreme, wish to return to the Age of the Caliphate.

My own philosophy couldn’t be more dissimilar: viewing Reason as supreme, I’d like to reshape this world for Everybody.

[politicoscope]

Hosni Mubarak Biography and Profile

New Post has been published on https://www.politicoscope.com/hosni-mubarak-biography-and-profile/

Hosni Mubarak Biography and Profile

Hosni Mubarak Early Life

Hosni Mubarak (Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak) was born on 4 May 1928 in Munofiya. Mubarak was a former Egyptian military and political leader who served as the fourth president of Egypt from 1981 to 2011. Before he entered politics, Mubarak was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force. Hosni Mubarak was the longest serving Egyptian president, having ruled Egypt for almost 30 years until he was swept from power in a wave of mass protests in February 2011. Mubarak was a 24-year-old air force pilot when the military overthrew King Farouk in 1952. The son of a government clerk, he was born Muhammed Hosni El Sayed Mubarak in the Nile Delta village of Kafr Musailha on May 4, 1928, when Egypt was still heavily supervised by Britain, which controlled the Suez Canal. Details of his early life are sketchy. He qualified as a pilot in 1950 and spent more than two years in the Soviet Union a decade later, training to fly bombers.

When much of the air force was wiped out by Israeli warplanes in the Six-Day War of 1967, he was made head of the air force academy, charged with rebuilding air power to hit back. As head of the air force from 1972, he did just that, attacking Israel in 1973. Sadat, who succeeded Gamal Abdel Nasser in 1970, saw in Mubarak a loyal subordinate and made him vice president in 1975. That office would lie vacant under Mubarak, who guarded his power jealously.

As president, Mubarak sent the army in to quell mutineers in the 1980s, and also repaired relations with Arab states after Sadat’s peace with Israel. In 1989, Egypt was readmitted to the Arab League, which moved its headquarters back to Cairo. American money made sure that Egypt never wavered from an arms-length civility toward the Jewish state, and Mubarak played mediator between Israel and the Palestinians down the years. His policies irritated many in the Middle East. After Hamas Islamists took control in the Gaza Strip, adjacent to Egypt, in 2007, Mubarak backed the Israeli blockade of the territory.

Violence by Islamists at home, including attacks on tourist sites and Red Sea resorts, remained a justification for the police state. In 1995, Mubarak survived one of several assassination attempts when Islamist gunmen fired on his car during a visit to Ethiopia.

A command economy fashioned under the Arab socialist Nasser lagged behind countries Egypt was once compared to, such as Turkey or South Korea. Egypt’s population almost doubled under Mubarak, but many remained mired in deep poverty. A spurt of growth in his final decade, fuelled by market reforms overseen by his son Gamal, made some rich, but corruption ensured the wealth stuck to the elite around the head of state, the military and those who found favour in the National Democratic Party (NDP).

Hosni Mubarak Biography and Profile

The son of a government clerk, he was born Muhammed Hosni El Sayed Mubarak in the Nile Delta village of Kafr Musailha on May 4, 1928, when Egypt was still heavily supervised by Britain, which controlled the Suez Canal. Muhammad Hosni Sayyid Mubarak insisted on keeping his private life out of the public domain while president. Mubarak exhibited a leaning toward the military. A graduate of the Air Force academy, he would serve as its director between 1966 and 1969. In 1972, Sadat appointed him as Air Force commander; he would later receive accolades from the late president over the Egyptian Air Force’s accomplishments during the conflict with Israel.

In 1975, Sadat appointed Mubarak to the post of vice-president and gave him his first taste of mainstream politics as a senior member of the ruling National Democratic Party (NDP). It was not clear why Sadat chose Mubarak, although some believe it was in reward for Mubarak’s effective tenure as chief of the air force.

Married to a half-British graduate of the American University in Cairo, Suzanne Mubarak, he was known to lead a strict life with a fixed daily schedule that began at 0600. Never a smoker or a drinker, he built himself a reputation as a fit man who led a healthy life. In his younger days, close associates often complained of the president’s schedule, which began with a workout in the gym or a game of squash.

He was sworn in as president on 14 October 1981, eight days after the Sadat assassination. Despite having little popular appeal or international profile at the time, the burly military man used his sponsorship of the issue behind Sadat’s killing – peace with Israel – to build up his reputation as an international statesman.

Mubarak head of the air force academy

Mubarak qualified as a pilot in 1950 and spent more than two years in the Soviet Union a decade later, training to fly bombers. When much of the air force was wiped out by Israeli warplanes in the Six-Day War of 1967, he was made head of the air force academy, charged with rebuilding air power to hit back. As head of the air force from 1972, he did just that, attacking Israel in 1973.

