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xtruss · 2 years ago

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Exclusive: Imran Khan on His Plan to Return to Power

— By Charlie Campbell | April 3, 2023 | Time Magazine

Former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan sits for a portrait in his Lahore residence on March 28. Next to Khan are tear gas canisters he says were thrown at his house. Umar Nadeem for Time Magazine

Political leaders often boast of inner steel. Imran Khan can point to three bullets dug out of his right leg. It was in November that a lone gunman opened fire on Khan during a rally, wounding the 70-year-old as well as several supporters, one fatally. “One bullet damaged a nerve so my foot is still recovering,” says the former Pakistani Prime Minister and onetime cricket icon. “I have a problem walking for too long.”

If the wound has slowed Khan, he doesn’t show it in a late-March Zoom interview. There is the same bushy mane, the easy laugh, prayer beads wrapped nonchalantly around his left wrist. But in the five years since our last conversation, something has changed. Power—or perhaps its forfeiture—has left its imprint. Following his ouster in a parliamentary no-confidence vote in April 2022, Khan has mobilized his diehard support base in a “jihad,” as he puts it, to demand snap elections, claiming he was unfairly toppled by a U.S.-sponsored plot. (The State Department has denied the allegations.)

The actual intrigue is purely Pakistani. Khan lost the backing of the country’s all-powerful military after he refused to endorse its choice to lead Pakistan’s intelligence services, known as ISI, because of his close relationship with the incumbent. When Khan belatedly greenlighted the new chief, the opposition sensed weakness and pounced with the no-confidence vote. Khan then took his outrage to the streets, with rallies crisscrossing the nation for months.

Photograph by Umar Nadeem for Time Magazine

“Imran Khan can communicate with all strata of society on their level,” says Shaheena Bhatti, 63, a professor of literature in Rawalpindi. “The other politicians are … not going to do anything for the country because they’re only in it for themselves.”

The November attack on Khan’s life only intensified the burning sense of injustice in members of his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party, or PTI, who have since clashed with police in escalating street battles involving slingshots and tear gas. Although an avowed religious fanatic was arrested for the shooting, Khan continues to accuse an assortment of rival politicians of pulling the strings: incumbent Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif—brother of Khan’s longtime nemesis, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif—as well as Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah and Major General Faisal Naseer. (All have denied the accusation.)

In addition to bullets, Khan has also been hit by charges—143 over the past 11 months, by his count, including corruption, sedition, blasphemy, and terrorism—which he claims have been concocted in an attempt to disqualify him from politics. After Sharif’s cabinet declared on March 20 that the PTI was “a gang of militants” whose “enmity against the state” could not be tolerated, police arrested hundreds of Khan supporters in raids.

“Either Imran Khan exists or we do,” Interior Minister Sanaullah said on March 26.

Pakistan sometimes seems to reside on a precipice. Its current political instability comes amid devastating floods, runaway inflation, and resurgent cross-border terrorist attacks from neighboring Afghanistan that together threaten the fabric of the nation of 230 million. It’s a country where rape and corruption are rife, and the economy hinges on unlocking a stalled IMF bailout, Pakistan’s 22nd since independence in 1947. Inflation soared in March to 47% year-over-year; the prices of staples such as onions rose by 228%, wheat by 120%, and cooking gas by 108%. Over the same period, the rupee has plummeted by 54%.

“Ten years ago, I earned 10,000 rupees a month [$100] and I wasn’t distressed,” says Muhammad Ghazanfer, a groundsman and gardener in Rawalpindi. “With this present wave of inflation, even though I now earn 25,000 [$90 today] I can’t make ends meet.” The world’s fifth most populous country has only $4.6 billion in foreign reserves—$20 per citizen. “If they default, and they can’t get oil, companies go bust, and people don’t have jobs, you would say this is a country ripe for a Bolshevik revolution,” says Cameron Munter, a former U.S. ambassador to Pakistan.

