#FDLE Florida Department of Law Enforcement
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Man's child pornography arrest: 'More charges are expected' when encryption defeated
(As originally published, Thu, January 18th 2024) THE VILLAGES, Fla. (TND) — A tip about a man uploading child pornography led to his arrest on a possession charge but authorities say “more charges are expected.” According to Sumter County detectives in Florida, “The image uploaded appeared to be a child under the age of 10.” They investigated and early last Wednesday, Jan. 10, served a search…
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#activity#Alan#analysis#Burke#electronic#encryption#examination#FDLE Florida Department of Law Enforcement#files#forensic#image#possession#seizure#software#Timothy
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FDLE Announces the Arrest of Orlando Neo-Nazi Demonstrator Who Placed Anti-Semitic Posters Along I-4
TALLAHASSEE, Fla. – Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE) agents, with the assistance of the Florida Highway Patrol (FHP), arrested Jason Brown, 48, Cape Canaveral, for hanging swastikas and other antisemitic banners along the Daryl Carter Parkway Bridge in Orlando. There are currently three outstanding arrest warrants for additional demonstrators who live out of state and whose actions…
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#Antisemitic Materials#Arrest of Orlando Neo-Nazi Demonstrator#Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE)#Jason Brown Arrested
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A man was arrested after deputies said he drove to Forsyth County to meet a minor he had been communicating with online.
Forsyth County deputies said it happened last week. Authorities said Giovanni Moran, 31, began chatting with a minor online. Deputies said the conversations moved from “simple juvenile” conversations to other things.
According to Forsyth County officials, the child and Moran had been chatting for months before the interactions led to the suspect coaxing the child to leave home with him.
Within hours of taking the report, Forsyth detectives identified Moran and knew he had traveled to Forsyth County and then returned to Osceola County near Orlando, Florida.
Osceola County Sheriff’s Office, the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE), and the FBI Offices in Orlando and Gainesville began searching for Moran.
He was arrested and the child was rescued. The child’s age was not released.
“Do not mess with our elderly or kids, we will hunt you down,” the Forsyth County Sheriff’s Office said.
Moran is charged with interstate interference with custody but more charges are pending in Forsyth County and Orlando. He is being held in the Osceola County Jail on no bond. He will be extradited back to Georgia.
The FCSO shared a few ways to keep your teens safe online:
Be aware of what your children are doing online and what sites they are visiting.
Search and review what and who your child is corresponding with online.
Set boundaries and warn about dangers. Boundaries should be age-appropriate and set what programs they may use.
Keep lines of communication open. Let them know they can approach you with any questions or concerns they may have encountered online.
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Rhonda Santis entire political career is built on deceit and deception. He and his goon squad pressure and intimidate the Florida state legislature, state agencies and local authorities (remember the COVID data) to bend to whatever his whim of the moment may be.
He’s weaponized his office and the state government to lie and mislead people so he could push the Republican white, “Christian”, hateful, narrow-minded, bigoted, ignorant, discriminatory anti-American fascist agenda.
#RhondaSantis#DouchebagDeSantis#FascistFlorida#GOPFascism#NeverPresidentDeSantis#CorruptRepublicans#ProfessionalLiars#FakePatriots#FakeChristians#CrimeRates
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Since announcing his presidential bid, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has made being “tough-on-crime” a cornerstone of his campaign. As purported proof of his track-record on public safety, he’s claimed that Florida “leads the nation” in crime reduction and is experiencing 50-year crime lows.
At the same time, he’s criticized “big progressive cities,” like Chicago, Philadelphia and Portland, Or. and blamed their justice reform policies for crime, while arguing that Florida’s pro-law enforcement stance is responsible for its relative safety.
The problem with these claims is that they are not only factually inaccurate, they also show just how little the presidential hopeful knows about crime in his own state—let alone the nation’s. DeSantis’ arguments deserve further investigation because they rely on inaccurate data that don’t (and can’t) paint the full picture of crime in Florida, obscures place-based variations and upticks in certain forms of crime across Florida, and contradicts the evidence on the relationship between criminal justice reform and crime.
