#Lok Sabha elections 2019

[rightnewshindi]

कांग्रेस नेता नवजोत सिद्धू का लोकसभा चुनाव लड़ाने से इनकार, जानें क्या बताई वजह

कांग्रेस नेता नवजोत सिद्धू का लोकसभा चुनाव लड़ाने से इनकार, जानें क्या बताई वजह

Loksabha Elections 2024: लोकसभा चुनाव को लेकर बढ़ रही गर्माहट के बीच कांग्रेस नेता नवजोत सिंह सिद्धू ने बड़ा ऐलान कर दिया है. लोकसभा चुनाव नहीं लड़ेंगे. सूत्रों के मुताबिक सिद्धु ने पार्टी को साफ कर दिया है कि वह पारिवारिक कारणों की वजह से चुनाव नहीं लड़ेंगे. वहीं विधायक दल नेता प्रताप सिंह बाजवा और प्रदेश अध्यक्ष अमरिंदर राजा बरार ने टिकट मिलने पर चुनाव लड़ने की सहमति दी. जानकारी के मुताबिक…

[mysterioushimachal]

Hikkim: The World's Highest Polling Station in Spiti

[easterneyenews]

Narendra Modi: Everything About The PM Of India

Narendra Modi, the current Prime Minister of India, is a leader who has left an indelible mark on the nation's political, economic, and social landscape. Known for his dynamic leadership, visionary policies, and charismatic personality, Modi has transformed India in numerous ways. This comprehensive blog delves into everything about Narendra Modi, offering insights into his early life, political journey, significant achievements, and influence on India and the world.

Early Life and Background

Narendra Damodardas Modi was born on September 17, 1950, in Vadnagar, a small town in northern Gujarat, India. Coming from a humble background, Modi's early life was marked by hardship and determination. He helped his father sell tea at the local railway station, an experience that shaped his understanding of grassroots issues and the common man's struggles.

Education and Early Interests

As per the UK Newspapers News Modi completed his schooling in Vadnagar and later pursued a degree in political science, earning an M.A. from Gujarat University in Ahmedabad. His early interest in serving the nation led him to join the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a Hindu nationalist organization, in the early 1970s. Modi set up a unit of the RSS’s students’ wing, the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, in his area, where he honed his leadership skills and ideological beliefs.

Political Journey

Modi's political journey began with his active involvement in the RSS, which eventually led to his association with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 1987. Within a year, he was made the general secretary of the Gujarat branch of the party. Modi played a pivotal role in strengthening the party’s presence in the state, contributing to the BJP's success in the 1995 state legislative assembly elections and the formation of the first-ever BJP-controlled government in India.

Chief Minister of Gujarat

In 2001, Narendra Modi was appointed the Chief Minister of Gujarat, following the poor response of the incumbent government to the Bhuj earthquake. He entered his first-ever electoral contest in a February 2002 by-election, winning a seat in the Gujarat state assembly.

Modi’s tenure as chief minister was marked by both achievements and controversies. His role during the 2002 communal riots in Gujarat drew international criticism, with allegations of condoning the violence or failing to act decisively to stop it. Despite these controversies, Modi’s political career in Gujarat was marked by repeated electoral successes in 2002, 2007, and 2012, establishing him as a formidable leader within the BJP.

Rise to National Leadership

Modi's success in Gujarat laid the foundation for his rise to national prominence. In June 2013, Modi was chosen as the leader of the BJP’s campaign for the 2014 elections to the Lok Sabha. His campaign focused on development, good governance, and anti-corruption, resonating with millions of Indians. In the 2014 elections, he led the BJP to a historic victory, securing a clear majority of seats in the Lok Sabha.

First Term as Prime Minister (2014-2019)

Modi was sworn in as Prime Minister on May 26, 2014. His first term was marked by several significant initiatives and reforms aimed at transforming India:

Goods and Services Tax (GST): Launched in 2017, GST is one of the most significant tax reforms in India's history, simplifying the indirect tax structure.

Demonetization: In 2016, Modi announced the demonetization of high-value currency notes to curb black money and counterfeit currency.

Swachh Bharat Abhiyan: Launched in 2014, this nationwide cleanliness campaign aimed to eliminate open defecation and improve solid waste management.

Digital India: An ambitious program to transform India into a digitally empowered society and knowledge economy.

Make in India: Aimed at making India a global manufacturing hub, this initiative encourages companies to manufacture their products in India.

Modi's foreign policy achievements included hosting Chinese President Xi Jinping and making a highly successful visit to New York City, where he met with U.S. President Barack Obama.

Second Term as Prime Minister (2019-2024)

The Modi-led BJP won a majority again in the 2019 general election. His second term saw continued efforts to promote Hindu culture and implement economic reforms:

Revocation of Jammu and Kashmir's Special Status: In October 2019, Modi's government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, bringing it under the direct control of the union government.

COVID-19 Pandemic Response: Modi took decisive action to combat the COVID-19 outbreak, implementing strict nationwide restrictions and promoting vaccine development and distribution.

Despite facing protests and criticism for some policies, such as agricultural reforms, Modi's leadership remained influential. The BJP faced setbacks in state elections in late 2018, but Modi's charisma and a security crisis in Jammu and Kashmir boosted his image ahead of the 2019 elections.

Third Term as Prime Minister (2024-Present)

In the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the BJP won 240 seats, and the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) secured 293 of the 543 seats, allowing Modi to become Prime Minister for a third consecutive term. Although the BJP did not secure a majority on its own, the NDA's coalition support ensured their continued governance.

Personal Life and Public Image

Narendra Modi is known for his disciplined lifestyle, early morning yoga sessions, and simple living. Despite his high-profile status, he remains deeply connected to his roots and continues to draw inspiration from his early life experiences.

Communication and Public Engagement

Modi's communication skills are unparalleled, often using social media and public addresses to connect with citizens. His monthly radio program, "Mann Ki Baat," has become a popular platform for sharing his thoughts and initiatives with the nation.

