#India-China Standoff

[jasminewilson143]

India and China Agree on Disengagement and Patrolling Arrangements Along LAC: A Step Towards Border Stability

India and China Agree on Disengagement and Patrolling Arrangements Along LAC: A Step Towards Border Stability In a significant development in India-China relations, the two nations have reached an agreement to disengage their troops and establish new patrolling arrangements along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). This decision, announced by India’s Foreign Secretary Vikram Misri, marks a crucial…

[rei-ismyname]

The Fantastic Four & Krakoa Part 1

I find it revealing, but entirely in character, that the Fantastic Four had a very *liberal* attitude towards Krakoa from the jump. To clarify, by liberal I mean *centrist* or middle class. Historically beneficiaries under most status quo and unreliable allies at best to anyone who doesn't.

BONK!

In House of X #1, the helmet bros send a strike team to steal the plans for Sol's Hammer - a Dyson Sphere around Sol designed by *a* Reed Richards Tony Stark - from Damage Control. ORCHIS built one and they need to avoid genocide. Toad, Mystique, and Sabertooth successfully copy the blueprints but Creed gets carried away killing people. Many different groups had the same idea (looting Reed and Tony's IP) but they manage to get out. The FF do a solid cop impression and try to stop them. Toad and Mystique make it to the gate, and Sabertooth does not.

Just me or were they ready to fight whoever came through the gate?

Creed is detained by Sue and then Cyclops comes to greet the four. All is friendly as befits lifelong friends and Slim shows off his fancy social skills. The four do the same, except Reed. You'd think he'd be used to it considering DOOM is always let go.

'So...' 'So.'

Nobody is surprised in the least when the true reason for his visit is revealed. Reed especially, with his crossed arms and complete silence until the 'so.' Jonathan Hickman knows how to write Reed Richards and The Avengers - if he wanted this to be Tony Stark or whoever it'd be them instead. Of course he knows what amnesty is and Krakoa is MASSIVE global news at this point, so either he's being a dick (possible) or he just doesn't care for that law and is willing to use force to subvert it. These crimes were on camera with many witnesses, there's zero reason for the FF to be handling this incident. A utilitarian might even say that providing medical care would save lives (his super science is incredibly effective.) Maybe he's irked that it's his/Tony's stuff being taken, but he doesn't mention that. Just a stated 'problem with that' then this standoff.

Keep in mind over 150 countries have recognised Krakoa at this point, including the USA, China, India, The UK, Canada. Recognition gets you a trade agreement for Krakoan miracle medicine and two other things.

1. Any mutant can claim Krakoan citizenship by birth.

2. An unstated but limited amnesty period for any and all crimes, the idea being that human bias against mutants makes justice impossible. All mutants from treaty countries are made available for extradition so the nation of Krakoa can judge them.

Is it ballsy as hell? Absolutely, but it's law. Seems very hypocritical to pick and choose, especially when you're enforcing it yourself. Do Reed and co know better than the US government or the United Nations? Eh, probably not. *Cough* ILLUMINATI *cough.* They could be the living tribunal and it wouldn't make this any less hypocritical. They're placing themselves above it here and I can't see why they'd go that far.

Cyclops puts his hands up and backs off, still very politely. That's that settled. Without acknowledging that or missing a beat Sue says her piece. 'What are all of you thinking?' 'Of course not, but...' I really wish Sue didn't get cut off there. I'd have to do a lot less speculating.

What a find!

My read on the subtext is that this engagement started off tense AF, and the FF were not interested in being diplomatic. Johnny and Ben barely speak, Cyclops' politeness and personal, first name greetings compared to 'Slim' and then 'Cyclops.' One would expect the mood to lighten somewhat after he concedes that they're a country unto themselves, but it doesn't. I get the impression Sue's not really listening to Scott, and after the 'but...' he stops trying to meet them halfway. It's impossible to say if he still would have said that about Franklin (AKA the last thing these NIMBYs want to hear) but it wouldn't surprise if it's a subtle 'hey idiots, you're invested in this too. Hope you don't treat your son like this.' (They do.)

Next time we'll find out if they've budged when it comes to their mutant son. (Spoilers, they invade Krakoa.)

It is a recent-ish development, and humans/people are great at kneejerk reactionary initial responses, so maybe I'm being unfair. Honestly, I don't think so. The FF have rarely lifted a finger for mutants and it's obvious this is a subject they've discussed and reached a consensus on. Besides, if you're appointing yourself AmbassadorCop you need to be prepared to deal with situations like this. Krakoa is a country not a treehouse. Regardless of what anyone thinks of Krakoa, by the internal rules of 616 they're as legit as any other country, legally.

Also, Reed should not be surprised by this. Chuck bought up Krakoa at an Illuminati meeting years ago. We don't see the rest of the discussion but I'm pretty sure he knew before Magneto did, for example.

[affairsmastery]

Nearly eight years after the India-China standoff near Doklam, China has built around 22 villages in Bhutan’s territory, with eight located near the strategic Doklam plateau. These settlements, some close to Chinese military bases, could threaten the Siliguri Corridor, India’s crucial link to its northeastern states.