Florida’s crime data are too flawed to claim 50-year lows
DeSantis can’t be sure that Florida has achieved 50-year crime rate lows because the state itself doesn’t know what its crime trends are, due to flawed data.
This is because, in 2021, the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE) was in the process of shifting from its traditional data collection system—the Summary Reporting System, which reports monthly crime counts and documents only the most serious offense in an incident—to align with new national FBI reporting standards, the National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS), which includes a greater number of crimes and allows for the reporting multiple offenses within one incident. While the NIBRS system will be an important transition in the long-term for more accurate crime reporting nationwide, some state agencies, including FDLE, did not meet the FBI’s 2021 reporting deadline and were excluded from national crime statistics.
In the place of accurate FBI data, DeSantis is basing his claims about Florida’s crime rates on FDLE’s 2021 annual crime report. This report is methodologically flawed since a total of 239 agencies (covering about half the state’s population) reported their crime trends using the old Summary Reporting System methodology. Others submitted with the new NIBRS methodology, others did a mix of both, and some—including Hillsborough County, where Tampa is—didn’t enter data whatsoever, meaning they were excluded from the 2021 statewide crime trends that DeSantis regularly cites.
These methodological clashes in Florida’s crime reporting create gaps in information that make it difficult to definitively claim any statewide crime trends—let alone that the state has reached “50-year-crime rate lows.”
Florida cities lagged behind more “progressive” cities in crime reduction
DeSantis’ “tough-on-crime” rhetoric relies on state-level “total crime” data to argue that Florida outperforms more progressive places (particularly cities) in crime reduction. Even if Florida’s state-level data was accurate, this comparison wouldn’t make sense for two reasons.
First, it compares Florida’s state-level data with cities, while ignoring place-based patterns of crime concentration within Florida itself. Meaning, DeSantis’ claims don’t acknowledge the “neutralizing” effect that state data can have on crime trends, if some Florida cities experienced sharp upticks in crime while others saw declines.
Second, DeSantis’ claims rely on statewide “total crime” rates, which can also be misleading if certain minor crimes (like shoplifting or drug possession) went down across the state, while more serious crimes (like murder or rape) went up.
To help determine whether Florida cities have truly made progress in reducing serious crimes—and to see how they stand up to “more progressive” peers—we analyzed local police department data from the state’s four largest cities’ and compared their crime reduction rates with four other cities (Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and Richmond, California) that are relatively “progressive” on criminal justice, many of which have shouldered their share of criticisms from DeSantis.
Our analysis finds that place matters when talking about crime trends, and the story DeSantis is telling about the state of Florida versus “big progressive cities” in other states is much more complex than he makes it seem.
Looking at changes in violent crime rates between 2019 (the year DeSantis took office) and 2021 (the most recent year data were available), we found that three of Florida’s largest cities—Jacksonville, Tampa, and Orlando—had significant upticks in violent crime. Tampa led the bunch with a 37% spike, then Jacksonville at 21%, and Orlando at 19%. Miami, on the other hand, saw its violent crime rate decrease by 8%.
Looking at other cities deemed “progressive” on criminal justice—Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and Richmond, Ca.—all made more progress on reducing violent crime rates than Tampa, Jacksonville, and Orlando.
For instance, Richmond— which has embraced public health and community violence intervention approaches to reducing crime—reduced its violent crime rate by 20% during this period (during which violent crimes were spiking nationwide).
And New York City—one of DeSantis’ favorite targets and a city that has, for decades, championed safety through environmental design (such as cleaning up public spaces and train stations)—had the lowest violent crime rate of any in the sample in 2021 at 439 violent crimes per 100,000 people compared to Orlando’s 832 violent crimes per 100,000 people.
Our analysis makes it clear that there is no one “statewide” story that can be told about crime—and that many of Florida’s largest cities are not achieving the violent crime reductions that DeSantis claims.
“Progressive” criminal justice reform policies do not cause crime
DeSantis’ “tough-on-crime” message hinges on blaming progressive criminal justice reforms, like ending cash bail or electing a progressive prosecutor, for rising crime rates.