Police fired teargas to disperse the supporters of the former Prime Minister as they tried to arrest Khan in Lahore, Pakistan, on March 14. Hundreds of Tehrik-e-Insaf supporters clashed with riot police as they reached Khan's residence. Rahat Dar—EPA-EFE/Shutterstock

“Our economy has gone into a tailspin,” says Khan. “We now have the worst economic indicators in our history.” The situation threatens to send the nuclear-armed country deeper into China’s orbit. Yet sympathy is slim in a West put off by Khan’s years of anti-American bluster and cozying up to autocrats and extremists, including the Taliban. He calls autocratic Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan “my brother” and visited Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on the eve of the Ukraine invasion, remarking on “so much excitement.” Khan can both repeatedly declare Osama bin Laden a “martyr” and praise Beijing’s confinement of China’s Uighur Muslim minority. He has obsessed on Joe Biden’s failure to call him after entering the White House. “He’s someone that is imbued with this incredibly strong sense of grievance,” says Michael Kugelman, the deputy director of the Asia Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center.

Yet Khan can legitimately claim to have democracy on his side, with poll numbers suggesting he is a shoo-in to return to power if the elections he demands happen. “His popularity has skyrocketed,” says Samina Yasmeen, director of the Centre for Muslim States and Societies at the University of Western Australia. “No matter what he says, even if it’s irrational, the reality is that people are angry and taken by his message.”

“Imran Khan is the best bet we have right now,” says Osama Rehman, 50, a telecommunications engineer in Islamabad. “If [he] is arrested or disqualified, people will come out onto the street.”

The state appears to flirt with the idea. Police raids on Khan’s home in the Punjab province capital of Lahore in early March left him choking on tear gas, he says, as supporters brandishing sticks battled police in riot gear before makeshift barricades of sandbags and iron rods. “This sort of crackdown has never taken place in Pakistan,” says Khan. “I don’t know even if it was as bad under martial law.”

After Khan left his compound to appear in court on March 18, traveling in an armored SUV strewn with flower petals and flanked by bodyguards, the police swooped in while his wife was home, he says, beating up servants and hauling the family cook off to jail. He claims another assassination attempt awaited inside the Islamabad Judicial Complex, which was “taken over by the intelligence agencies and paramilitary.”

Police arrested 61 supporters of former Prime Minister Imran Khan during a search operation near Khan’s residence, in Lahore, Pakistan, on March 18, 2023. K.M. Chaudary—AP

The confrontation could remain in the streets indefinitely. Prime Minister Sharif has rejected Khan’s demand for a snap election, saying polls would be held as scheduled in the fall. But “every narrative is being built up [for the government] to justify postponing the elections,” says Yasmeen. On March 22, Pakistan’s Election Commission delayed local balloting in Punjab, the country’s most populous province, from April 30 until Oct. 8.

“Political stability in Pakistan comes through elections,” Khan points out. “That is the starting point for economic recovery.” From the U.S. perspective, he may be far from the ideal choice to helm an impoverished, insurgency-racked Islamic state. But is he the only person that can hold the country together?

“Never has one man scared the establishment … as much as right now,” says Khan. “They worry about how to keep me out; the people how to get me back in.”

It’s indicative of Pakistan’s malaise that its most popular politician in decades sits barricaded at home. But the nation has always been beyond comparison—a wedge of South Asia that begins in the shimmering Arabian Gulf and ascends to its Himalayan heights. It’s the world’s largest Islamic state, though governed for half its history by men in olive-green uniforms, who continue to act as ultimate arbiters of power.

The only boy of five children, Khan was born Oct. 5, 1952 to an affluent Pashtun family in Lahore. He studied politics, philosophy, and economics at Oxford University, and it was in the U.K. that he first played cricket for Pakistan, at age 18. Britain’s sodden terrain also provided the backdrop to his political awakening.

“When I arrived in England our country had been ruled by a military dictator for 10 years; the powerful had one law, the others were basically not free human beings,” he says. “Rule of law actually liberates human beings, liberates potential. This was what I discovered.”