One of the largest villages, Jiwu, was built on Bhutanese pastureland. The Siliguri Corridor, often called the "chicken’s neck," is a narrow stretch that connects India’s northeast to the rest of the country, making it geopolitically and economically vital.

[darkmaga-returns]

A new age of international relations is dawning.

With the West accounting for a declining share of global gross domestic product and the world becoming increasingly multipolar, countries are jostling to establish their positions in the emerging order. This includes both the emerging economies — represented by the recently expanded BRICS grouping — that seek a leading role in writing the rules of the new order and the smaller countries attempting to cultivate relationships that can safeguard their interests.

With the BRICS, what began as an asset class has become a symbol of the yearning for a more broadly representative global order, a hedge against Western-led institutions and a means of navigating growing geopolitical uncertainty. All this has proved highly attractive. Earlier this year, the BRICS expanded from five countries (Brazil, China, India, Russia and South Africa) to nine (adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates). And almost three dozen more countries — including NATO member Turkey, close U.S. partners Thailand and Mexico and Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim country — have applied to join.

While the diversity of the grouping’s members (and applicants) highlights the broad appeal of the BRICS+, it also creates challenges. These are countries with very different political systems, economies and national goals. Some are even at odds with each other: China and India have been locked in a military standoff in the Himalayas for over four years, following China’s stealth encroachments on Indian territory.

Translating shared interests into a common plan of action and becoming a unified force on the global stage was difficult even when the BRICS had just five members. With nine — and possibly more — member countries, establishing a common identity and agenda will require sustained effort. But other multilateral groupings that are not formal, charter-based institutions with permanent secretariats — such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the Group of 20 and even the Group of Seven — also struggle with internal divisions.

Moreover, the BRICS have demonstrated considerable resilience. Western analysts have been predicting from the start that the grouping would unravel or drift into irrelevance. Yet this month’s BRICS+ summit in Kazan, Russia — the first since the expansion — may well bring movement toward further enlargement, as it underscores the West’s failure to isolate Russia following its 2022 invasion of Ukraine.

[mariacallous]

It was only a matter of time before Russia’s fast-growing shadow fleet, a group of vessels whose owners do their utmost to conceal their identity while carrying oil to evade sanctions on Moscow, started becoming a serious maritime risk. Russian vessels are now regularly turning down pilotage in Danish waters, the Financial Times reports—a practice that not only breaches maritime etiquette but could also lead to a disastrous accident.

The collision involving a container ship and Baltimore’s Francis Scott Key Bridge in the United States on March 26 demonstrates the dangers involved when bulky ships vessels through difficult waters. Indeed, the Dali struck the bridge despite being steered by two pilots. Even if just a small share of vessels turn down pilotage, similar disasters risk becoming commonplace.

International maritime rules strongly recommend the use of pilots with specialized local knowledge for most vessels sailing through Denmark’s Great Belt, the narrow passage between the country’s largest islands. The Great Belt is not just narrow—it also has treacherous waters and is extremely busy: Every year, some 70,000 vessels pass through the Great Belt and the nearby Sound (Oresund), which sits between the shores of Denmark and Sweden.  It’s standard practice to follow international maritime recommendations and take on an experienced local pilot when it comes to difficult navigation routes, whether that’s the Great Belt or the Suez Canal.

The Geography of the Danish Straits

For the sake of maritime order and safety, Copenhagen could block ships that refuse pilotage. That, though, might trigger a standoff with Russia—if Moscow admits its role as a patron of the shadow fleet. Indeed, blocking these rule-breaking vessels would itself violate international maritime rules. Before forcing such a choice, however, the open-source intelligence community could help by revealing the identities and whereabouts of shadow vessels’ owners.

Since the beginning of this year, at least 20 tankers that are suspected to be shadow vessels transporting Russian oil have refused to take Danish pilots on board, according to internal reports leaked to the Financial Times and the Danish research group Danwatch.

That’s at least 20 tankers that have sailed through the Baltic Sea—in most cases via the Gulf of Finland, passing through the exclusive economic zones of Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden, and Germany—into Danish waters and the Great Belt, from which they have traveled on to Kattegat (comprising Danish and Swedish waters) and Skagerrak (Danish and Norwegian waters) and into the North Sea and the oceans that will bring them to their buyers in countries such as India and China.

Shadow vessels are clapped-out ships that spend their last remaining years providing transportation to and from sanctioned countries that official vessels and their owners won’t touch. The risk that these and other dark vessels pose to coastal states is further increased by the fact that they sail under the flags of countries unlikely to come to anyone’s aid if they cause accidents or incidents (Gabon is a particular favorite) and don’t undergo regular maintenance. Any accident—be it a collision or an oil leak—is likely to be doubly disastrous as a result.

Add to that the fact that their owners are hard to track down—and that they lack proper insurance. If a shadow vessel were to sustain a massive oil spill in, say, Finnish waters, Finnish authorities and taxpayers would end up on the hook. And shadow vessels are more likely than law-abiding ones to be involved in accidents since they frequently turn off their AIS (automatic identification system), a GPS-like navigation tool that allows vessels to see one another.

Since the start of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Russia’s attempts—often successful—to avoid sanctions have caused the shadow fleet to balloon; it’s currently thought to encompass some 1,400 vessels, though like all illicit activities, it’s impossible to measure precisely. (My report about the shadow fleet from last December provides an in-depth examination of the ships and the threats posed by them.)