But the evidence on the relationship between criminal justice reform and crime rates do not support his claims. New York’s 2019 bail reform legislation, for instance, was found to have a negligible effect on crime rates. Progressive prosecution practices in cities like Philadelphia, too, have not led to crime increases. In fact, some cities like Boston and Baltimore, have actually reduced violent crime by stopping the prosecution of lower-level offenses, like nonviolent misdemeanors, which often make it hard for individuals to obtain a job or a loan due to criminal records, and can increase their likelihood of further criminal justice system involvement.
Importantly, the non-Florida cities in our sample have made significant strides in reducing violent crime through the kinds of “progressive” non-punitive approaches that DeSantis would call “soft-on-crime.” In Philadelphia, for instance, efforts to transform and clean vacant lots in high-poverty neighborhoods were associated with a 29% reduction in gun violence. Similar strategies are working in Chicago. And all four have “violence interrupter” programs, which have been associated with a 63% decrease in gun violence in the Bronx, and a 43% reduction in Richmond.
On the other hand, many of the “tough-on-crime” policies that DeSantis proposed in his criminal justice package—including permit-less carry and stronger penalties for drug crimes—are associated with higher violent crime rates and lasting reductions in social mobility for communities of color. So, when DeSantis argues that reducing crime requires punitive approaches over root-cause ones, it may be time to ask him what his tough-on-crime stance has done for Tampa, where violent crime rates are up nearly 40%.
When DeSantis compares “crime-ridden” cities like New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia to his “safe” state of Florida, it is important to remember there is much more context, nuance, and evidence underlying the picture he’s painting. DeSantis’ flawed statements on crime and safety matter—not just for winning campaigns—but for ensuring the safety and well-being of all Florida residents.
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No wonder his campaign is in such disarray. What's Dishonest DeSantis got to hide?
Aides to Florida Governor Ron DeSantis have led a purge of the state’s top law enforcement agency after pushback over an attempt to block a lawsuit seeking the release of records related to the Governor’s taxpayer-funded travel and security detail. Officials with the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE) clashed with the Governor’s office, arguing there were legal grounds to hand over at least some of the records. The Governor’s staff, known for having little toleration for disagreement, responded by removing the FDLE dissenters. At the heart of the dispute between Governor DeSantis‘s office and the FDLE is a new Florida law which shields the governor’s travel records from the public, including the media. The law was part of a package of bills passed by the Florida legislature this past spring, which DeSantis used to increase his power while shielding himself from public scrutiny. Top staff at the FDLE argued the disclosure law did not prevent them from handing over basic cost records in compliance with public requests. Aides for DeSantis responded to the FDLE’s position by blocking the promotion of at least one dissenting attorney in the agency, as well as pushing out the FDLE’s deputy chief of staff Patricia Carpenter and chief of staff Shane Desguin. Despite the Governor’s position arguing the law essentially shields almost all details about his travel and security detail from the public, the Republican sponsor of the statute says this was not his intent. State Rep. Jeff Holcomb says the law was simply intended to prevent individuals from constructing a ‘security profile’ of the Florida Governor using sensitive travel and security information. Preventing the public from obtaining basic information such as the taxpayer cost of the Governor’s security detail was not the end goal.
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The Murder of Harry and Harriette Moore
December 13, 2022
Harry and Harriette Moore got married on Christmas Day, 1926 and moved into Harriette’s family home in the fall of 1927. Harry worked as an educator and Harriette worked as a former teacher and became an insurance broker.
In 1927, Harry was promoted to principal at the local Titusville Colored School. Harry taught the ninth grade, and the school was racially segregated like most schools at the time. Harry’s first year teaching was actually closed early by the local school board due to the system’s systemic discrimination against black children.
Harry and Harriette had their first daughter, born in 1928 and moved out of Harriette’s family home and into their own home, in Mims, Florida, given to them by Harriette’s parents. The home was on an acre of land. The couple had their second daughter in 1930. In 1931, Harriette returned to her teaching career and worked at the same school Harry worked at.
Harry was committed to making a difference and being an activist. In 1934, Harry founded the Brevard County, Florida, National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) chapter. He served as the NAACP’s first Executive Secretary in the state of Florida. This NAACP chapter worked towards creating equal pay for equal work for teachers of any race, fighting to get lynchings prosecuted and attempted to allow black people the right to vote.