Mubarak Isolated From Arab and Muslim Countries

When Mubarak assumed power, Egypt was isolated from Arab and Muslim countries, many of whom had broken off diplomatic ties after Sadat signed a peace treaty with Israel in 1979. In one of its greatest diplomatic defeats, Egypt was kicked out of the Arab League and its headquarters were moved from Cairo to Tunisia. Mubarak’s first foreign policy mandate was to bring his country back into the Arab fold and to resume ties with major players in the region. His first success was in building a relationship with the then influential Arab leader Saddam Hussein, the Iraqi president, whose country was locked in a bloody war with Iran.

Egypt signed on as Iraq’s ally in the conflict, providing military assistance and expertise to Baghdad. By the time the Iran-Iraq war ended in 1988, Egypt had successfully emerged from its isolation. In 1990, in a move spearheaded by Iraq and Yemen, the Arab League headquarters were returned to Cairo. But the Arab rapprochement was short-lived as Egypt opposed Iraq’s invasion of Kuwait in August 1990. Mubarak urged Saddam to withdraw his forces from Kuwait; when Baghdad failed to do so, Egypt joined the US-led international effort to drive Iraqi troops out of Kuwait.

Hosni Mubarak Trial

By late May 2011, judicial officials announced that Mr Mubarak, along with his two sons – Alaa and Gamal – would stand trial over the deaths of anti-government protesters. So began a protracted series of court appearances – with the former president often been seen in the dock in an upright stretcher wearing his trademark sunglasses.

Hosni Mubarak Trial in Court

He has steadfastly argued his innocence – telling a retrial in August that that he was approaching the end of his life “with a good conscience”.

On 2 June 2012 he was found guilty of complicity in the murder of some of the demonstrators who took part in the wave of protests that began on 25 January 2011. Along with his former Interior Minister, Habib al-Adly, he was sentenced to life imprisonment for his crimes.

In January 2013 a court upheld an appeal against Mr Mubarak’s and Mr al-Adly’s convictions and granted retrials. Mr Mubarak and his sons were also ordered to be retried on corruption charges for which they were originally acquitted. Mr Mubarak was released from prison in August that year but placed under house arrest before being transferred to a military hospital.

In May 2014, Mubarak was found guilty of embezzlement, and sentenced to three years in prison. Alaa and Gamal were sentenced to four years each. The convictions were overturned in January 2015, but a retrial reinstated the same sentences. An appeals court upheld the sentences a year later, but Alaa and Gamal were freed because of time already served.

In November 2014, Mr Mubarak was finally acquitted in a retrial of conspiring to kill protesters during the 2011 uprising. At the same time, he was also acquitted of corruption charges involving gas exports to Israel.

In March 2017 Egypt’s top appeals court upheld Mr Mubarak’s acquittal and he went free, for the first time in six years.

Mubarak: Egypt’s Quasi-Military Leader

In effect, Mubarak ruled as a quasi-military leader when he took power. For his entire period in office, he kept the country under emergency law, giving the state sweeping powers of arrest and curbing basic freedoms. The government argued the draconian regime was necessary to combat Islamist terrorism, which came in waves during the decades of Mr Mubarak’s rule – often targeting Egypt’s lucrative tourism sector.

He presided over a period of domestic stability and economic development that meant most of his fellow countrymen accepted his monopolisation of power. But towards the end of his tenure in power, Mr Mubarak felt for the first time the pressure to encourage democracy, both from within Egypt, and from his most powerful ally, the United States. Many supporters of reform doubted the veteran ruler’s sincerity when he said he was all for opening up the political process.

Ahead of his declaration that he would not to stand again for the presidency, the US had heaped pressure on him to stand aside, calling for an “orderly transition” of power to a more democratic system. Mr Mubarak won three elections unopposed since 1981, but for his fourth contest in 2005 – after a firm push from the US – he changed the system to allow rival candidates.

Critics said the election was heavily weighted in favour of Mr Mubarak and the National Democratic Party (NDP). They accused the Egyptian leader of presiding over a sustained campaign of suppressing.

‘History will judge me’

The length of his time in power, along with his age and possible successors, had all been sensitive subjects in Egypt until the mass protests allowed the Egyptian people to find a voice. People around Mr Mubarak said his health and vigour belied his age – although a couple of health scares served as a reminder of his advancing years. Rumours about the president’s health gathered pace when he travelled to Germany in March 2010 for gall bladder surgery. They flared every time he missed a key gathering or disappeared from the media spotlight for any conspicuous length of time.