Khan in his Lahore residence on March 28. Umar Nadeem for Time Magazine

On the cricket pitch, Khan was a talisman who knitted together mercurial talents and journeymen into a cohesive whole, a team that overcame extraordinary odds to famously lift the Cricket World Cup in 1992. There were glimpses of these qualities when Khan rose to become Prime Minister: running on an anti-graft ticket, he fused a disparate band of students and workers, Islamic hard-liners, and the nation’s powerful military to derail the Sharif political juggernaut. His crowning achievement remains the Shaukat Khanum Cancer Hospital in Lahore, which he opened in 1994 in memory of his mother, who succumbed to the disease. It is the largest cancer hospital serving Pakistan’s impoverished, boosting Khan’s administrative credentials.

Khan spent 22 years in the political wilderness before his 2018 election triumph. But once in power, the self-styled bold reformer turned unnervingly divisive. Opposition is easier than government, and Khan found himself bereft of ideas and besieged by unsavory partners, even kowtowing to the now-banned far-right party Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan despite its support for the extrajudicial killing of alleged blasphemers. There were some successes: Pakistan received praise for its handling of the pandemic, with deaths per capita just a third that of neighboring India. His “Ten Billion Tree Tsunami” reforestation drive was popular, as was the 2019 return of international test cricket, the most prestigious form of the game, following a terrorist attack on the Sri Lankan team and a decade-long hiatus.

Khan’s private life has rarely been out of the headlines. His first wife was British journalist and society heiress Jemima Khan, née Goldsmith, a close friend of Diana, Princess of Wales. She converted to Islam for their wedding, though the pair divorced in 2004 after nine years of marriage, and her family’s Jewish heritage was political dynamite. (The couple’s two sons live in London.) Khan’s second marriage to British-Pakistani journalist Reham Khan lasted nine months. According to a 1997 California court ruling, Khan also has one child, a daughter, born out of wedlock, and he’s struggled to quash gossip of several more. In 2018, six months before he took office, he married his current wife, Bushra Bibi Khan, a religious conservative who is believed to be the only Pakistan First Lady to wear the full-face niqab shawl in public.

Khan, left, lifts elder son Suleman while his ex-wife Jemima carries younger son Qasim during a march towards the U.N. offices in Islamabad in 1999. The Khans led some 100 demonstrators in an anti-Russian rally protesting against attacks in Chechnya. Reuters

It all fed Khan’s legend: the debonair playboy who grew devout; the privileged son who rails against the corrupt; the humanist who stands with the bloodthirsty. His youth was spent carousing with supermodels in London’s trendiest nightspots. But his politics has hardened as his handsome features have lined and leathered. He provoked outrage when in August 2021 he said the Taliban had “broken the shackles of slavery” by taking back power (he insists to TIME he was “taken out of context”) and has made various comments criticized as misogynistic. When asked about the drivers of sexual violence in Pakistan, he said, “If a woman is wearing very few clothes, it will have an impact on the men, unless they’re robots.” Khan has refused to condemn Putin’s invasion, insisting, like China, on remaining “neutral” and deflecting uncomfortable questions onto supposed double standards regarding India’s inroads into disputed Kashmir. “Morality in foreign policy is reserved for powerful countries,” he says with a shrug.

Khan in the 1992 Cricket World Cup. Pakistan won under Khan's captaincy this year. Fairfax Media

At the same time, Khan’s ideological flexibility has not stretched to compromises with opponents. He claims it was the military’s unwillingness to go after Pakistan’s influential “two families”—those of Sharif and the Bhutto clan of former Prime Ministers Zulfikar and Benazir—for alleged corruption that caused his relationship with the generals to fray. “If the ruling elite plunders your country and siphons off money, and you cannot hold them accountable, then that means there is no rule of law,” he says.

Yet analysts say that it was Khan’s relentless taunting of the U.S. that torpedoed his relationship with the military, which remains much more interested in retaining good relations with Washington. To journalists and supporters, he has accused the U.S. of imposing a “master-slave” relationship on Pakistan and of using it like “tissue paper.” To TIME, he insists that “criticizing U.S. foreign policy does not make you anti-American.” Still, by 2022, the generals no longer had his back. The common perception among Pakistan watchers is that Khan’s fleeting political success was owed to a Faustian pact with the nation’s military and extremist groups that shepherded his election victory and he is now reaping the whirlwind.