Conclusion

Narendra Modi's journey from a small-town boy to the Prime Minister of the world's largest democracy is a testament to his resilience, dedication, and visionary leadership. His impact on India's socio-economic fabric, governance, and international relations is profound and continues to shape the country's future.

Whether admired or criticized, Narendra Modi's influence on India and the global stage is undeniable. His story is not just about a political leader but also about the transformative power of determination and leadership.

Stay tuned to our blog for more updates and in-depth analyses of Narendra Modi's policies, initiatives, and their impact on India and the world.

[wherestoriescomefrom]

Seldom before has there been so much joy in the shadow of defeat. But as the results of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections began to trickle in on Tuesday morning, the smiles and good cheer began to heat up an already sultry day. Not since the protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act in 2019 has India allowed itself what former US President Barack Obama described as the audacity of hope.

Of course, even though the Bharatiya Janata Party has fallen short of a majority, Narendra Modi has taken it close enough to the halfway mark to form the new government. However, in its enfeebled state, propped up by allies who know the precise cost of their support, the new BJP administration will be forced to temper its bluster and contain its malevolence against those it considers its enemies. Among those the BJP has considered its adversaries are independent journalists, several of whom have been jailed and prosecuted simply for doing their jobs.

This result will undoubtedly trigger a tectonic shift in the BJP. There is no telling how the pieces will fall. As long-supressed aspirations in the Hindutva party shoot to the surface, perhaps even more hardline leaders will assume prominence.

But as reports from the ground have pointed out, this mandate is a rejection of the illiberal agenda, both social and economic, that Prime Minister Narendra Modi has advanced over the past decade. By ignoring Modi’s provocations of mangalsutras, machli and mujras, Indian voters – especially the most marginalised – have decisively rallied to the defence of the Constitution.

The battle to reclaim the idea of an equitable India is far from being won. But as Tuesday demonstrated, there are many who dream of reinforcing the foundations of a Republic based on the values of justice, liberty, equality and fraternity. For now, India can breathe again.

— The Audacity of Hope, Scroll Editor's Note.

[cyndaquillt]

I'm sorry to bother you but all the elections stuff is really confusing me and i don't know what's happening

I'm not at the age of voting but will be by the time of the next elections

Again sorry to be a bother

Not a bother at all! And good on you for wanting to learn about this stuff already! The more informed you are by the time you are of voting age, the more informed of a decision you can make 🙂

Full disclosure, I'm not a social scientist or anything, just an average Indian citizen/voter with some academic expertise (not in this field). If someone reading all this finds something wrong, please feel free to point it out, preferably politely.

TL;DR : Indian parliamentary system is built to thrive on diverse viewpoints representative of its people. An attempt to smooth out dissensions and differences without healthy discussion goes against a democratic system. What we are happy about this week is election of a healthy opposition and a coalition that has the potential of keeping power concentration into one hands in check.

This is a bit of an expansive topic but I'm gonna break down certain key terms that you're gonna hear a lot in the news or other election commentary in the next few days. I'm not sure how much of a background knowledge you already have, so this is super long and detailed. Sorry about that in advance! Take your time reading this, or use it as a reference. Up to you! Follow up questions are more than welcome.

The Indian Parliament: The Indian Parliament is split into two houses, the Lower House or the Lok Sabha/House of the People, and the Upper House or the Rajya Sabha/Council of States. Lok Sabha members are appointed through elections while Rajya Sabha members are selected by the State Legislative Assemblies (Vidhan Sabha) and the President. When a new law is proposed as a bill or an ammendment to the constitution is proposed, it must pass through BOTH the Lok Sabha and the Rajya Sabha.

The Lok Sabha: Lok Sabha has a total of 543 seats, representing 543 electoral constituencies throughout the country. Note that these 543 constituencies aren't exactly based on existing district divisions (eg: The Ayodhya district in UP is in the Faizabad constituency). Constituencies are split by population density. This means a region with more people will have more seats/stronger voice in the Lok Sabha. As a result, the largest state by area, Rajasthan has 25 seats in the Lok Sabha, while the most densely populated state of Uttar Pradesh has 80 seats in the Lok Sabha despite being the 4th largest state in the country. Also means if a political party bags UP, it gives them a huge leg up in winning Lok Sabha elections. To form a government, a political party or a group of political parties (a coalition) needs to have majority in the Lok Sabha. This mean winning over 272 seats or in other words, winning majority votes in 272 or more constituencies. Lok Sabha elections happen every 5 years, and the one that just happened, was a Lok Sabha election.

Important parties and alliances to keep in mind while parsing the news and comments are :

Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP): The ruling party that formed the government in the past two Lok Sabha terms (10 years). Note that in the 2014 and 2019 elections, BJP won a majority without forming an alliance with any other party. BJP's core politics are right-wing, which typically translates to capitalism, socially conservative, and maintaining class hierarchy as a form of order and structure in society.

Indian National Congress (INC or Congress): The main opposition party against the BJP. Indian National Congress's politics are liberal/center. While their polities don't entirely dismantle class/caste divide, they don't entirely aim to privatize sectors or take capitalism as the end all be all.

National Democratic Alliance (NDA): BJP-led coalition that secured majority in Lok Sabha elections and will form the government for the upcoming election term.

Indian National Development Inclusive Alliance (INDIA): Congress led coalition which didn't get the majority, but did secure 232 out of the 543 seats in the Lok Sabha. Even though those that are part of the INDIA coalition won't be forming the government, they will be present in the Lok Sabha as the elected representative of their respective constituency to voice their opinion on any motion that passes through the Lok Sabha.

Janta Dal (United) or JD(U): A political party from Bihar led by Nitish Kumar. JD(U) is currently part of the NDA, however JD(U) joined NDA pretty much right before the elections. As a matter of fact, Nitish Kumar has a tendency to switch sides depending on what he thinks would ensure his power and position. In 2014, when it became apparent that BJP was aiming for a Modi-led government and that Nitish, as someone who is not formally in BJP, didn't stand a chance of even being a cabinet minister, much less the Prime Minister, Nitish left NDA. However, back then, BJP managed to get a clear majority and Nitish's pullback didn't have weight. However, with JD(U) winning 12 seats in this election and BJP having to rely on a coalition government, Nitish's pullback has weight. At the time of writing this, word on the street is Nitish is sticking with the NDA and has made demands for 2 cabinets being handed over to JD(U) (See below cut for info on what is a cabinet).