However, Harry’s activism was very controversial within his county, as the county was white-dominated. In 1946, Harry’s activism caused both him and his wife to be fired from their jobs by authorities. After being fired, Harry became a full time employee of the NAACP.
On Christmas night, 1951, the Moores were celebrating Christmas and their 25th wedding anniversary. Later in the night when the couple retreated to their bedroom, a bomb exploded which injured both Harry and Harriette but left their daughter unharmed (the other daughter is not mentioned).
The bomb was made from dynamite and had been placed directly under Harry and Harriette’s bedroom floor. Both Moores were rushed to the closest hospital that would treat African Americans which was located in Sanford, Florida which was almost 30 miles away from the Moore home. Harry died while being transported to the hospital and Harriette died nine days later from her injuries.
Many people believe the only reason the Moores were targeted was due to Harry’s activism in the community. Since the murder there have been five separate criminal investigations completed.
The first criminal investigation was done by the FBI and began on the night of the explosion, ending in 1955. The second investigation was done by the Brevard County Sheriff’s Office and the Brevard County State Attorney’s Office in 1978.
The third investigation happened in 1991 by the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE). The fourth investigation was done in 2004 by the Florida Attorney General’s Office of Civil Rights. In 2008, the FBI investigated again as part of the Department of Justice’s “Cold Case Initiative.”
Through the five different criminal investigations, four different subjects were implicated in the bombing. All four were known to be high up members of the Ku Klux Klan in the central region of Florida. The first subject, a man named Earl J. Brooklyn, had a reputation for being violent and was actually expelled from a Klavern of the KKK in Georgia for engaging in unsanctioned acts of violence.
Earl J. Brooklyn apparently had floor plans of the Moore home and was recruiting people to help him in the bombing. The second person involved, Tillman H. “Curley” Belvin was also a violent member of the KKK and was close friends with Earl J. Brooklyn.
Joseph Cox, was also involved and was implicated by another KKK member, Edward L. Spivey. Spivey had actually implicated Cox in a deathbed confession while he was dying from cancer in 1978.
Joseph Cox had actually taken his own life in 1952, one day after he was confronted by the FBI. Both Earl J. Brooklyn and Tillman H. Belvin died while the FBI was working on their initial investigation. Belvin died of natural causes in August 1952. Brooklyn died from natural causes on Christmas Day 1952, exactly one year to the day of the Moore murders.
No arrests were ever made in the case as all 4 members died. The investigation revealed that Harry’s activism made him a target to the KKK. The Department of Justice Civil Rights Division closed the file in 2011.
The next morning after the bombing, December 26, 1951, angry men in black neighbourhoods were going around spreading the word of the bombing. Many men and women, still in their night clothes, walked through the streets protesting. Many of these people knew Harry Moore personally and were angry at this racist attack.
The murders of Harry and Harriette Moore caused nationwide protests. President Harry S Truman and Governor Fuller Warren both received telegrams and letters in protest of the murders. In New York City on January 5, 1952, Jackie Robinson held a memorial service which brought 3000 mourners. The NAACP also held a memorial service in March 1952 in the Madison Square Garden. About 15,000 were in attendance and people like Langston Hughes came to give respects.
In 1952, Harry Moore was posthumously awarded the NAACP’s Spingarn Medal. In 1999, the Moores home became an Historical Heritage Landmark of the State of Florida. Brevard County’s local government christened the “Harry T. and Harriette Moore Memorial Park and Interpretive Center.”
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A Florida man has been arrested after allegedly possessing a sex doll that resembled a child
According to the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE), Fort Myers special agents conducted a search warrant in Bonita Springs on Wednesday. Agents arrested 35-year-old Jaryn Baxter Cutter. He’s being charged with the possession of obscene material, a child-like sex doll. The investigation remains ongoing.