Cricket captain turned politician Imran Khan shakes hands with supporters during a rally in October 2002 in Shadi Khal, Pakistan. Paula Bronstein—Getty Images

He appears to relish in the perceived injustice, the walls closing in. On March 25, Khan addressed thousands of supporters in central Lahore from a bulletproof box above a green-and-red flag with the initials of his PTI emblazoned on a cricket bat—once Khan’s weapon of choice, though now he wields words with similar potency.

“I know you have decided you wouldn’t allow Imran Khan back in power,” he said. “That’s fine with me. But do you have a plan or know how to get the country out of the current crisis?”

If Pakistan’s economic woes are reaching a new nadir, the trajectory was established during Khan’s term. A revolving door of Finance Ministers was compounded by bowing to hardliners. (After appointing renowned Princeton economist Atif Mian as an adviser, Khan fired him just days later owing to a backlash from Islamists because Mian is an Ahmadi, a sect of Islam they consider heretics.) In 2018, Khan pledged not to follow previous administrations’ “begging bowl” tactics of foreign borrowing, in order to end Pakistan’s cycle of debt. But less than a year later, he struck a deal with the IMF to cut social and development spending while raising taxes in exchange for a $6 billion loan. Mismanagement exacerbated global headwinds from the pandemic and soaring oil prices.

Meanwhile, little was done to address Pakistan’s fundamental structural issues: few people pay tax, least of all the feudal landowners who control traditional low-added-value industries like sugar farms, textile mills, and agricultural interests while wielding huge political-patronage networks stemming from their workers’ votes. In 2021, only 2.5 million Pakistanis filed tax returns—less than 1% of the adult population. “People don’t pay tax, especially the rich elite,” says Khan. “They just siphon out money and launder it abroad.”

Instead, Pakistan has relied on foreign money to balance a budget and provide government services. The U.S. funneled nearly $78.3 billion to Pakistan from 1948 to 2016. But in 2018, President Trump ended the $300 million security assistance that the U.S. provided annually. Now Pakistan must shop around for new benefactors—chiefly Saudi Arabia, Russia, and China. When Khan visited Putin last February, it was to arrange cheap oil and wheat imports and discuss the $2.5 billion Pakistan Stream gas pipeline, which Moscow wants to build between Karachi and Kasur. More recently, China has stepped in. In early March, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China approved a $1.3 billion loan rollover—a fiscal bandaid for a gaping wound.

Khan in his Lahore residence on March 28. Umar Nadeem for Time Magazine

But if Khan recognized the problem, he did little to solve it. After his election in 2018, he was in an uncommonly strong position with the backing of the military and progressives, as well as the tolerance of the Islamists. Now, with all the bad blood and open warfare among these factions, even if he claws his way back, “he’ll be in a weaker position to actually effect any reforms,” says Munter, the former U.S. ambassador, “if he had any reforms to begin with.”

When asked for his step-by-step plan to get Pakistan back on track, Khan is light on details. After elections, he says that a “completely new social contract” is required to enshrine power in political institutions, rather than the military. If the army chief “didn’t think corruption was that big a deal, then nothing happened,” Khan complains. “I was helpless.” But the path to this utopia remains murky. Asked how he plans to turn his much trumpeted Islamic Welfare State ideal into a reality, Khan talks about Medina under the Prophet and the social conscience of Northern Europeans. “Scandinavia is probably far closer to the Islamic ideal than any of the Muslim countries.”

But the military looms large in Pakistan partly because national security is a perennial issue. Many assumed that the newly returned Taliban would stamp out all cross-border attacks from Afghanistan. But Pakistan recorded the second largest increase in terrorism-related deaths worldwide in 2022, up 120% year-over-year. “It was Khan who was pushing for talks with [the Taliban] at all costs,” says Kugelman, of the Woodrow Wilson Center. “That embrace is now experiencing significant levels of blowback.”