Telugu Desam Party or TDP: Led by Chandrababu Naidu, TDP is a party with a stronghold in the states of Andhra Pradesh and Telangana. Currently also in the NDA coalition, TDP managed to win 16 seats in Andhra Pradesh. While Chandrababu Naidu isn't as much of a flip-flopper as Nitish, he has been fairly outspoken against the Modi government in the past. That being said, word on the street is also that Naidu garu may have been offered the position of the Lok Sabha Speaker (as in the person who mediates Lok Sabha discussions) and to also assign 2 cabinet berths to TDP in exchange for their continued support of NDA.

Other notable parties and names:

- DMK : Won 22 seats in Tamil Nadu. Is in the INDIA coalition/opposition. Led by M. K. Stalin.

- AITC or TMC: Won 29 seats in West Bengal. Is in the INDIA coalition/opposition. Led by Mamata Banerjee.

- SP : Won 37 seats in Uttar Pradesh. Is in the INDIA coalition/opposition. Led by Akhilesh Yadav.

All in all, the Indian parliamentary system allows for diverse voices and points of view to be a part of the discussion regarding national policies and lawmaking, even if the said voice doesn't make the ruling government. Something also to keep in mind about Indian politicians specifically is that they rarely think about public welfare and rather prioritize their personal hold on power. None of them are above the other when it comes to scheming on how to maintain power and these schemes often involve tactics to deflect their accountability towards the people.

In its decade long term, BJP as a ruling party has invested on multiple levels to maintain a one-man stronghold. I want to keep this answer objective and won't comment on any specific ruling. However, know that a one-man stronghold and a weak opposition defeats the purpose of the parliament and the constituencies. What most people are celebrating today is having a healthy opposition in place in addition to a coalition which would be a sort of check against power being concentrated into one person's hand.

When you vote in the next election, keep in mind that Indian politicians aren't like bands or artists you should root for. What you will be electing them to are positions of public service. Their priority is power and YOUR vote helps them have that. You are not answerable for their loss, THEY are answerable to YOU.

Also whoever you elect to the Lok Sabha is among the candidates in your constituency. A random schmuck from South Delhi who voted for BJP didn't vote for Modi, they voted for Ramvir Singh Bidhuri, the BJP candidate running from South Delhi. You could make the argument 'they voted for Modi Sarkar!' but the real, flesh and blood person that vote put in the parliament was not Narendra Modi, it was Ramvir Singh Bidhuri. Only people in Varanasi could vote directly for Modi because he contested from there. Had Modi lost the Varanasi seat, he wouldn't have been a member of the Lok Sabha. In which case, even if BJP or NDA made the government, Modi would have to become a part of the Lok Sabha or the Rajya Sabha in the next six months to be chosen as the Prime Minister. Long story short, learn more about the constituency you are in, the candidates and parties in that constituency, the demographic of your community, the problems it faces, and in light of all of that, who is the best candidate to represent your community's voice in the Lok Sabha.

Adding an additional note cabinets, but I think that's a little tangential so it's under the cut. Again, follow up questions more than welcome. Hope this helps you make some sense of the mess that is Indian electoral politics!

Cabinets and Socialism: A Cabinet Minister assumes leadership of one of the 53 ministries within the government. Most countries around the world, regardless of their government system, have a similar structure. Though, I do want to point out that India is a Socialist Republic. What this means, is that there are entire sectors that are folded into a centralized, government funded cabinet as opposed to a third party, like a private company, being responsible for it. Indian Railways are a great example for this. From literally manufacturing trains to operating railway stations to laying down rail lines to issuing tickets, the Ministry of Railway is responsible for all of it. While Indian Railways do have subdivisions to handle different aspects, the Minister of Railways is in-charge of the management of ALL of those subdivisions. There are also sectors like Aviation or Telecom where while the government doesn't own ALL airlines or telecom companies, the government does have it's own public funded unit (Air India in case of aviation and BSNL and MTNL in case of Telecom) and there are cabinet ministers who oversee the management of these units in addition to laying out guidelines and regulations which the entire sector has to follow.

Socialist structures with their govt centralized system help regulate cost and keep cost inflation in check because the purpose of a cabinet that runs on government money is public service, not profit margin (eg: general compartment train tickets are affordable and have been affordable for a long time). In the meantime, privatization of sectors may increase efficiency of a service (eg: Ministry of External Affairs outsourcing passport services to TCS has been a huge success), it may also drive cost inflation, unless checked on by the ministry responsible for the third party contract. We will find out who in the NDA will lead which cabinet on June 8.

[techno-99]

Narendra Modi Story

Narendra Modi (born September 17, 1950, Vadnagar, India) Indian politician and government official who rose to become a senior leader of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). In 2014 he led his party to victory in elections to the Lok Sabha (lower chamber of the Indian parliament), after which he was sworn in as prime minister of India. Prior to that he had served (2001–14) as chief minister (head of government) of Gujarat state in western India.

After a vigorous campaign—in which Modi portrayed himself as a pragmatic candidate who could turn around India’s underperforming economy—he and the party were victorious, with the BJP winning a clear majority of seats in the chamber. Modi was sworn in as prime minister on May 26, 2014. Soon after he took office, his government embarked on several reforms, including campaigns to improve India’s transportation infrastructure and to liberalize rules on direct foreign investment in the country. Modi scored two significant diplomatic achievements early in his term. In mid-September he hosted a visit by Chinese President Xi Jinping, the first time a Chinese leader had been to India in eight years. At the end of that month, having been granted a U.S. visa, Modi made a highly successful visit to New York City, which included a meeting with U.S. Pres. Barack Obama.