If oil spills do occur, the International Maritime Organization’s (IMO) International Oil Pollution Compensation Funds assist the countries affected. But if oil and other toxic spills increase substantially, as they’re likely to do as a result of the shadow fleet, the fund won’t have enough money to compensate everyone.

So should Denmark simply block shadow vessels refusing pilotage, or all shadow vessels for that matter?

Not so fast. Yes, shadow vessels violate international maritime rules and conventions—but the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) gives all vessels the right of so-called innocent passage, meaning the right to sail through other countries’ territorial waters and exclusive economic zones. The fact that shadow vessels violate maritime rules doesn’t give coastal states the right to violate the rules in turn.

And, noted retired Rear Adm. Nils Wang—a former chief of the Danish Navy, which also covers a range of coast guard tasks—“according to international law, the Danish Straits are international straits and are not under Danish jurisdiction. For this reason, too, Denmark doesn’t have the legal right to force ships to use pilots.”

Though most ships follow the IMO’s recommendations and use pilotage, for which they pay a fee, over the years there have been some cheapskates that turned down pilotage.  In some cases, those ships caused oil spills. “Every time there’s a leak from a vessel that didn’t use pilotage, there’s an outcry to ban offenders, but we can’t,” Wang said.

Then, in the mid-2010s, the number of cheapskates traveling without pilotage grew.

Danish authorities got creative and announced that if ships with drafts (the amount that the extends beneath the waterline) of more than 11 meters (about 36 feet) didn’t request pilotage, then the Danish authorities would call them on VHF, the radio used by sailors, and remind them that they weren’t following international recommendations, and that Denmark would report them to their flag state and the IMO.

What’s more, a call on VHF allows every vessel in the vicinity to hear the conversation. “And then we started doing it,” Wang said. “And it changed behavior, because it was embarrassing for the ships and the captains to be called out like this. But if you’re part of the dark fleet, you don’t give a damn. Calling these vessels out won’t make a difference.”

Coastal states do have the right to block access in their territorial waters in certain cases—such as if transiting vessels are in poor repair or lack proper insurance. But when nations agreed and signed UNCLOS in 1982, a situation in which a country systematically evades globalization-based economic sanctions by using a fleet of dark vessels was inconceivable.

In response to the emergency of the shadow fleet, the world’s UNCLOS signatories could convene to make pilotage in sensitive waters mandatory. But such negotiations would take a long time, and under the current geopolitical conditions may never reach a conclusion. And because the Danish Straits are international waters, Denmark can’t impose new rules on its own.

This is globalization in a fiercely geopolitical era: Russia can invade Ukraine and evade the resulting sanctions by means of a fleet that sails through law-abiding countries’ waters—and their governments can’t stop it. On the contrary, with Russia now having joined Iran, Venezuela, and North Korea in using a shadow fleet, more countries will conclude that misbehaving and incurring economic sanctions is no big deal. And trade using dark vessels is cheaper than using legally operating ones.

An even larger shadow fleet would, of course, increase the risks both for marine wildlife and regular shipping. If a Russian shadow vessel collides in the Danish Straits with a legal merchant vessel, or even a Danish Navy vessel, what would Denmark do? What would NATO do?

But for now, there’s one group of dark-fleet operators that can be targeted completely legally and without risk of geopolitical escalation: the shadow vessels’ owners. They are plentiful and hide behind post office box addresses in countries such as the United Arab Emirates—because they don’t want to emerge from the shadows.

On the good side in this standoff, though, we have a large and growing community of open-source investigators, both professionals and amateurs. These investigators should take on a good deed for the global maritime order and investigate shadow-vessel owners, then share their identity and activities. Some may be hardened criminals immune to the embarrassment of public scrutiny, but many others may simply be ordinary businesspeople who have spotted an opportunity.

Just as with the ships once called out on Danish radio, public shame may be one way to force people to act for the better.

[printscore25]

LAC : Sino India Relationship

Over the past 3 years, the two asian giants are locked in a standoff. The standoff which started with provocative action by PLA led to casualties on both sides. Even after 3 years and 17 rounds of commander level meeting the issue remains unsolved in Debsang Bulge and Demchok.And both sides seem adamant for their part in the negotiations.One point worth discussing is that it's disengagement and moving behind a few kilometres not de-induction.

What is even more interesting is the reason for the entire fiasco by the chinese side. Experts have claimed multiple reasons for the action by the Chinese side.While we keep reading about headlines like it was purely a propaganda coup due to internal problems in china due to covid, some say due to abrogation of Article 370, etc. However, these could have played a part if we look at other aspects for standoff could be India's improved Infrastructure all along the LAC, a growing chinese assertiveness all along the areas of dispute whether be SCS or ECS or spartly islands dispute.Another reason could be to test India's preparedness in case of all out war for Taiwan & India's ability to change status quo of LAC during the taiwan conflict.

Also, at times the newspaper headline flashes with articles "India lost 1000's of sq. km of area."However, if we were to look at the actual ground situation then we could make much more pragmatic analysis of the entire standoff. The standoff resulted in areas of no patrolling which lead to very small pockets of grey areas where the border remains undefined.It is important to note that due to different line of perception, before the standoff both sides had patrolling rights to the current buffer zones created.