That Pakistan is moving away from the U.S. and closer to Russia and China is a moot point; the bigger question is who actually wins from embracing Pakistan. The $65 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor was supposed to be the crown jewel in President Xi Jinping’s signature Belt and Road Initiative, linking China via roads, rail and pipeline to the Arabian Sea. But Gwadar Port is rusting and suicide bombers are taking aim at buses filled with Chinese workers. Loans are more regularly defaulted than paid. Today, even Iran looks like a more stable partner.

Ultimately, competition with Beijing defines American foreign policy today, meaning Washington prioritizes relations with Pakistan’s archnemesis India, which is a key partner in the Biden Administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy to contain China. Toward that imperative, the White House turns a blind eye even to New Delhi’s continued close relationship with Putin. The U.S. kinship with India may mean Pakistan was always destined to move closer to China. But after the U.S. pulled out of Afghanistan, Pakistan is not the strategic lynchpin it once claimed to be—and memories are hardly fond; Pakistan secretly invested heavily in the Taliban. “Lots of Americans in Washington say we lost the war in Afghanistan because the Pakistanis stabbed us in the back,” says Munter.

What happens next? Many in Khan’s PTI suspect the current government may declare their party a terrorist organization or otherwise ban it from politics. Others believe that Pakistan’s escalating economic, political, and security turmoil may be used as grounds to postpone October’s general election. Ultimately, all sides are using the tools at their disposal to prevent their own demise: Khan wields popular protest and the banner of democracy; the government has the courts and security apparatus. Caught between the two, the people flounder. “There are no heroes here,” says Kugelman. “The entire political class and the military are to blame for the very troubled state the country finds itself in now.”

It’s a crisis that Khan still claims can be solved by elections, despite his broken relationship with the military. “The same people who tried to kill me are still sitting in power,” he says. “And they are petrified that if I got back [in] they would be held accountable. So they’re more dangerous.”

—With reporting by Hasan Ali/Islamabad

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reddyanna3322 · 15 hours ago

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news365timesindia · 11 days ago

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[ad_1] Daryl Mitchell celebrating with others (PC: BLACKCAPS/X) Subhayan Chakraborty in Mumbai For New Zealand’s men’s cricket team, their topsy-turvy tour of the sub-continent will come to an end with the third Test against India at Wankhede Stadium. It started with a 0-2 series defeat in Sri Lanka, followed by a headline-making washout against Afghanistan in Noida, and is set to conclude with a historic, first-ever Test series win against India. The Mumbai Test presents New Zealand with the opportunity of a clean sweep on Indian soil, something not achieved by any team since 2000. Daryl Mitchell, who kicked off the sub-continent tour with a punchy 57 against Dhananjaya de Silva, Ramesh Mendis and Prabhath Jayasuriya, is looking to end the series on a high. This is the same venue where he scored a stunning 134 off 119 in the ODI World Cup semi-final, albeit to a losing cause. A match-winning, history-making knock here would offer sweet closure to what has been a gruelling couple of months on the road. Some players travel with their families, but for Mitchell, a Manchester United fan, hobbies are crucial. “I wouldn’t say I’m very very good at it but I enjoy it (playing FIFA now EA FC). There are plenty of guys that are better than me at that,” Mitchell tells RevSportz in an exclusive interview. “I’ve enjoyed (gaming) since I was a little kid. Playing those sorts of games like NBA 2K, FIFA, that’s good fun. It’s really important to have a balance,” Mitchell adds. “For me, obviously being a dad of two little girls as well, having my family on tour, as much as we can, around school, that’s important. We make a big effort with the coffee room and have coffee with each other and some boys play PlayStation. When you can’t leave the hotel as much as you could in New Zealand, when you’re over here in the sub continent, you’ve got to find ways to make it fun.” Football is popular among cricketers, and Mitchell is no different. “Devon Conway thinks he’s good, but he’s not great at FIFA. He’s an Arsenal fan, which I’ve got to hold against him. I am Manchester United fan. So it’s been a tough few years for me,” says Daryl, whose father is a former New Zealand rugby union player and coach John Mitchell. In India, New Zealand’s batters have displayed courage and technique to counter the likes of Ravichandran Ashwin and Ravindra Jadeja. Players like Rachin Ravindra, Devon Conway, and Will Young have stood out. Despite not having similar conditions back home, the Kiwis have thrived in testing conditions. Mitchell attributes this to observing top players and applying those lessons in international matches and during his IPL stint with Chennai Super Kings. For the Latest Sports News: Click Here Daryl Mitchell and his teammates after series victory (PC: BLACKCAPS/X) “For me, being a Kiwi, growing up and you know, as kids, we got a lot more grass, a lot more bounce. We don’t face a lot of spin. For us, as overseas players coming over, it’s learning in the early part of our careers and trying to work out a game plan. For me, it was watching some of the world’s best players of spin and how they go about it and how I can add to the strength that I’ve already got as a player and try to adapt that to my game,” Mitchell explains. “That’s how I guess I’ve looked at playing spin. We spend so much time over here in this part of the world now with IPL and other series and tournaments that I guess you’re learning (from) and you’re adapting as you go. And the more experiences you have, the better you get,” he adds. Mitchell has taken inspiration from players like Kane Williamson and former Aussie opener Matthew Hayden. Chemistry among the batting unit is also the key. “First and foremost, our own Kane Williamson. I think he’s probably one of the best going around. I’m lucky enough that I show up to work each day and I can learn from the likes of him,” Mitchell says. “Within our own group, we talk a lot about the way Tom Latham sweeps and we all use our own little strengths that we’ve got.