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FDLE Fingerprinting in Tampa | Tru Printz
Secure your FDLE fingerprinting needs effortlessly with Tru Printz. As an authorized service provider for the Florida Department of Law Enforcement, we deliver trusted and efficient fingerprinting solutions. Read more https://truprintz.com/
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Florida Department of Law Enforcement - Sexual Offender / Predator Flyer
The following information reflects only those vehicles registered to or owned by the specific offender or predator. Please be aware that this individual may drive or operate vehicles other than those listed here.
CAUTION! If you reached this flyer from any site other than FDLE's Florida Sexual Offender and Predator homepage, FDLE cannot guarantee the timeliness of the information you are viewing.
Positive identification cannot be established unless a fingerprint comparison is made.
Any person who misuses public records information relating to a sexual predator, as defined in this section, or a sexual offender, commits a misdemeanor of the first degree.
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Man dies in Ron DeSantis’ office under mysterious circumstances
Recently released police records have revealed that Peter Antonacci, a man Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis (R) hired in 2022 to lead his so-called “elections fraud unit,” died in a hallway of DeSantis’ office in the state capitol after “abruptly” leaving a contentious meeting on September 23, 2022. His death wasn’t widely reported when it occurred, and surveillance camera footage revealed that he received no medical attention for 24 minutes after his initial collapse. It’s unclear if DeSantis attended the meeting that Antonacci had attended just before his death. No autopsy was ever performed on Antonacci, something a state medical examiner called “unusual.” Related: Ron DeSantis humiliated as 6 Florida legislators switch their endorsements to Trump The Republican primaries are not far away, and Trump’s victory seem’s all but certain. Antonacci, the state’s first director of the Office of Election Crimes and Security, attended a meeting on September 23, 2022 with 11 other individuals, including Secretary of State James “Cord” Byrd. After abruptly leaving the meeting, Antonacci collapsed, hit his head on a door, and lay dead or dying for 24 minutes in the view of a surveillance camera before anyone noticed, The Florida Bulldog reported. Get the Daily Brief The news you care about, reported on by the people who care about you: Subscribe to our Newsletter The 74-year-old man was transported to Tallahassee Memorial Hospital where a doctor concluded that he had died of a heart attack. Records from the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE) said that surveillance camera footage showed Antonacci exiting the conference room around 1:46 p.m., staggering forward, and then collapsing to the floor face-down. While collapsing, he hit his forehead on a door, leaving him with a small, bleeding cut. He remained motionless on the floor after falling. Around 2:10 p.m., FDLE Commissioner Mark Glass and FDLE general counsel Ryan Newman stepped outside the conference room meeting and talked for barely a minute before noticing Antonacci’s body. Glass rolled Antonacci onto his side at first and then rolled him onto his back to begin administering CPR. Glass said Antonacci’s face “was purple and blue” and said he could feel no pulse. When the people inside the conference room were told to call 911 for help, the meeting’s attendees began hiding under the room’s table, worried that an active shooter might’ve entered DeSantis’ office. However, they stopped hiding when they realized what had actually occurred. One minute later, Capitol Police officers arrived with an automated external defibrillator (AED) machine. The machine reportedly “could not produce a shock” to jumpstart Antonacci’s heart. He continued to receive CPR and breathing assistance with an artificial manual breathing unit (also called an “Ambu bag”) until he was transported to the hospital. By 2:47 p.m., a hospital doctor pronounced Antonacci dead. An unnamed state medical examiner expressed surprise to the Bulldog that an autopsy wasn’t conducted on the deceased man. “I’m wondering why he didn’t go through the medical examiner’s office seeing that he died in the governor’s office,” the examiner told the aforementioned publication. “Wouldn’t they want to do that, just to [cover their a**es]? I mean, gosh, [Gov. Lawton] Chiles died at the executive mansion [on Dec. 12, 1998] and he went through the medical examiner’s office.” News of Antonacci’s year-old death has coincided with other recent unflattering headlines for Florida’s rabidly anti-LGBTQ+ governor. Politico recently reported that his anti-vaxxer Surgeon General Joseph Ladapo has been criticized for doing very little at the University of Florida while being paid a $262,000 faculty salary there. Also, Chris Jankowski, the now-former CEO of DeSantis’ Never Back Down political action committee (PAC), recently left the PAC over “significant disagreements” in the direction of DeSantis’ presidential campaign.… http://dlvr.it/SzP5Cp
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The concept of expungement in Florida offers a ray of hope for those seeking to erase or seal their criminal records. This comprehensive guide aims to shed light on the entire process, from understanding eligibility to the post-expungement benefits.