As prime minister, Modi oversaw a promotion of Hindu culture and the implementation of economic reforms. The government undertook measures that would broadly appeal to Hindus, such as its attempt to ban the sale of cows for slaughter. The economic reforms were sweeping, introducing structural changes—and temporary disruptions—that could be felt nationwide. Among the most far-reaching was the demonetization and replacement of 500- and 1,000-rupee banknotes with only a few hours’ notice. The purpose was to stop “black money”—cash used for illicit activities—by making it difficult to exchange large sums of cash. The following year the government centralized the consumption tax system by introducing the Goods and Services Tax (GST), which superseded a confusing system of local consumption taxes and eliminated the problem of cascading tax. GDP growth slowed from these changes, though growth had already been high (8.2 percent in 2015), and the reforms succeeded in expanding the government’s tax base. Still, rising costs of living and increasing unemployment disappointed many as grandiose promises of economic growth remained unfulfilled.

This disappointment registered with voters during the elections in five states in late 2018. The BJP lost in all five states, including the BJP strongholds of Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Chhattisgarh. The rival Indian National Congress (Congress Party) won more state assembly seats than the BJP in all five elections. Many observers believed that this portended bad news for Modi and the BJP in the national elections set for the spring of 2019, but others believed that Modi’s charisma would excite the voters. Moreover, a security crisis in Jammu and Kashmir in February 2019, which escalated tensions with Pakistan to the highest point in decades, boosted Modi’s image just months before the election. With the BJP dominating the airwaves during the campaign—in contrast to the lacklustre campaign of Rahul Gandhi and Congress—the BJP was returned to power, and Modi became India’s first prime minister outside of the Congress Party to be reelected after a full term.

In his second term Modi’s government revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, stripping it of autonomy in October 2019 and bringing it under the direct control of the union government. The move came under intense criticism and faced challenges in court, not only for the questionable legality of depriving Jammu and Kashmir’s residents of self-determination but also because the government severely restricted communications and movement within the region.

In March 2020, meanwhile, Modi took decisive action to combat the outbreak of COVID-19 in India, swiftly implementing strict nationwide restrictions to mitigate the spread while the country’s biotechnology firms became key players in the race to develop and deliver vaccines worldwide. As part of the effort to counter the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic, Modi undertook executive action in June to liberalize the agricultural sector, a move that was codified into law in September. Many feared that the reforms would make farmers vulnerable to exploitation, however, and protesters took to the streets in opposition to the new laws. Beginning in November, massive protests were organized and became a regular disruption, particularly in Delhi.

Modi’s policies backfired in 2021. Protests escalated (culminating in the storming of the Red Fort in January), and extraordinary restrictions and crackdowns by the government failed to suppress them. Meanwhile, despite the remarkably low spread of COVID-19 in January and February, by late April a rapid surge of cases caused by the new Delta variant had overwhelmed the country’s health care system. Modi, who had held massive political rallies ahead of state elections in March and April, was criticized for neglecting the surge. The BJP ultimately lost the election in a key battleground state despite heavy campaigning. In November, as protests continued and another set of state elections approached, Modi announced that the government would repeal the agricultural reforms.

[mariacallous]

it's particularly disheartening for Indian Democracy because Mr. Gandhi is being booted from the Lok Sabha because he was convicted of the crime of.... insulting Modi, as in the last name Modi... he made a speech during the 2019 election where he compared the Prime minster to two white collar criminals Nirav Modi and Lalit Modi and said "Why do all these thieves have the name Modi?" well some Modi supporters charged him with defaming a "particular group" (basically hate speech under law) the group being the "Modi community" ie people with the last name Modi.

he was found guilty and sentenced to two years imprisonment.

Largest democracy in the world!

More seriously, this is definitely a very worrying sign on a number of levels.

[tfgadgets]

Tamil Nadu 2026 Elections Congress On Tamil Nadu Power-Sharing With DMK Only High Command Can Decide

DMK has won three successive elections including sweeping the 2019 and 2024 Lok Sabha polls. TVK (Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam) chief and actor Vijay’s offer of a share in power in Tamil Nadu has made whispers of power-sharing louder within the ruling DMK alliance that includes Congress, the left, Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK), Marumalarchi Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (MDMK), and a few other…

[finverto]

Highlights of the 53rd GST Council Meeting: Key Updates and Outcomes

Highlights of the 53rd GST Council Meeting: Key Updates and Outcomes. The 53rd GST Council meeting, held on June 22, 2024, in New Delhi, marked the first meeting after the 2024 Lok Sabha elections. Chaired by the newly appointed Union Finance Minister, Nirmala Sitharaman, the meeting addressed several critical issues to streamline GST compliance and enhance the tax structure. This blog provides a comprehensive overview of the meeting’s highlights, updates, outcomes, and the latest news. GST Registration.

Key Decisions and Updates from the 53rd GST Council Meeting

Ease of Compliance Burden for Taxpayers

1. Changes in GSTR-1 Filing:

Introduction of GSTR-1A: Taxpayers can now add or amend particulars in GSTR-1 of the current tax period/IFF for the 1st and 2nd month of the quarter before filing GSTR-3B.

Reporting B2C Supplies: The threshold for reporting Business-to-Consumer (B2C) interstate supplies invoice-wise in Table 5 of GSTR-1 has been reduced from ₹2.5 lakh to ₹1 lakh.

2. GSTR-4 Due Date Revised:

The due date for filing GSTR-4 by composition taxable persons has been extended from April 30 to June 30, starting from the fiscal year 2024-25.

3. TCS Rate Reduction:

The Tax Collected at Source (TCS) rate for Electronic Commerce Operators (ECOs) has been reduced from 1% to 0.5% (0.25% each under CGST and SGST/UTGST or 0.5% under IGST).

4. Compulsory Filing of GSTR-7:

GSTR-7 must be filed mandatorily even if no Tax Deducted at Source (TDS) is deducted. No late fee will be charged for nil filing. GST Filing.

5. GSTR-9/9A Filing Exemption:

Taxpayers with an aggregate annual turnover up to ₹2 crore will be exempt from filing the annual return in GSTR-9/9A for the fiscal year 2023-24.

