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xtruss · 2 years ago

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Exclusive: Imran Khan on His Plan to Return to Power

— By Charlie Campbell | April 3, 2023 | Time Magazine

Former Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan sits for a portrait in his Lahore residence on March 28. Next to Khan are tear gas canisters he says were thrown at his house. Umar Nadeem for Time Magazine

Political leaders often boast of inner steel. Imran Khan can point to three bullets dug out of his right leg. It was in November that a lone gunman opened fire on Khan during a rally, wounding the 70-year-old as well as several supporters, one fatally. “One bullet damaged a nerve so my foot is still recovering,” says the former Pakistani Prime Minister and onetime cricket icon. “I have a problem walking for too long.”

If the wound has slowed Khan, he doesn’t show it in a late-March Zoom interview. There is the same bushy mane, the easy laugh, prayer beads wrapped nonchalantly around his left wrist. But in the five years since our last conversation, something has changed. Power—or perhaps its forfeiture—has left its imprint. Following his ouster in a parliamentary no-confidence vote in April 2022, Khan has mobilized his diehard support base in a “jihad,” as he puts it, to demand snap elections, claiming he was unfairly toppled by a U.S.-sponsored plot. (The State Department has denied the allegations.)

The actual intrigue is purely Pakistani. Khan lost the backing of the country’s all-powerful military after he refused to endorse its choice to lead Pakistan’s intelligence services, known as ISI, because of his close relationship with the incumbent. When Khan belatedly greenlighted the new chief, the opposition sensed weakness and pounced with the no-confidence vote. Khan then took his outrage to the streets, with rallies crisscrossing the nation for months.

Photograph by Umar Nadeem for Time Magazine

“Imran Khan can communicate with all strata of society on their level,” says Shaheena Bhatti, 63, a professor of literature in Rawalpindi. “The other politicians are … not going to do anything for the country because they’re only in it for themselves.”

The November attack on Khan’s life only intensified the burning sense of injustice in members of his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf party, or PTI, who have since clashed with police in escalating street battles involving slingshots and tear gas. Although an avowed religious fanatic was arrested for the shooting, Khan continues to accuse an assortment of rival politicians of pulling the strings: incumbent Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif—brother of Khan’s longtime nemesis, former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif—as well as Interior Minister Rana Sanaullah and Major General Faisal Naseer. (All have denied the accusation.)

In addition to bullets, Khan has also been hit by charges—143 over the past 11 months, by his count, including corruption, sedition, blasphemy, and terrorism—which he claims have been concocted in an attempt to disqualify him from politics. After Sharif’s cabinet declared on March 20 that the PTI was “a gang of militants” whose “enmity against the state” could not be tolerated, police arrested hundreds of Khan supporters in raids.

“Either Imran Khan exists or we do,” Interior Minister Sanaullah said on March 26.

Pakistan sometimes seems to reside on a precipice. Its current political instability comes amid devastating floods, runaway inflation, and resurgent cross-border terrorist attacks from neighboring Afghanistan that together threaten the fabric of the nation of 230 million. It’s a country where rape and corruption are rife, and the economy hinges on unlocking a stalled IMF bailout, Pakistan’s 22nd since independence in 1947. Inflation soared in March to 47% year-over-year; the prices of staples such as onions rose by 228%, wheat by 120%, and cooking gas by 108%. Over the same period, the rupee has plummeted by 54%.

“Ten years ago, I earned 10,000 rupees a month [$100] and I wasn’t distressed,” says Muhammad Ghazanfer, a groundsman and gardener in Rawalpindi. “With this present wave of inflation, even though I now earn 25,000 [$90 today] I can’t make ends meet.” The world’s fifth most populous country has only $4.6 billion in foreign reserves—$20 per citizen. “If they default, and they can’t get oil, companies go bust, and people don’t have jobs, you would say this is a country ripe for a Bolshevik revolution,” says Cameron Munter, a former U.S. ambassador to Pakistan.

Police fired teargas to disperse the supporters of the former Prime Minister as they tried to arrest Khan in Lahore, Pakistan, on March 14. Hundreds of Tehrik-e-Insaf supporters clashed with riot police as they reached Khan's residence. Rahat Dar—EPA-EFE/Shutterstock

“Our economy has gone into a tailspin,” says Khan. “We now have the worst economic indicators in our history.” The situation threatens to send the nuclear-armed country deeper into China’s orbit. Yet sympathy is slim in a West put off by Khan’s years of anti-American bluster and cozying up to autocrats and extremists, including the Taliban. He calls autocratic Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan “my brother” and visited Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow on the eve of the Ukraine invasion, remarking on “so much excitement.” Khan can both repeatedly declare Osama bin Laden a “martyr” and praise Beijing’s confinement of China’s Uighur Muslim minority. He has obsessed on Joe Biden’s failure to call him after entering the White House. “He’s someone that is imbued with this incredibly strong sense of grievance,” says Michael Kugelman, the deputy director of the Asia Program at the Woodrow Wilson Center.