Watching Hayden as a bigger guy, how he went about playing spin although he’s left-handed. Little things here and there and you try and adapt it to your game and see if it works. “It’s something we pride ourselves on. It is the way we adapt to different conditions around the world. It’s not always going to go your way. You understand that. But we’re very clear with how we prepare for these tours and how we want to go about our plans when we’re playing out there,” Mitchell elaborates. “We also talk a lot between each other and bounce ideas off each other. I think that’s what makes us such a close batting unit. We all understand each other’s games inside out. And we can ask, why are you doing this? How do you do that? There’s no judgment. We’re all working together for the same goal, which is really, really cool and (it) makes it a cool group to be a part of.” Mitchell’s IPL experience, even if limited with Rajasthan Royals in 2022, allowed him to refine his game against spin during training. This preparation shone through in 2023 ODI World Cup where he amassed 552 runs at an average of 69. Before that, he had tallied 318 runs at a strike rate of 142.60 in 13 games for Chennai Super Kings. “For me, firstly, to get the chance in Rajasthan (Royals) a few years ago, though I didn’t play much. I was allowed to train a lot and experiment with some things. To take that into the one-day World Cup over here, and as well with CSK and that sort of role at 3-4-5, of having to manage spin in those middle overs. That’s something, I pride myself on and I enjoy,” Mitchell states. Daryl Mitchell and others during the Test series in India (PC: BLACKCAPS/X) Playing at the MA Chidambaram Stadium in Chennai, where dominating spinners can be challenging for a middle-order bat, was a highlight for Mitchell. “It’s an amazing experience to be part of that IPL and then to be part of, to play at grounds like Chepauk. It’s a beautiful ground. A lower and slower wicket which creates its own challenges. It’s about adapting as quick as you can to the different surfaces around the country and trying to find ways to put pressure back on the bowlers,” he says. For all-format cricketers like Mitchell, adapting between white-ball and red-ball cricket is a significant challenge. Shuffling between minor technical tweaks and mentality is crucial. How is tackling spin in white-ball and red-ball different? “That’s an interesting question. I pride myself on for playing all three formats. It means a hell lot more to play Test cricket, but also with the two white ball formats as well. It’s adapting your game. You don’t want to go changing too many things within your game,” Mitchell says. “It’s adjusting your risk-taking, your options and weighing up your times to put pressure on them and when not to. In T20, you take more risks than in Tests. But you still try and put pressure on them when you can. So, yeah, being able to play all three formats is something I’m very proud of and hopefully I can keep doing for a long time to come.” Discussing what makes the New Zealand batting unit special, Mitchell emphasised their cohesiveness and playing with the ‘minds’ of the bowlers. “I think you can see the way that we played as a unit in the first two Tests and hopefully we continue to do in the next Test as we want to keep trying to find ways to not let their bowlers bowl good balls for long periods of time. We want to keep finding ways to put pressure on them and ask them to adapt as well. Yeah, they are going to bowl good balls and you got to trust your game. But at the same time, you want to keep trying to score runs as well.” While the focus is on potentially whitewashing India, New Zealand players celebrated their historic series win after the victory in Pune. “It is nice to create history for our country. It’s something we’ve never done. So, we enjoyed each other’s company that night in our team room, but we also understand that we got a Test match to go and we’ve got another