Modifications to Sections and Rules

1. Modification to Section 16(4):

The time limit to avail Input Tax Credit (ITC) for invoices or debit notes in any GSTR-3B filed up to November 30, 2021, is deemed to be November 30, 2021. This applies retrospectively from July 1, 2017. Section 16(4) shall be relaxed for returns filed within 30 days of the order of revocation.

2. Amendment to CGST Rule 88B:

No interest will be charged on the amount available in the electronic cash ledger on the due date of filing GSTR-3B, debited while filing the return in cases of delayed filing.

3. New Section 128A:

Waives interest and penalties for demand notices issued under Section 73 of CGST for fiscal years 2017-18, 2018-19, and 2019-20 in cases not involving fraud, suppression, and misstatement. This applies if the taxpayer pays the full amount in the notice by March 31, 2025.

4. Changes in Sections 73 and 74:

A common time limit will be set for issuing demand notices and orders. The time limit for taxpayers to claim the benefit of reduced penalty, by paying the tax demanded along with interest, is increased from 30 to 60 days.

https://www.finvertoassociates.com/wp-content/uploads/2024/07/Designer-5.jpeg

Monetary Limits and Appeals

1. Monetary Limits for GST Appeals:

Recommended monetary limits for filing appeals: ₹20 lakh for GST Appellate Tribunal, ₹1 crore for High Court, and ₹2 crore for Supreme Court.

2. Amending Sections 107 and 112:

The maximum amount for pre-deposit for filing an appeal before appellate authorities is reduced from ₹25 crore to ₹20 crore under both CGST and SGST. For appeals before the GST Appellate Tribunal, the pre-deposit is reduced from 20% with a maximum amount of ₹50 crores to 10% with a maximum of ₹20 crores under both CGST and SGST.

Additional Key Decisions

1. Sunset Clause for Anti-Profiteering Cases:

A sunset clause will be added for pending anti-profiteering cases. The hearing panel will shift from CCI to the principal bench of GSTAT. The sunset date for receiving new applications regarding anti-profiteering is set for April 1, 2025.

2. Time Limit for GSTAT Appeals:

Modifying Section 112 to provide a 3-month time frame for filing appeals before the GST Appellate Tribunal. The timeline will commence from a date yet to be notified, likely by August 5, 2024.

3. New Section 11A:

Allows regularization of non-levy or short levy of GST due to common trade practices.

4. IGST Refunds and Adjustments:

Mechanism introduced for claiming refunds of additional IGST paid due to upward price revisions after exports. No IGST refund will be allowed where export duty is payable.

5. Biometric-based Aadhaar Authentication:

Implementation of biometric-based Aadhaar authentication for GST registration will be rolled out nationwide in a phased manner.

6. DRC-03 Circular:

A circular will prescribe a mechanism for adjusting any demand amount paid through DRC-03 against the amount payable as a pre-deposit for filing a GST appeal.

7. Amendment to Section 122(1B):

Clarification that the penal provision is applicable only for those e-commerce operators required to collect TCS under Section 52 and not for other e-commerce operators.

The 53rd GST Council meeting has brought significant changes aimed at simplifying compliance, reducing the tax burden, and enhancing the efficiency of the GST system. These updates reflect the government’s ongoing efforts to create a more robust and taxpayer-friendly GST framework. Keep an eye on official announcements for further details and implementation guidelines.

Stay tuned for the latest updates and insights on GST and other financial regulations.

[rightnewshindi]

चारों लोकसभा सीटों पर कांग्रेस से सुफड़ा होगा साफ, प्रतिभा सिंह भी नही बचा पाएंगी अपनी सीट; जानें क्या कहता है सर्वे

चारों लोकसभा सीटों पर कांग्रेस से सुफड़ा होगा साफ, प्रतिभा सिंह भी नही बचा पाएंगी अपनी सीट; जानें क्या कहता है सर्वे

Himachal News: हिमाचल प्रदेश की कांग्रेस सरकार में ‘सबकुछ ठीक’ नहीं नजर आ रहा है। दरअसल, कुछ दिनों पहले कांग्रेस के छह विधायकों ने बगावत कर दिया। उस दिन से ही बागियों और सीएम सुक्खू के बीच ‘शब्द बाण’ चल रहे हैं। ऐसे में लोकसभा चुनाव 2024 को लेकर एक ताजा सर्वे आया है। इस सर्वे में कांग्रेस को एक जोर का झटका लगा है। सर्वे के मुताबिक, राज्य में कांग्रेस की इकलौती सांसद और पूर्व मुख्यमंत्री वीरभद्र…