However, the bigger points of friction like that of Demchok and Debsang could not be looked through the same prism where line of perception varies vastly.

The chinese side seems to have not gained much strategic advantage with the entire standoff. For them it's a slap on the face as India is neither intimidated nor seems to give in to the pressure tactics. Rather it has led to unprecedented response from the Indian side to deter the PLA.

On the other hand, another interesting aspect is how western countries still have not gotten out of their western centric view assuming India needs their help to tackle the standoff.

Instead the army launched an operation called "Snow Leopard" in response to the unilateral action by china and took chinese by surprise and forced the chinese side for negotiations.

In the last 3 years the Army has inducted state of the art military equipment, has upgraded the existing airfields and the Advanced Landing Ground (ALGs) and built new Helipads, airstrips and improved connectivity with modern infrastructure even in the remotest areas of the Eastern sector.

What lays ahead for both sides is to resolve the remaining disputes and demarcate the boundary as neither has gained much and the entire standoff has resulted in stalemate.

[kneedeepincynade]

India must understand that China is stronger,China can defeat it and China will, India must decide if join the prosperity of the multipolar world or become a smoldering ruin of the unipolar one

The post is machine translated

Translation is at the bottom

The collective is on telegram

⚠️ LA "TATTICA DELL'AFFETTARE IL SALAME" DELL'ESERCITO POPOLARE DI LIBERAZIONE NEI TERRITORI CONTESI CON L'INDIA NAZIONALISTA PORTA I SUOI FRUTTI | L'INDIA PERDE 26 DEI 65 PUNTI DI PATTUGLIAMENTO NEL LADAKH ORIENTALE ⚠️

🇮🇳 L'India ha perso 26 dei 65 Punti di Pattugliamento nel Ladakh Orientale, lungo il confine con la Repubblica Popolare Cinese 🇨🇳

📄 È quanto scaturito da un Rapporto di un Alto Ufficiale di Polizia alla Conferenza Annuale dei Massimi Ufficiali di Polizia dell'India Nazionalista, tenutosi a Delhi - alla presenza del Primo Ministro Narendra Modi, del Ministro dell'Interno e del Consigliere per la Sicurezza Nazionale 🇮🇳

💬 "Attualmente ci sono 65 Punti di Pattugliamento a partire dal Passo di Karakorum fino a Chumur che devono essere pattugliati regolarmente dalle Forze Armate. Su 65, abbiamo perso la presenza in 26 Punti, a causa di un pattugliamento restrittivo o assente", ha affermato l'ufficiale.

⭐️ L'Esercito Popolare di Liberazione, nei Territori Contesi, e al confine con l'India Nazionalista (descritta come un paese-chiave su cui far leva per il sentimento anti-Cinese da Mike Pompeo) ha rafforzato la sua presenza - come si può leggere qui - e conduce una tattica definibile con l'espressione "affettare il salame", ovvero accaparrarsi - senza sparare un colpo - centimetro per centimetro, portando il nemico a perdere il controllo su certe aree 🪖

📟 Inoltre, l'EPL sta costruendo e posizionando sempre più apparecchiature di sorveglianza nelle "zone cuscinetto", con l'obiettivo di monitorare i movimenti delle Forze Armate Indiane 🇮🇳

🇨🇳 La scorsa settimana, Xi Jinping ha tenuto una video-conversazione con i soldati di stanza lungo il Confine Conteso tra Cina e India nel Ladakh Orientale, sottolineando l'importanza della preparazione e della prontezza al combattimento 🔥

📄 Per chi volesse approfondire il Tema dell'India Nazionalista e della Cooperazione Indo-Statunitense in funzione Anti-Cinese, così come i movimenti dell'Esercito Cinese sul confine con l'India, può rifarsi a questi post del Collettivo Shaoshan:

🔺Il Rapporto Indo-Statunitense in funzione anti-Cinese ⚔️

🔺 Tensioni tra la Repubblica Popolare Cinese e l'India Nazionalista - progetto ferroviario indiano al confine, territori contesi, presenza dell'EPL lungo la "linea di controllo effettivo", Pangong, Quartier Generale, Ponti e Stazioni Radar, Supporto Aereo: I, II, III, IV.

🌸 Iscriviti 👉 @collettivoshaoshan

⚠️ THE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMY'S "SALAMI-SLICING TACTICS" IN DISPUTED TERRITORIES WITH NATIONALIST INDIA BRINGS FRUIT | INDIA LOSES 26 OF 65 PATROL POINTS IN EASTERN LADAKH ⚠️

🇮🇳India has lost 26 out of 65 Patrol Points in Eastern Ladakh, along the border with the People's Republic of China 🇨🇳

📄 This is what emerged from a Report by a Senior Police Officer at the Annual Conference of the Chief Police Officers of Nationalist India, held in Delhi - in the presence of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, Home Minister and National Security Advisor 🇮🇳

💬 "Currently there are 65 Patrol Points starting from the Karakoram Pass up to Chumur that need to be patrolled regularly by the Armed Forces. Out of 65, we have lost presence in 26 Points, due to restricted or no patrolling," he said officer.