However much Egyptian officials tried to deny them, they kept circulating, with reports in the Israeli and pan-Arab media. The days of mass protests in Egyptian cities prompted Mr Mubarak to finally name a vice-president. On 29 January 2011, intelligence chief Omar Suleiman was elevated to the role in what was seen as an attempt by Mr Mubarak to bolster his support in the military. Two weeks later Mr Mubarak’s three-decade rule was over, and in March he was under arrest.

In the past, Mr Mubarak had said he would continue to serve Egypt until his last breath. In his speech on 1 February 2011, he said: “This dear nation… is where I lived, I fought for it and defended its soil, sovereignty and interests. On its soil I will die. History will judge me like it did others.”

Why Was Mubarak Overthrown?

Mubarak policies irritated many in the Middle East. After Hamas Islamists took control in the Gaza Strip, adjacent to Egypt, in 2007, Mubarak backed the Israeli blockade of the territory. Violence by Islamists at home, including attacks on tourist sites and Red Sea resorts, remained a justification for the police state. In 1995, Mubarak survived one of several assassination attempts when Islamist gunmen fired on his car during a visit to Ethiopia.

A command economy fashioned under the Arab socialist Nasser lagged behind countries Egypt was once compared to, such as Turkey or South Korea. Egypt’s population almost doubled under Mubarak, but many remained mired in deep poverty. A spurt of growth in his final decade, fuelled by market reforms overseen by his son Gamal, made some rich, but corruption ensured the wealth stuck to the elite around the head of state, the military and those who found favour in the National Democratic Party (NDP).

Politically, there was talk of reform, not least when former U.S. President George W. Bush was pushing the idea. After winning a series of single-candidate referendums that provided the legal basis of his rule, Mubarak agreed to contest a presidential election in 2005. But the defeat of Ayman Nour, a liberal lawyer who dared challenge him, was no surprise.

By 2010, the NDP felt confident enough of its impunity to claim 90% of the seats in a parliamentary election that saw the Muslim Brotherhood eliminated from the legislature. The resulting public outrage might have subsided, as it had before, had it not been for the sudden success of an uprising in Tunisia just a few weeks later which also prompted protests against Egypt’s ruler.

At first, Mubarak gave little ground to the hundreds of thousands of demonstrators in Cairo’s Tahrir Square, comforted by hesitation in Western capitals to cut loose an ally. Only when his generals began to desert him, fearful their own privileges might be swept away, and the Americans sided with the popular will, did he relent, at first insisting he would retire only later but finally flown off to his Red Sea retreat.

“Egypt and I shall not be parted until I am buried in her soil,” he said. He was arrested two months later.

A trial began in August 2011, the sight of Mubarak in a courtroom cage captivating viewers.

Egyptian Revolution of 2011

Hosni Mubarak, Egypt’s third and longest-serving president, stepped down on February 11, 2011, after an 18-day-long mass uprising aimed at removing him from power. Omar Suleiman, the country’s then newly appointed vice-president, announced the move in a brief statement on state television, hours after Mubarak was reported to have left the capital Cairo for the Red Sea resort city of Sharm El-Sheikh.

The following day Vice-President Omar Suleiman made a terse announcement saying Mr Mubarak was stepping down and the military’s supreme council would run the country.

Mubarak’s resignation followed mass protests in Egypt against his 30-year rule, and came a day after he surprised the people of his country by refusing to resign. The former president succeeded Anwar Sadat, who was assassinated on October 6, 1981 while attending a military parade to commemorate the 1973 Arab-Israeli war.

Mohamed Mursi Won the Presidency

On June 2, 2012, just before Brotherhood candidate Mohamed Mursi won the presidency, Mubarak was jailed for life for conspiring to murder protesters, sent to Cairo’s Tora Prison though occasionally moved to the smart Maadi military hospital nearby due to claims of failing health. Prison time would be short, however, as another military man, Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, overthrew Mursi the following year.

As Sisi launched a crackdown on the Brotherhood that critics said was more severe than anything under Mubarak, the case against the former president was dropped in 2014.

Three years later, following an appeal by the prosecution, Egypt’s top appeals court acquitted him, allowing him to return to his home the upscale Cairo neighbourhood of Heliopolis, not far from the presidential palace he had occupied for nearly three decades.