https://criminalrecordcleanup.com
Understanding the Florida Expungement Process
Expungement in Florida is a structured process, involving several steps. From checking eligibility criteria to obtaining a Certificate of Eligibility from the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE), each step is crucial for a successful outcome. Applicants often need to prepare detailed paperwork and may have to attend a hearing, followed by a thorough follow-up to ensure the record is adequately sealed or expunged.
Cost Factors in Expungement
The costs associated with expunging a record in Florida can vary. Factors like the nature of the offense, attorney fees, and court costs play a significant role in determining the overall expenses. It's advisable to seek guidance from an attorney or the FDLE for accurate cost assessments.
Eligibility: Key to Starting the Process
Eligibility for expungement in Florida depends on various factors, including the type of offense and the individual's criminal history. Some severe offenses may be excluded from the expungement option.
Navigating DIY Expungement
For those considering a do-it-yourself approach to expungement, it's important to understand the complexities of the legal process. While it's possible, securing legal assistance is often recommended to avoid pitfalls and enhance the chances of success.
Pro Bono and Low-Cost Expungement Services
In Florida, certain organizations and legal clinics offer free or low-cost expungement services for eligible individuals. It's worth exploring these options, especially for those who cannot afford standard legal fees.
Removing Criminal Records: Sealing vs. Expunging
Understanding the difference between sealing and expunging records is crucial. While sealing makes a record private, expungement essentially erases it. Both processes have distinct eligibility criteria and effects.
https://expungement-lawyer.s3.amazonaws.com/Seal-Criminal-Record-in-Florida/index.html
Juvenile Record Expunction
Juvenile offenses in Florida are treated differently, with specific rules and procedures for expunging these records. Understanding these unique requirements is essential for young individuals seeking to clear their records.
https://youtu.be/6uKzAY-TabE
Impact on Driving Privileges
Expunging a criminal record in Florida may not directly affect one's driver's license, but certain offenses can independently impact driving privileges.
Success Stories and Testimonials
Learning from the experiences of others who have successfully navigated the expungement process can be both inspiring and informative.
The Benefits of a Clean Slate
Expungement offers numerous benefits, including the removal of the stigma associated with a criminal record. This can open doors to better employment and housing opportunities, among others.
Detailed Look at Florida Expungement Statutes
For those seeking in-depth knowledge, diving into specific Florida statutes related to expungement can provide clarity on legal requirements and procedures.
The Path to Clearing Your Criminal Record
The journey to expunging or sealing a criminal record in Florida may be challenging, but understanding the process and seeking the right help can lead to a successful outcome.
In Conclusion
Expungement in Florida offers a valuable opportunity for individuals to move forward in life without the burden of a criminal record. While the process can be complex, understanding the steps, costs, and benefits can make the journey more navigable.
Frequently Asked Questions
What is the first step in starting the expungement process in Florida? Can I expunge a felony record in Florida? How long does the expungement process typically take in Florida? Are there any offenses that cannot be expunged in Florida? Can expungement in Florida impact my employment opportunities?