⭐️ The People's Liberation Army, in the Disputed Territories, and on the border with Nationalist India (described as a key country to leverage anti-China sentiment by Mike Pompeo) has strengthened its presence - how can read here - and carries out a tactic that can be defined with the expression "slicing salami", or rather grabbing - without firing a shot - centimeter by centimetre, leading the enemy to lose control over certain areas 🪖

📟 Also, the PLA is building and placing more and more surveillance equipment in the "buffer zones", aiming to monitor the movements of the Indian Armed Forces 🇮🇳

🇨🇳 Xi Jinping held a video conversation with soldiers stationed along the Sino-Indian Border in Eastern Ladakh last week, emphasizing the importance of preparedness and combat readiness 🔥

📄 For those wishing to learn more about Nationalist India and Indo-US Cooperation in an Anti-Chinese function, as well as the movements of the Chinese Army on the border with India, you can refer to these posts from the Shaoshan Collective:

🔺 The Indo-US Report in anti-Chinese function ⚔️

🔺 Tensions between PRC and Nationalist India - Indian railway project on border, disputed territories, PLA presence along "Line of Effective Control", Pangong, HQ, Bridges and Radar Stations, Air Support: I, II, III, IV.

🌸 Subscribe 👉 @collettivoshaoshan

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Ahead of meeting National Security Advisor Ajit Doval today, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that both India and China have agreed to work in bringing the bilateral relationship back to the track of stable development. While addressing the Symposium on the International Situation and China’s Foreign Relations on Tuesday, Wang Yi said that Chinese President Xi Jinping put forth important propositions on improving China-India relations during his meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the BRICS Summit in Kazan, Russia. “China has more trust and less suspicion with major countries in this region. When meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, President Xi Jinping put forth important propositions on improving China- India relations, which received a positive response from Prime Minister Modi,” Wang said. “The two sides agreed to step up strategic communication, safeguard peace and tranquillity in the border areas, and strive to bring the bilateral relationship back to the track of stable development at an early date,” he added. The Chinese Foreign Minister said that Beijing is working with New Delhi to find the right and bright path for big, neighbouring countries to live harmoniously and develop side by side. “China will be a firm force for unity in the face of division and confrontation. We support the holding of the second China-Central Asia Summit and will work for the signing and implementation of the China-ASEAN FTA 3.0 Upgrade Protocol. We have properly handled differences and are working with India to find the right and bright path for big, neighbouring countries to live in harmony and develop side by side,” he said. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and China’s Minister of Foreign Affairs will hold the 23rd meeting of the Special Representatives (SRs) in Beijing on December 18 with Wang Yi. The two Special Representatives will discuss the management of peace and tranquillity in the border areas and explore a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable solution to the boundary question, the Ministry of External Affairs stated. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar informed the Parliament last week that the disengagement has been fully achieved in Eastern Ladakh through a step-by-step process, culminating in Depsang and Demchok. He also stressed that maintaining peace and tranquillity in border areas is a prerequisite for developing India-China ties. In October this year, India and China agreed on patrolling arrangements along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in India-China border areas. The border standoff between India and China began in eastern Ladakh along the LAC in 2020 and was sparked by Chinese military actions. It prolonged tensions between the two nations, significantly straining their relations. During the meeting of Prime Minister Modi with Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit held in Russia’s Kazan, PM Modi said that maintaining peace and stability on the border should remain the priority of the two countries and mutual trust should remain the basis of bilateral ties. [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Ahead of meeting National Security Advisor Ajit Doval today, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that both India and China have agreed to work in bringing the bilateral relationship back to the track of stable development. While addressing the Symposium on the International Situation and China’s Foreign Relations on Tuesday, Wang Yi said that Chinese President Xi Jinping put forth important propositions on improving China-India relations during his meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi at the BRICS Summit in Kazan, Russia. “China has more trust and less suspicion with major countries in this region. When meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, President Xi Jinping put forth important propositions on improving China- India relations, which received a positive response from Prime Minister Modi,” Wang said. “The two sides agreed to step up strategic communication, safeguard peace and tranquillity in the border areas, and strive to bring the bilateral relationship back to the track of stable development at an early date,” he added. The Chinese Foreign Minister said that Beijing is working with New Delhi to find the right and bright path for big, neighbouring countries to live harmoniously and develop side by side. “China will be a firm force for unity in the face of division and confrontation. We support the holding of the second China-Central Asia Summit and will work for the signing and implementation of the China-ASEAN FTA 3.0 Upgrade Protocol. We have properly handled differences and are working with India to find the right and bright path for big, neighbouring countries to live in harmony and develop side by side,” he said. National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and China’s Minister of Foreign Affairs will hold the 23rd meeting of the Special Representatives (SRs) in Beijing on December 18 with Wang Yi. The two Special Representatives will discuss the management of peace and tranquillity in the border areas and explore a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable solution to the boundary question, the Ministry of External Affairs stated. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar informed the Parliament last week that the disengagement has been fully achieved in Eastern Ladakh through a step-by-step process, culminating in Depsang and Demchok. He also stressed that maintaining peace and tranquillity in border areas is a prerequisite for developing India-China ties. In October this year, India and China agreed on patrolling arrangements along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in India-China border areas. The border standoff between India and China began in eastern Ladakh along the LAC in 2020 and was sparked by Chinese military actions. It prolonged tensions between the two nations, significantly straining their relations. During the meeting of Prime Minister Modi with Chinese President Xi Jinping on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit held in Russia’s Kazan, PM Modi said that maintaining peace and stability on the border should remain the priority of the two countries and mutual trust should remain the basis of bilateral ties. [ad_2] Source link