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[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th October. In what has been a shocking turn of events for both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the 2024 general elections delivered a bitter blow to the ruling party in its once impregnable stronghold. Uttar Pradesh, which was long considered the BJP’s bastion, became one of the primary reasons for the party’s inability to secure a third consecutive term with an absolute majority at the national level. Hopes of replicating the 2019 performance, when the party clinched 62 seats, were dashed as it fell to a mere 33 seats—just over half of the previous tally. Now, with by-elections on the horizon for ten crucial assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, the political landscape is once again shifting. This electoral battle is pivotal not just for the BJP but for Yogi Adityanath himself, whose leadership capabilities are under the spotlight after the party’s disappointing performance in the general elections. As the state braces for a fiercely contested by-election, the question looms: Can Yogi Adityanath’s leadership revive the party’s fortunes, or will the BJP continue to struggle in these key constituencies? The Political Landscape: A Tough Road Ahead for BJP The upcoming by-elections will be held in ten constituencies: Milkipur, Karhal, Katehari, Ghaziabad, Kundarki, Khair, Meerapur, Phulpur, Manjhwa, and Sisamau. Of these, five were previously held by the Samajwadi Party (SP), three by the BJP, and one each by the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and the Nishad Party. The distribution of these seats indicates that the BJP faces a tough challenge, especially in constituencies dominated by the Samajwadi Party and other regional players. Furthermore, the outcome of these elections could influence the broader political narrative in Uttar Pradesh as the state prepares for its next assembly election. The by-elections will be a litmus test for Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, especially as his political standing took a hit after the general election results. Many in political circles have started questioning whether Adityanath’s governance style, which once galvanized the BJP’s voter base, is now beginning to lose its magic. Key Constituencies Where BJP May Struggle Several constituencies in the upcoming by-elections present significant challenges for the BJP. Let’s examine a few in detail: Milkipur: Historically a Samajwadi Party stronghold, Milkipur was once represented by Awadhesh Prasad, who vacated the seat after becoming a Member of Parliament. In the 2022 Assembly elections, the Samajwadi Party won here comfortably, defeating BJP’s candidate by over 13,000 votes. With a substantial Scheduled Caste and OBC voter base, the SP is poised to retain its dominance in the constituency, and the BJP will need a significant shift in voting behavior to have any chance of success. Karhal: A bastion of the Samajwadi Party since 1993, Karhal is an uphill battle for the BJP. In the 2022 Assembly elections, Akhilesh Yadav won this seat before vacating it for his Lok Sabha constituency in Kannauj. Tej Pratap Yadav, Akhilesh’s cousin, has been fielded by the SP in this by-election, bolstering the party’s chances. With 130,000 Yadav voters, along with significant Scheduled Caste and Muslim support, Karhal presents a difficult path for the BJP. Kundarki: This constituency, now vacated after the election of Jiyaur Rahman to the Lok Sabha, features a Muslim-majority electorate that has historically leaned toward the Samajwadi Party. With the BJP struggling to secure a foothold among the region’s significant Muslim and Dalit population, the party will need to deploy a highly strategic campaign if it hopes to gain ground here. Katehari: Another difficult seat for the BJP, Katehari is contested by the SP’s Shobhawati Verma, wife of MP Lalji Verma. This seat became vacant following Lalji Verma’s resignation, and the SP remains a dominant force here. Although the BJP has yet

to announce its candidate, potential candidates like Dharmraj Nishad and Awadhesh Dwivedi face an uphill battle against entrenched SP support. Meerapur: This constituency has a diverse electorate, with 40% of voters belonging to the Muslim community and another 50,000 Scheduled Caste voters. RLD’s Chandan Chauhan vacated the seat after winning a Lok Sabha seat, and the BJP faces a challenge in this largely non-traditional stronghold. Speculation has arisen that the BJP may concede this seat to the RLD in a gesture of political accommodation, but the dynamics of the constituency will make it a difficult battleground. Manjhwa: Previously held by the Nishad Party’s Dr. Vinod Kumar Bind, Manjhwa represents a unique electoral dynamic with an almost evenly distributed caste composition. While the Nishad Party has traditionally had sway here, the BJP has chosen not to field a candidate from its ally’s ranks, opting instead for direct contestation. This decision could fracture the vote, adding an additional layer of complexity to the race. Sisamau: The disqualification of Samajwadi Party MLA Irfan Solanki has opened up this seat for by-election. His wife, Naseem Solanki, has been nominated by the SP, and with a significant Muslim and Brahmin voter base, the SP is in a strong position. The BJP will need to carefully craft its campaign to attract non-Muslim voters, particularly Dalits and Brahmins, to have any chance of success here. Challenges for Yogi Adityanath and BJP The by-elections present both a challenge and an opportunity for Yogi Adityanath and the BJP. On one hand, these elections provide a platform for the party to reclaim lost ground and restore confidence in Adityanath’s leadership. On the other hand, the political dynamics in these constituencies suggest that the BJP’s traditional base may not be enough to secure victory, especially given the strong presence of regional players like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal. Yogi Adityanath’s appeal, which has previously galvanized support in key regions of Uttar Pradesh, is being tested. The results of the by-elections will likely reflect whether the Chief Minister still holds the sway he once did or if voters are beginning to shift their allegiance to other parties in the face of new political realities. Conclusion The upcoming by-elections in Uttar Pradesh represent a crucial test for both the BJP and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Following the party’s dramatic fall in seat count during the 2024 general elections, the by-elections serve as an opportunity for the BJP to regain its footing. However, the road ahead is fraught with challenges, particularly in constituencies like Karhal, Milkipur, and Kundarki, where the Samajwadi Party and other regional players have a firm grip on the electorate. Yogi Adityanath’s leadership will face an even greater test than before. His ability to address the doubts raised after the general election loss will be critical to the BJP’s success. While his charisma and hardline governance approach have previously resonated with a broad voter base, the political landscape is shifting. The BJP will need a more nuanced strategy that goes beyond mere reliance on Adityanath’s appeal. The by-elections are not just a referendum on the BJP’s performance but also a reflection of the changing dynamics of Uttar Pradesh politics. For Yogi Adityanath, it will be a moment of reckoning—whether he can steer the party through these turbulent waters or if his influence is beginning to wane will become evident in the results of these key contests.   [ad_2] Source link