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Florida AG Shut Down Cybercrime Scheme
Florida Attorney General Moody's Statewide Prosecutors and FDLE Shut Down Complete Cybercrime Scheme Involving Cryptocurrency and the Dark Web TALLAHASSEE, FL (STL.News) Florida Attorney General Ashley Moody's Office of Statewide Prosecution and the Florida Department of Law Enforcement shut down a complex criminal enterprise using the dark web and cryptocurrency to commit identity theft and launder money. An Orlando teen led the complex cybercrime operation. The lead defendant, Justin Vassell, used cryptocurrency to buy bundles of stolen personal information to open credit card accounts and purchase hundreds of thousands of dollars worth of merchandise. The Florida Attorney General's Office and FDLE today announced the arrest of Justin Vassell, Jacqueline Vassell, Shannon Vassell, Marc Williams, Deonte Benejan, and Lawrence Dority for the criminal enterprise that illicitly purchased more than $350,000 worth of merchandise, including ammunition and firearm parts. The group then sold the items to pawn shops around the Orlando area to obtain cash. Attorney General Ashley Moody said, "The mastermind behind this complex cyber fraud scheme thought he could avoid detection by using stolen identities and cryptocurrency to conceal the crimes. But through the diligent efforts of my Statewide Prosecutors and FDLE agents, the entire scheme was exposed, and the criminals involved were arrested." FDLE Commissioner Mark Glass said, "Under the leadership of Attorney General Ashley Moody, the Office of Statewide Prosecution has been a tremendous partner in bringing to justice criminals who prey on our citizens. I am extremely proud of this investigation and our FDLE Orlando team. With more than 70 victims and thousands of dollars in fraudulent merchandise, our agents and analysts team did an outstanding job putting the pieces together on this case." The multi-circuit investigation by Attorney General Moody's OSP and FDLE began after FDLE Special Agents received a complaint from a business owner who suspected Justin Vassell stole nearly $90,000. Further investigation revealed that Vassell criminally victimized more than 70 citizens and 10 online merchants in a massive criminal scheme. The investigation uncovered that Vassell used cryptocurrency to purchase bundles of stolen personal identification information belonging to innocent victims on illicit websites. Vassell then used the stolen identities to open credit cards and bank accounts in the victims' names to purchase more than $350,000 worth of merchandise, including ammunition and firearm parts, from online merchants. Vassell and the five other members of the criminal enterprise then sold the merchandise to pawn shops to obtain cash. Justin Vassell and the five associates—Jacqueline Vassell, Shannon Vassell, Marc Williams, Deonte Benejan, and Lawrence Dority—face charges of racketeering and conspiracy to commit racketeering. The charges of conspiracy to commit racketeering are comprised of more than 90 predicate incidents, including criminal use of personal identification information, money laundering, extortion, and dealing in stolen property. Justin Vassell faces additional charges of grand theft of $100,000 or more, extortion, and criminal use of personal identification information of more than 30 persons. If convicted, Vassell could potentially face up to 135 years in prison. Senior Assistant Statewide Prosecutor Whitney Mackay will prosecute the case. SOURCE: Florida Attorney General Read the full article
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Sexual Offenders and Predators Search
COMMUNITY NOTIFICATION OF SEXUAL PREDATORS
The Chief of Police of the Town of Belleair may use his or her best judgment in determining appropriate notice to be given to members of the community and the public of the presence of a sexual predator so long as the information required by section 775.21(7), Florida Statutes, is included in the notice. There is no time limitation prescribed for the length of time such community notification must be maintained.
According to your letter, the Town of Belleair receives notification from the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE) of the presence of sexual predators residing in the town. After receiving this notice, the town distributes flyers containing the requisite sexual predator information to residents located within the general vicinity of the sexual predator's permanent or temporary residence. As a further precaution, the town permanently posts a sexual predator notification, containing the information required by statute, at the front and the rear entrances of the town hall. The rear entrance of the town hall is also the main entrance to the town police department. The town continues to post this information as long as the Florida Department of Law Enforcement designates the individual a sexual predator.
Florida Department of Law Enforcement - Sexual Offender / Predator Flyer
Primary Information
Designation: Sexual Offender Name:RUBEN DARIO OQUENDO Status: Released - Subject to Registration Dept of Corrections #: Not Available Search the Dept of Corrections Website Date of Birth:09/14/1967 Race: White Sex: Male Hair: Unknown/bald Eyes: Brown Height:5'08" Weight:220 lbs
Aliases
Ruben D Oquendo, Ruben Dario Oquendo-Martinez
Vehicle Information
The following information reflects only those vehicles registered to or owned by the specific offender or predator. Please be aware that this individual may drive or operate vehicles other than those listed here.
Vessel Information 2
The following information reflects only those vessels registered to or owned by the specific offender or predator. Please be aware that this individual may drive or operate vessels other than those listed here.
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