[odnewsin]

China, India agree to take measures to further ease border situation at Delhi WMCC meeting: Beijing

Beijing: India and China agreed to take measures to further ease the situation at the borders while continuing to implement the October agreement to resolve the standoff in eastern Ladakh comprehensively, the Chinese Foreign Ministry said a day after talks in New Delhi. China and India held the 32nd meeting of the Working Mechanism for Consultation & Coordination on China-India Border Affairs…

[starseedfxofficial]

Trump's Tariff Threat Rocks BRICS & Lifts USD: Forex Moves Explained Trump's Latest Tariff Threat & The Looming Dollar Battle: What It Means for Forex Traders If you thought trading the USD was about predicting a few rate hikes or keeping an eye on global manufacturing numbers, well, it's time to dig a little deeper. The Forex game has just gotten another plot twist, courtesy of President-elect Trump's weekend threat: either the BRICS nations drop their plans for a new currency, or they face a jaw-dropping 100% tariff. But don't worry—you won't need a degree in global politics to understand how this affects your portfolio. You’ve got me, your friendly Forex whisperer, to break down what’s really happening behind the scenes. Let’s talk about the market moves you’re not seeing on CNBC, shall we? BRICS vs. USD: An Arm Wrestle with a Side of Tariffs So, what's all this fuss about a new BRICS currency? Over the weekend, Trump threatened a 100% tariff if Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa dare to make any real moves towards a new currency designed to challenge the USD. It's like a classic standoff scene from a Western film, and the cowboy hat here is firmly planted on Trump's head. Now, why does this matter? Let me put it simply—the USD's dominant position on the world stage is what gives it an upper hand, and any challenger to that dominance could have serious ripple effects across Forex. The DXY, a measure of USD's strength against a basket of major peers, responded by climbing past its recent peak of 106.41, in anticipation of today’s ISM Manufacturing report and commentary from the Federal Reserve’s Waller and Williams. Hidden Gem Insight: What’s worth noting here is how Trump's threats aren't just saber-rattling—they're targeted maneuvers to keep the USD as the reserve currency, ensuring its status as the favored safe haven. This translates to one hidden gem for traders: when big moves like tariffs get threatened, safe-haven USD inflows aren't far behind. It's a play straight from the “Flight to Safety” handbook, and a trader who grasps this has a leg up. EUR Stumbles as Political Drama Unfolds in France Let’s turn to the EUR. Amid all the tariff talk, the euro has had its own issues—it’s stumbled hard, especially with the far-right movement in France looking to call a no-confidence vote. It’s like France is auditioning for its own soap opera, and the market hates political uncertainty. As a result, the euro found itself near the bottom of the G10 currency leaderboard. EUR/USD dipped as low as 1.0497—ouch. Contrarian Perspective: Here’s a secret: while most traders panic in the face of political chaos, the savvy ones look for overreactions in the market. The sell-off we’re seeing in the EUR may already be overdone, making it a ripe opportunity for a bounce-back play. Think of it like buying those limited-edition sneakers that went out of stock only because everyone freaked out they’d sell out. Sometimes, taking a deep breath and getting in while others are panic-selling can be profitable. JPY Pressured Despite Lack of Fresh Data Let’s not forget about our good friend, the yen. USD/JPY has climbed back over the 150 mark, despite a total lack of fresh macro data out of Japan over the weekend. It’s as if the yen took a nap, and while it was dreaming, the dollar sneaked up and gained an edge. Underground Strategy: Here’s a trick for dealing with JPY—keep an eye on interest rate expectations. While the focus is on the US Fed’s moves, Japan may surprise markets with unexpected shifts in policy, which could lead to significant JPY volatility. It’s a great example of the quiet before the storm—when the BOJ isn’t moving, it’s often preparing to move big. Traders who understand this ebb and flow can position themselves well for sudden yen appreciation. GBP Struggles to Get Out of the Shadow Poor GBP is still in the doghouse against the USD, with little on the UK calendar to help pull it out of the slump. With GBP/USD barely holding on above the 1.27 mark, the pound’s feeling as uninspired as someone scrolling endlessly on Netflix without finding anything to watch. Without any major UK data highlights this week, traders might be best served by focusing on technical levels. The pound’s recent range between 1.2672-1.2750 could be a clue—a breakout from this zone might provide the next directional signal. Antipodeans Find a (Tiny) Silver Lining The AUD and NZD are down too, but their losses were tempered by some positive PMI numbers out of China. AUD/USD has been hanging around the 0.65 mark after briefly dipping to 0.6489 overnight. It’s like they were dragged to the party reluctantly, but they’re managing to make it work by sticking near the snack table. Pro Insight: Don’t underestimate China’s PMI as a driver for the AUD. Australia’s economy is closely tied to China’s fortunes, and even small signs of positive economic activity in China can help prop up the Aussie. While others are dismissing this as minor news, consider it an early sign that sentiment is shifting—often a precursor to a larger move. ZAR and the BRICS Conundrum Over in South Africa, officials stated BRICS has no intention of creating a new currency. The USD/ZAR pair reacted by diving almost immediately. Remember, market expectations can be just as powerful as real events. Traders who had positioned themselves for a sharp move based on currency creation rumors were left feeling like they’d bought tickets to a concert that got canceled. Market Wrap-Up: Opportunities in Chaos To wrap up, this week is already shaping up to be a rollercoaster for Forex traders, especially with geopolitical headlines and central bank commentary keeping everyone on their toes. The savvy trader doesn’t just follow the obvious headlines—they dig deeper. Whether it’s finding opportunities in the euro’s politically driven sell-off or riding the yen’s quiet volatility, there’s always a hidden gem if you know where to look. Quick Takeaways: - USD DXY surges on Trump’s tariff threats aimed at BRICS nations. - EUR hits the skids due to political tensions in France—potential for a rebound as panic fades. - JPY rises as fresh data out of Japan remains lacking—watch for unexpected BOJ moves. - GBP wallows in a data-light week—stick to technicals for potential breakouts. - AUD/NZD see softer declines thanks to Chinese PMI—could signal improving sentiment. - USD/ZAR falls after South Africa dismisses BRICS currency plans—the power of expectations at work. Want to get ahead of these moves before they happen? Our community of Forex pros is ready to share their insights, daily alerts, and live trading strategies. Join us at StarseedFX Community for more hidden gems, exclusive news, and next-level tactics to keep your trading game sharp. —————– Image Credits: Cover image at the top is AI-generated   Read the full article