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[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th October. In what has been a shocking turn of events for both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the 2024 general elections delivered a bitter blow to the ruling party in its once impregnable stronghold. Uttar Pradesh, which was long considered the BJP’s bastion, became one of the primary reasons for the party’s inability to secure a third consecutive term with an absolute majority at the national level. Hopes of replicating the 2019 performance, when the party clinched 62 seats, were dashed as it fell to a mere 33 seats—just over half of the previous tally. Now, with by-elections on the horizon for ten crucial assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, the political landscape is once again shifting. This electoral battle is pivotal not just for the BJP but for Yogi Adityanath himself, whose leadership capabilities are under the spotlight after the party’s disappointing performance in the general elections. As the state braces for a fiercely contested by-election, the question looms: Can Yogi Adityanath’s leadership revive the party’s fortunes, or will the BJP continue to struggle in these key constituencies? The Political Landscape: A Tough Road Ahead for BJP The upcoming by-elections will be held in ten constituencies: Milkipur, Karhal, Katehari, Ghaziabad, Kundarki, Khair, Meerapur, Phulpur, Manjhwa, and Sisamau. Of these, five were previously held by the Samajwadi Party (SP), three by the BJP, and one each by the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and the Nishad Party. The distribution of these seats indicates that the BJP faces a tough challenge, especially in constituencies dominated by the Samajwadi Party and other regional players. Furthermore, the outcome of these elections could influence the broader political narrative in Uttar Pradesh as the state prepares for its next assembly election. The by-elections will be a litmus test for Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, especially as his political standing took a hit after the general election results. Many in political circles have started questioning whether Adityanath’s governance style, which once galvanized the BJP’s voter base, is now beginning to lose its magic. Key Constituencies Where BJP May Struggle Several constituencies in the upcoming by-elections present significant challenges for the BJP. Let’s examine a few in detail: Milkipur: Historically a Samajwadi Party stronghold, Milkipur was once represented by Awadhesh Prasad, who vacated the seat after becoming a Member of Parliament. In the 2022 Assembly elections, the Samajwadi Party won here comfortably, defeating BJP’s candidate by over 13,000 votes. With a substantial Scheduled Caste and OBC voter base, the SP is poised to retain its dominance in the constituency, and the BJP will need a significant shift in voting behavior to have any chance of success. Karhal: A bastion of the Samajwadi Party since 1993, Karhal is an uphill battle for the BJP. In the 2022 Assembly elections, Akhilesh Yadav won this seat before vacating it for his Lok Sabha constituency in Kannauj. Tej Pratap Yadav, Akhilesh’s cousin, has been fielded by the SP in this by-election, bolstering the party’s chances. With 130,000 Yadav voters, along with significant Scheduled Caste and Muslim support, Karhal presents a difficult path for the BJP. Kundarki: This constituency, now vacated after the election of Jiyaur Rahman to the Lok Sabha, features a Muslim-majority electorate that has historically leaned toward the Samajwadi Party. With the BJP struggling to secure a foothold among the region’s significant Muslim and Dalit population, the party will need to deploy a highly strategic campaign if it hopes to gain ground here. Katehari: Another difficult seat for the BJP, Katehari is contested by the SP’s Shobhawati Verma, wife of MP Lalji Verma. This seat became vacant following Lalji Verma’s resignation, and the SP remains a dominant force here. Although the BJP has yet

to announce its candidate, potential candidates like Dharmraj Nishad and Awadhesh Dwivedi face an uphill battle against entrenched SP support. Meerapur: This constituency has a diverse electorate, with 40% of voters belonging to the Muslim community and another 50,000 Scheduled Caste voters. RLD’s Chandan Chauhan vacated the seat after winning a Lok Sabha seat, and the BJP faces a challenge in this largely non-traditional stronghold. Speculation has arisen that the BJP may concede this seat to the RLD in a gesture of political accommodation, but the dynamics of the constituency will make it a difficult battleground. Manjhwa: Previously held by the Nishad Party’s Dr. Vinod Kumar Bind, Manjhwa represents a unique electoral dynamic with an almost evenly distributed caste composition. While the Nishad Party has traditionally had sway here, the BJP has chosen not to field a candidate from its ally’s ranks, opting instead for direct contestation. This decision could fracture the vote, adding an additional layer of complexity to the race. Sisamau: The disqualification of Samajwadi Party MLA Irfan Solanki has opened up this seat for by-election. His wife, Naseem Solanki, has been nominated by the SP, and with a significant Muslim and Brahmin voter base, the SP is in a strong position. The BJP will need to carefully craft its campaign to attract non-Muslim voters, particularly Dalits and Brahmins, to have any chance of success here. Challenges for Yogi Adityanath and BJP The by-elections present both a challenge and an opportunity for Yogi Adityanath and the BJP. On one hand, these elections provide a platform for the party to reclaim lost ground and restore confidence in Adityanath’s leadership. On the other hand, the political dynamics in these constituencies suggest that the BJP’s traditional base may not be enough to secure victory, especially given the strong presence of regional players like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal. Yogi Adityanath’s appeal, which has previously galvanized support in key regions of Uttar Pradesh, is being tested. The results of the by-elections will likely reflect whether the Chief Minister still holds the sway he once did or if voters are beginning to shift their allegiance to other parties in the face of new political realities. Conclusion The upcoming by-elections in Uttar Pradesh represent a crucial test for both the BJP and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Following the party’s dramatic fall in seat count during the 2024 general elections, the by-elections serve as an opportunity for the BJP to regain its footing. However, the road ahead is fraught with challenges, particularly in constituencies like Karhal, Milkipur, and Kundarki, where the Samajwadi Party and other regional players have a firm grip on the electorate. Yogi Adityanath’s leadership will face an even greater test than before. His ability to address the doubts raised after the general election loss will be critical to the BJP’s success. While his charisma and hardline governance approach have previously resonated with a broad voter base, the political landscape is shifting. The BJP will need a more nuanced strategy that goes beyond mere reliance on Adityanath’s appeal. The by-elections are not just a referendum on the BJP’s performance but also a reflection of the changing dynamics of Uttar Pradesh politics. For Yogi Adityanath, it will be a moment of reckoning—whether he can steer the party through these turbulent waters or if his influence is beginning to wane will become evident in the results of these key contests.   [ad_2] Source link

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दिल्ली राजनीति: BJP's New Strategy for Assembly Elections – Smriti Irani's Role and Challenges Ahead

Delhi Politics: BJP's New Strategy for Assembly Elections – Smriti Irani Role and Challenges Ahead