chance to go about doing what we do out in the field and hopefully, that brings a win and we’ll see what happens.” The IPL retention deadline day became a topic before the Mumbai Test. Mitchell, who had been a consistent performer for CSK in the previous IPL, reflected on the thrill of being part of the biggest T20 tournament. “It’s an amazing experience. It’s something I’m very grateful to have been a part of in the last few years and hopefully I get many more chances in the future. We’re taking on the best players in the world in what is such a massive tournament and the crowds that come with it is pretty special. It’s a pretty cool experience to be a part of.” Observing India’s World Cup-winning captain and CSK’s MS Dhoni has been a learning experience for Mitchell, particularly off the field. “I just really respect how he goes about his business. The amount of pressure that he has on him as the face of a franchise in the country, how he can go about being such a humble, nice, quiet guy and so down to earth. I respect him very highly and I was very lucky to share a changing room with him,” Mitchell concludes. Also Read: A RevSportz Exclusive || “I enjoy the pressure that comes with the job” – Nicholas Pooran on being retained for 21 crores The post Mitchell and the art of mastering Indian conditions appeared first on Sports News Portal | Latest Sports Articles | Revsports. [ad_2] Source link

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news365times · 11 days ago

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tabileaks · 9 months ago

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starfriday · 25 days ago

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*Hardik Pandya is a very angry Venom on this podcast*

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A post shared by Hardik Himanshu Pandya (@hardikpandya93)

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Indian Cricketer and World Cup Champion Hardik Pandya recently dropped a video on Instagram where he is seen turning into the popular anti-hero Venom.

In the video, Pandya is seen losing his cool while the interviewer keeps making fun of him throughout the segment. Eventually, Hardik unleashes his anger and transforms into Venom, while the interviewer fears for his life.

Sharing the video, Hardik wrote: "I AM NOT OK 😡"

In Venom: The Last Dance, Tom Hardy returns as Venom, one of Marvel’s greatest and most complex characters, for the final film in the trilogy. Eddie and Venom are on the run. Hunted by both of their worlds and with the net closing in, the duo are forced into a devastating decision that will bring the curtains down on Venom and Eddie's last dance.

The film stars Tom Hardy, Chiwetel Ejiofor, Juno Temple, Rhys Ifans, Peggy Lu, Alanna Ubach and Stephen Graham. The film is directed by Kelly Marcel from a screenplay she wrote, based on a story by Hardy and Marcel. The film is produced by Avi Arad, Matt Tolmach, Amy Pascal, Kelly Marcel, Tom Hardy and Hutch Parker.

_Sony Pictures Entertainment India will exclusively release Venom: The Last Dance in Indian cinemas on 24th October 2024, also in 3D and IMAX 3D in English, Hindi, Tamil and Telugu._

#Instagram

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cricketimage · 2 days ago

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Cricket Khabri: Your Daily Cricket Pulse! 🏏🔥

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reddyanna167 · 1 month ago

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Stay Ahead of the Game: Reddy Anna ID for Real-Time Cricket Action.

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reddyanna3322 · 17 days ago

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Join the Community: Exploring the Features of Laser247 for Team India Fans

For More Info -

Introduction to Laser247

Are you a die-hard fan of Team India? Do you want to stay updated with every thrilling moment on the field? Enter Laser247, your ultimate partner in celebrating and supporting Indian cricket. This platform is designed specifically for fans who live and breathe cricket. With real-time updates and exclusive offers, Laser247 brings the excitement of the game right to your fingertips. Let's dive into what makes this community an essential hub for all Team India supporters!

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