[darkmaga-returns]

By Brahma Chellaney

A new age of international relations is dawning. With the West accounting for a declining share of global GDP, and the world becoming increasingly multipolar, countries are jostling to establish their positions in the emerging order. This includes both the emerging economies, which are represented by the recently expanded BRICS grouping and seek a leading role in writing the rules of the new order, and the smaller countries attempting to cultivate relationships that can safeguard their interests.

With the BRICS, what began as an asset class has become a symbol of the yearning for a more broadly representative global order, a hedge against Western-led institutions and a means of navigating growing geopolitical uncertainty. All this has proved highly attractive. Earlier this year, the BRICS expanded from five countries (Brazil, China, India, Russia and South Africa) to nine (adding Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran and the United Arab Emirates). And almost three dozen more countries—including NATO member Turkey, close US partners Thailand and Mexico, and Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim country—have applied to join.

While the diversity of the grouping’s members (and applicants) highlights the broad appeal of the BRICS+, it also creates challenges. These are countries with very different political systems, economies and national goals. Some are even at odds with each other: China and India have been locked in a military standoff in the Himalayas for more than four years, following China’s stealth encroachments on Indian territory.

Translating shared interests into a common plan of action and becoming a unified force on the global stage was difficult even when the BRICS had just five members. With nine member countries, and possibly more, establishing a common identity and agenda will require sustained effort. But other multilateral groupings that are not formal, charter-based institutions with permanent secretariats, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, the G20 and even the G7, also struggle with internal divisions.

Moreover, the BRICS have demonstrated considerable resilience. Western analysts have been predicting from the start that the grouping would unravel or drift into irrelevance.

[mariacallous]

As Ukraine accelerates its counteroffensive across several sections of the front, a rational person might conclude that 2023 must surely be the last year of Russia’s war against its neighbor. Russian military resources are depleted, Moscow’s long and bloody winter offensive in the Donbas has yielded meager results, and Russian society longs for the return of prewar stability. Logic dictates that the Kremlin has no better option than to seize any opportunity to cut short its disastrous war, saving face as far as possible by clinging to the shreds of its territorial gains. U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken echoed this line of thinking at a press conference this week, when he said that a successful Ukrainian counteroffensive could have the effect of “causing Putin to finally focus on negotiating an end to the war that he started.”

Such calculations, however, are based on rational cost-benefit analysis and underestimate the extent to which this war is the personal project of one man: Russian President Vladimir Putin. He started it single-handedly, based on his own distorted perceptions and disregarding the opinion of Russian society and ruling elites. He has continued to wage it for more than a year, defying all common sense, and there is no indication that he will ever wish to stop it. Indeed, continuing the war brings him numerous political benefits, while stopping it would offer him little but new risks.

There is no doubt that Russian elites and society largely share Putin’s resentment of the West, disregard for Ukrainian statehood, and belief that Russia is a great power entitled to use military force against other states at will. There is little sympathy for the plight of the Ukrainians among Russians of all social standing, and even less appetite for turning Russia into a democratic and responsible member of the international community. Still, many Russians significantly diverge with Putin on how much they are prepared to sacrifice in the standoff with the West.

With all the caveats about conducting opinion polls in authoritarian states, surveys indicate that steadfast popular support for Putin does not preclude the majority of Russians from perceiving their current situation as extremely stressful and welcoming immediate peace talks with Ukraine—whatever that may mean, as it’s unclear how many Russians would support giving up any of the conquered territories. Private conversations among the Russian elites also reveal major discontent with the mounting costs of the war and no understanding of its purpose. Still, the invasion goes on according to Putin’s wishes, and no one in Russia has the means to override his will.