जैसे-जैसे दिल्ली अपने अगले Assembly Elections की तैयारी कर रही है, राजनीतिक परिदृश्य तेजी से बदल रहा है और नई strategies और प्रमुख चेहरे उभर रहे हैं। पूर्व Amethi MP Smriti Irani, जो Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) की एक प्रमुख नेता हैं, को पार्टी के Campaign में महत्वपूर्ण भूमिका सौंपा गया है। उनकी हाल की गतिविधियाँ, जिसमें दिल्ली के चौदह districts में से सात districts में सदस्यता अभियान की निगरानी शामिल है, BJP द्वारा एक strategic कदम को दर्शाती हैं। Smriti Irani की बढ़ती भागीदारीSmriti Irani की दिल्ली राजनीति में बढ़ती उपस्थिति उनके हाल में South Delhi में एक घर खरीदने से स्पष्ट होती है। यह कदम न केवल उनके दिल्ली में BJP की गतिविधियों के प्रति commitment को दर्शाता है, बल्कि पार्टी द्वारा elections से ��हले अपने आधार को मजबूत करने के लिए एक व्यापक strategy का भी संकेत है। Party insiders सुझाव देते हैं कि उनकी भागीदारी आगामी electoral battle में एक बड़ी भूमिका का पूर्व संकेत हो सकती है। BJP की Strategy और Leadership Dynamics2020 के Assembly Elections में, BJP ने किसी Chief Ministerial Candidate की घोषणा किए बिना चुनाव लड़ा, जिसका परिणाम आठ seats पर सीमित प्रदर्शन था। इसके विपरीत, आम आदमी पार्टी (AAP), जिसका नेतृत्व Chief Minister Arvind Kejriwal कर रहे थे, ने बहुमत प्राप्त किया। इस बार BJP की approach अलग हो सकती है, क्योंकि सीधे तौर पर Kejriwal को चुनौती देने के लिए एक prominent leader को मैदान में उतारने की चर्चा बढ़ रही है। BJP के नेता विभिन्न options पर विचार कर रहे हैं, जिनमें Smriti Irani, MP Manoj Tiwari, Basuri Swaraj, Delhi unit के अध्यक्ष Virendra Sachdeva, और पूर्व West Delhi MP Pravesh Verma शामिल हैं। विचार यह है कि पार्टी को एक नेता के तहत एकजुट किया जाए ताकि एक strong, consolidated front पेश किया जा सके। Historical Context और Future ProspectsBJP का experience Kiran Bedi को Chief Ministerial Candidate के रूप में प्रस्तुत करने का 2015 के elections में विशेष रूप से सफल नहीं रहा। इसके कारण कुछ पार्टी के अंदरूनी लोग एक ही चेहरे को elections में प्रस्तुत करने की effectiveness पर सवाल उठा रहे हैं। पार्टी की वर्तमान deliberations पिछले गलतियों से बचने और एक ऐसी strategy अपनाने की इच्छा को दर्शाती हैं जो voters के साथ बेहतर गूंज सके। Smriti Irani की संभावित candidacy पर सवाल उठते हैं, विशेष रूप से 2019 के Lok Sabha elections में Rahul Gandhi के खिलाफ उनकी high-profile हार को देखते हुए। इस हार के बावजूद, BJP में उनकी stature में वृद्धि हुई है, और उनकी हाल की गतिविधियाँ संकेत देती हैं कि वे पार्टी की Kejriwal के खिलाफ strategy में एक प्रमुख खिलाड़ी हो सकती हैं। Conclusionजैसे-जैसे BJP दिल्ली Assembly Elections की तैयारी कर रही है, Smriti Irani और अन्य संभावित उम्मीदवारों की भूमिका पर करीबी नजर रखी जा रही है। पार्टी का निर्णय कि वह एक प्रमुख चेहरे को प्रस्तुत करेगी या एक अलग strategy अपनाएगी, चुनावी सफलता के निर्धारण में महत्वपूर्ण होगा। Smriti Irani के दिल्ली में अधिक active होने के साथ, राजनीतिक परिदृश्य एक दिलचस्प और competitive चुनावी सत्र के लिए तैयार है। Also Read:BJD ने Rajya Sabha MP Sujeet Kumar को Resignation के बाद किया Expel Read the full article

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"When We Were Dragged On Roads…": Vinesh Phogat, Bajrang Punia Join Congress

Shaking up the political landscape in Haryana weeks ahead of the Assembly elections in the state, wrestlers Vinesh Phogat and Bajrang Punia have joined the Congress.

Both Olympians, who had been at the forefront of last year's protests against the alleged sexual assault and intimidation by former Wrestling Federation of India chief Brij Bhushan Sharan Singh, had met senior Congress leader and Leader of the Opposition in the Lok Sabha Rahul Gandhi on Wednesday.

On Friday, Ms Phogat and Mr Punia, who are both 30 years old, met Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge at his residence before formally joining the party at its headquarters in New Delhi.

"Chak de India, Chak de Haryana! Met our talented champions Vinesh Phogat and Bajrang Punia, who have made India proud in the world, at 10, Rajaji Marg. We are proud of both of you," Mr Kharge posted in Hindi on X.

The entry of the wrestlers into the Congress is expected to give it a boost as Ms Phogat is seen to enjoy support among farmers, who make up a significant voting bloc in Haryana. The Congress is hoping that the farmers' anger against the BJP will help it dislodge the party from a state it has ruled since 2014.

The Congress will also hope that Mr Punia and Ms Phogat joining the party will give it an upper hand in its negotiations with INDIA ally AAP in seat-sharing for the 90 constituencies in the state. While an in-principle agreement regarding an alliance had been announced on Wednesday, there appears to be a stalemate between the two parties with the AAP seeking 10 seats and the Congress willing to give up only five to seven.

Upbeat after winning five out of the 10 Lok Sabha seats in Haryana this year after the BJP's clean sweep in 2019, the state unit of the Congress was reluctant to part with any Assembly constituencies but the push for a tie-up has reportedly come from Rahul Gandhi, who has maintained that it will ensure there is no division of votes and give the party its best possible chance to defeat the BJP.

Differences within the Congress have reportedly delayed its first list of candidates and the BJP has been facing pushback and a rebellion since it did so on Wednesday, with Energy Minister Ranjit Chautala and MLA Lakshman Napa quitting the party after being denied tickets. Mr Chautala has said he will contest as an Independent and Mr Napa has announced that he will be joining the Congress.

Mr Chautala is the son of Chaudhary Devi Lal Chaudhary, one of Haryana's tallest leaders, who served as chief minister twice and was also a deputy prime minister.