Hosni Mubarak Death

Former Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak, who held power for 30 years until he was ousted in 2011 in a popular uprising against corruption and autocratic rule, died on Tuesday 25 February 2020, at the age of 91.

Hosni Mubarak Net Worth

Hosni Mubarak’s vast wealth started to attract widespread press scrutiny, with outlets like the Guardian and ABC News estimating his fortune at as much as $70 billion. However, this amount may be disputed by some people. The precise amount of cash and assets Mubarak and his family allegedly stole may start to come to light as Egypt works with international authorities in their recovery effort.

Hosni Mubarak spoke out and said:

“I do not own any accounts or assets outside Egypt… This is for the Egyptian people to know that their former president has accounts only in one Egyptian bank, according to what I have mentioned in my final financial statement. I agree to offer any authorizations that would enable the Egyptian public prosecutor – through the Egyptian Foreign Ministry’s contacts with foreign ministries worldwide – to take all the necessary legal procedures to reveal whether my wife, either of my sons, Alaa or Gamal, and I own any properties or assets directly or indirectly, whether they were commercial or personal, since I started working in the military and political public works and until now, so that everyone would make sure that all the allegations handled by the local and foreign mass media about me and my family’s ownership of huge properties abroad were fake.”

How Old is Hosni Mubarak?

Hosni Mubarak was 91 years when he died on Tuesday 25 February 2020.

Hosni Mubarak’s Family

Hosni Mubarak’s Spouse: Suzanne Mubarak (m. 1959). Hosni Mubarak’s Grandchildren: Omar Alaa Mubarak, Mahmoud Gamal Mubarak, Farida Gamal Mubarak, Mohammed Mubarak.

Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak Biography and Profile

[yourstoregoeshere-blog]

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Hosni Mubarak Net Worth 2017 Hosni Mubarak Net Worth $1.2 Billion Full Name Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak Birthday May 4, 1928 Occupation Former President of Egypt Weight N/A Height N/A Source of Wealth Politician, Businessman Birthdayplace N/A Martital... Source: Hosni Mubarak Net Worth 2017

[leobellicose]

Yusuf al-Qaradawi antara nama dalam senarai pengganas dikeluarkan Saudi

Yusuf al-Qaradawi antara nama dalam senarai pengganas dikeluarkan Saudi

RIYADH, 14 Ramadan 1438H, Jumaat – Ulama terkenal, Dr Yusuf al-Qaradawi merupakan antara yang didakwa terlibat sebagai penyokong keganasan dalam senarai yang dikeluarkan Arab Saudi dan sekutunya.

Dakwaan terbaru itu susulan tuduhan Arab Saudi dan beberapa negara sekutu yang lain bahawa Qatar menyokong aktiviti keganasan.

Ia juga dilaporkan berpunca daripada rasa tidak puas hati beberapa pemerintah Arab disebabkan sokongan Qatar terhadap Ikhwanul Muslimin, pergerakan politik yang mengambil alih kuasa di Mesir untuk beberapa bulan selepas kejatuhan diktator Hosni Mubarak.

Qaradawi merupakan ulama kelahiran Mesir yang menjadikan Doha pengkalannya selepas hidup dalam buangan untuk beberapa dekad.

Fatwa dan karangan beliau kerap dijadikan rujukan seluruh dunia bagi merungkai isu semasa melibatkan syariah dan masalah fiqh.

Berikut 59 individu dan warganegara mereka yang dituduh terlibat dengan keganasan oleh Arab Saudi:

1. Khalifa Mohammed Turki al-Subaie – Qatar 2. Abdelmalek Mohammed Yousef Abdel Salam – Jordan 3. Ashraf Mohammed Yusuf Othman Abdel Salam – Jordan 4. Ibrahim Eissa Al-Hajji Mohammed Al-Baker – Qatar 5. Abdulaziz Bin Khalifa al-Attiyah – Qatar 6. Salem Hassan Khalifa Rashid al-Kawari – Qatar 7. Abdullah Ghanem Muslim al-Khawar – Qatar 8. Saad Bin Saad Mohammed al-Kaabi – Qatar 9. Abdullatif bin Abdullah al-Kawari – Qatar 10. Mohammed Saeed Bin Helwan al-Sakhtari – Qatar 11. Abdul Rahman bin Omair al-Nuaimi – Qatar 12. Abdul Wahab Mohammed Abdul Rahman al-Hmeikani – Yaman 13. Khalifa bin Mohammed al-Rabban – Qatar 14. Abdullah Bin Khalid al-Thani – Qatar 15. Abdul Rahim Ahmad al-Haram – Qatar 16. Hajjaj bin Fahad Hajjaj Mohammed al-Ajmi – Kuwait 17. Mubarak Mohammed al-Ajji – Qatar 18. Jaber bin Nasser al-Marri – Qatar 19. Yusuf al-Qaradawi – Mesir 20. Mohammed Jassim al-Sulaiti – Qatar 21. Ali bin Abdullah al-Suwaidi – Qatar 22. Hashem Saleh Abdullah al-Awadhi – Qatar 23. Ali Mohammed Mohammed al-Salabi – Libya 24. Abdelhakim Belhadj – Libya 25. Mahdi Harati – Libya 26. Ismail Muhammad Mohammed al-Salabi – Libya 27. Al-Sadiq Abdulrahman Ali al-Ghuryani – Libya 28. Hamad Abdullah Al-Futtais al-Marri – Qatar 29. Mohamed Ahmed Shawky Islambouli – Mesir 30. Tariq Abdelmawgoud Ibrahim al-Zomor – Mesir 31. Mohamed Abdelmaksoud Mohamed Afifi – Mesir 32. Mohamed el-Saghir Abdel Rahim Mohamed – Mesir 33. Wajdi Abdelhamid Mohamed Ghoneim – Mesir 34. Hassan Ahmed Hassan Mohammed Al Dokki Al Houti – UAE 35. Hakem Obeisan al-Humaidi al-Mutairi – Saudi / Kuwait 36. Abdullah Mohammed Sulaiman al-Moheiseni – Saudi 37. Hamed Abdullah Ahmed al-Ali – Kuwait 38. Ayman Ahmed Abdel Ghani Hassanein – Mesir 39. Assem Abdel-Maged Mohamed Madi – Mesir 40. Yahya Aqil Salman Aqeel – Mesir 41. Mohamed Hamada el-Sayed Ibrahim – Mesir 42. Abdel Rahman Mohamed Shokry Abdel Rahman – Mesir 43. Hussein Mohamed Reza Ibrahim Youssef – Mesir 44. Ahmed Abdelhafiz Mahmoud Abdelhady – Mesir 45. Muslim Fouad Tafran – Mesir 46. Ayman Mahmoud Sadeq Rifat – Mesir 47. Mohamed Saad Abdel-Naim Ahmed – Mesir 48. Mohamed Saad Abdel Muttalib Abdo Al-Razki – Mesir 49. Ahmed Fouad Ahmed Gad Beltagy – Mesir 50. Ahmed Ragab Ragab Soliman – Mesir 51. Karim Mohamed Mohamed Abdel Aziz – Mesir 52. Ali Zaki Mohammed Ali – Mesir 53. Naji Ibrahim Ezzouli – Mesir 54. Shehata Fathi Hafez Mohammed Suleiman – Mesir 55. Muhammad Muharram Fahmi Abu Zeid – Mesir 56. Amr Abdel Nasser Abdelhak Abdel-Barry – Mesir 57. Ali Hassan Ibrahim Abdel-Zaher – Mesir 58. Murtada Majeed al-Sindi – Bahrain 59. Ahmed Al-Hassan al-Daski – Bahrain

Senarai entiti:

1. Qatar Volunteer Center – Qatar 2. Doha Apple Company (Internet and Technology Support Company) – Qatar 3. Qatar Charity – Qatar 4. Sheikh Eid al-Thani Charity Foundation (Eid Charity) – Qatar 5. Sheikh Thani Bin Abdullah Foundation for Humanitarian Services – Qatar 6. Saraya Defend Benghazi – Libya 7. Saraya al-Ashtar – Bahrain 8. February 14 Coalition – Bahrain 9. The Resistance Brigades – Bahrain 10. Hezbollah Bahrain – Bahrain 11. Saraya al-Mukhtar – Bahrain 12. Harakat Ahrar Bahrain – Bahrain Movement

The post Yusuf al-Qaradawi antara nama dalam senarai pengganas dikeluarkan Saudi appeared first on Portal Islam dan Melayu.

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Hosni Mubarak Biography and Profile

Hosni Mubarak Biography and Profile

Hosni Mubarak Early Life

Hosni Mubarak (Muhammad Hosni El Sayed Mubarak) was born on 4 May 1928 in Munofiya. Mubarak was a former Egyptian military and political leader who served as the fourth president of Egypt from 1981 to 2011. Before he entered politics, Mubarak was a career officer in the Egyptian Air Force. Hosni Mubarak was the longest serving Egyptian president, having ruled Egypt for…