For Putin, the invasion presents an easy way to implement the goals he had struggled for years to realize in peacetime. This has always been Putin’s trademark style of ruling: He believes that direct attempts to steer the leviathan of the Russian state are futile, and instead prefers to force the system to adapt to crises and faits accomplis he himself created.

With the invasion of Ukraine, Putin has honed this managerial approach to perfection. With one decision, he created enough momentum to send Russia hurtling in the direction of developments he has long wanted to see. Take the reorientation of Russia’s foreign trade to make it less dependent on the West, which Putin has aimed for since 2014. Eight years of devising strategies, elaborating policies, and taking various piecemeal steps all achieved less than one year of all-out war. In 2022, the country’s trade turnover with Europe more than halved, while trade with China grew by more than 40 percent and grew 2.6 times with India.

For years, Russia’s businesses and inept bureaucracy struggled to develop the infrastructure needed for cooperation with Asia. But the war has led Russia to mobilize its resources and finance a range of Asia-oriented transport projects, from a railway link to the Indian Ocean via Iran and Azerbaijan (which had been discussed since 2005) to a new gas pipeline to China, which is now within reach after more than a decade of talks. Decreasing Russia’s dependency on the U.S. dollar and Western financial system has been the government’s priority since the 1990s, but it took a full-scale war to reduce the share of Russian exports paid in U.S. dollars or euros from nearly 90 percent in January 2022 to below 50 percent in December of the same year.

Objectives such as substituting Western imports with domestic products, having Russians vacation inside the country, and restoring the prestige of the Russian armed forces have been on Putin’s agenda for decades, but in the end, only war proved capable of making Russian bureaucrats, businessmen, and wider society implement them for real. Parts of the Moscow elite might still enjoy their Italian villas, Mediterranean yachts, and French delicacies, but their numbers shrink every time the West introduces another package of sanctions.

The international developments brought on by the war dovetail even more closely with Putin’s long-held ambitions. Minsk’s involvement in the aggression against Ukraine has sealed Belarus’s isolation from the West and pushed the country into unprecedented integration with Russia—with little pressure required from Moscow. Meanwhile, Europe’s loss of access to cheap Russian gas is a permanent thorn in the side of trans-Atlantic unity, potentially creating new sources of tension between Europe and the United States.

The freezing of the Russian Central Bank’s foreign reserves has flamed fears around the globe that Washington and Brussels will weaponize their currencies for other purposes. Russia’s war has also created a new bone of contention between the West and China. Many developing countries have seized on it to be more assertive toward the United States and Europe.

In reality, of course, none of these developments are as straightforward as they may look to Putin—and their costs for Russia are immense. But the key lesson he has drawn from Russian history is that if you want to achieve something worthy in such a vast and disorganized country, the cost will inevitably be high. While the losses will fade with time, the achievements will be remembered by later generations. And even if the costs are high, Putin has not found anything that can rival the war in its destructive efficiency for shaping the history of Russia and the world.

In contrast, Putin himself has little to gain from stopping the war any time soon, especially if the Ukrainian counteroffensive proves successful. Sure, ending the war would save thousands of lives, significantly relieve the pressure on the Russian economy and society, allow Russia to stabilize its international position, and so on. But for Putin personally, putting a stop to the conflict would be a disaster for his position in Russian domestic politics and history.

No matter how repressive the Russian regime has become, ending the war would inevitably prompt public reflection. There would be many questions about the invasion’s purposes, its high cost, and whether the result justified that cost. Moreover, Putin would have to face those questions in a situation where it would no longer be possible to justify harsher repression by citing the exceptional circumstances of war.

Regardless of how worn-out Russians may be, therefore, Putin will stick to his selective perception of reality, looking for reasons for and ways to further escalate his addictive crusade against the current world order. Putin has not even made any bones about his intentions: His key decisions over the past months—from tightening the military draft system to massively investing in weapons production—clearly indicate that he is bracing his country for a long war. It is hard to see how the upcoming Ukrainian counteroffensive could affect these calculations, regardless of how successful it turns out to be.

No one in Russia appears to be able to stop Putin, but that is not to say they are eager to continue his undertaking once he is out of the picture. Even then, Russia is unlikely to get a democratically inclined, let alone pro-Western leadership. Rather, Putin will most likely be succeeded by a group of his henchmen who share a similar world outlook, including his view of the West and Ukraine. Still, even if autocratic and paranoid, the next Russian leadership is bound to be less oriented toward a single man at the top. It has been a consistent pattern in Russian and Soviet history that harsh autocratic rulers purged any potential rivals so thoroughly that their departure was inevitably followed by a less powerful, more collective leadership, with none of its members able to impose their whims on all the others. By the very fact of being a collective, Russia’s rulers after Putin will inevitably tread more cautiously, elaborate decisions more thoroughly, and react more rationally, especially on the issues related to the war.

This difference may prove decisive. Given the current state of ever-increasing tensions, it is worth pondering the question of who in Russia is more likely to press the nuclear button: a lonely autocrat obsessed with historical grandeur, or a group of gray apparatchiks bogged down in their internal squabbles? The wrong answer may cost us the planet.