Yet Khan can legitimately claim to have democracy on his side, with poll numbers suggesting he is a shoo-in to return to power if the elections he demands happen. “His popularity has skyrocketed,” says Samina Yasmeen, director of the Centre for Muslim States and Societies at the University of Western Australia. “No matter what he says, even if it’s irrational, the reality is that people are angry and taken by his message.”

“Imran Khan is the best bet we have right now,” says Osama Rehman, 50, a telecommunications engineer in Islamabad. “If [he] is arrested or disqualified, people will come out onto the street.”

The state appears to flirt with the idea. Police raids on Khan’s home in the Punjab province capital of Lahore in early March left him choking on tear gas, he says, as supporters brandishing sticks battled police in riot gear before makeshift barricades of sandbags and iron rods. “This sort of crackdown has never taken place in Pakistan,” says Khan. “I don’t know even if it was as bad under martial law.”

After Khan left his compound to appear in court on March 18, traveling in an armored SUV strewn with flower petals and flanked by bodyguards, the police swooped in while his wife was home, he says, beating up servants and hauling the family cook off to jail. He claims another assassination attempt awaited inside the Islamabad Judicial Complex, which was “taken over by the intelligence agencies and paramilitary.”

Police arrested 61 supporters of former Prime Minister Imran Khan during a search operation near Khan’s residence, in Lahore, Pakistan, on March 18, 2023. K.M. Chaudary—AP

The confrontation could remain in the streets indefinitely. Prime Minister Sharif has rejected Khan’s demand for a snap election, saying polls would be held as scheduled in the fall. But “every narrative is being built up [for the government] to justify postponing the elections,” says Yasmeen. On March 22, Pakistan’s Election Commission delayed local balloting in Punjab, the country’s most populous province, from April 30 until Oct. 8.

“Political stability in Pakistan comes through elections,” Khan points out. “That is the starting point for economic recovery.” From the U.S. perspective, he may be far from the ideal choice to helm an impoverished, insurgency-racked Islamic state. But is he the only person that can hold the country together?

“Never has one man scared the establishment … as much as right now,” says Khan. “They worry about how to keep me out; the people how to get me back in.”

It’s indicative of Pakistan’s malaise that its most popular politician in decades sits barricaded at home. But the nation has always been beyond comparison—a wedge of South Asia that begins in the shimmering Arabian Gulf and ascends to its Himalayan heights. It’s the world’s largest Islamic state, though governed for half its history by men in olive-green uniforms, who continue to act as ultimate arbiters of power.

The only boy of five children, Khan was born Oct. 5, 1952 to an affluent Pashtun family in Lahore. He studied politics, philosophy, and economics at Oxford University, and it was in the U.K. that he first played cricket for Pakistan, at age 18. Britain’s sodden terrain also provided the backdrop to his political awakening.

“When I arrived in England our country had been ruled by a military dictator for 10 years; the powerful had one law, the others were basically not free human beings,” he says. “Rule of law actually liberates human beings, liberates potential. This was what I discovered.”

Khan in his Lahore residence on March 28. Umar Nadeem for Time Magazine

On the cricket pitch, Khan was a talisman who knitted together mercurial talents and journeymen into a cohesive whole, a team that overcame extraordinary odds to famously lift the Cricket World Cup in 1992. There were glimpses of these qualities when Khan rose to become Prime Minister: running on an anti-graft ticket, he fused a disparate band of students and workers, Islamic hard-liners, and the nation’s powerful military to derail the Sharif political juggernaut. His crowning achievement remains the Shaukat Khanum Cancer Hospital in Lahore, which he opened in 1994 in memory of his mother, who succumbed to the disease. It is the largest cancer hospital serving Pakistan’s impoverished, boosting Khan’s administrative credentials.

Khan spent 22 years in the political wilderness before his 2018 election triumph. But once in power, the self-styled bold reformer turned unnervingly divisive. Opposition is easier than government, and Khan found himself bereft of ideas and besieged by unsavory partners, even kowtowing to the now-banned far-right party Tehreek-e-Labbaik Pakistan despite its support for the extrajudicial killing of alleged blasphemers. There were some successes: Pakistan received praise for its handling of the pandemic, with deaths per capita just a third that of neighboring India. His “Ten Billion Tree Tsunami” reforestation drive was popular, as was the 2019 return of international test cricket, the most prestigious form of the game, following a terrorist attack on the Sri Lankan team and a decade-long hiatus.

Khan’s private life has rarely been out of the headlines. His first wife was British journalist and society heiress Jemima Khan, née Goldsmith, a close friend of Diana, Princess of Wales. She converted to Islam for their wedding, though the pair divorced in 2004 after nine years of marriage, and her family’s Jewish heritage was political dynamite. (The couple’s two sons live in London.) Khan’s second marriage to British-Pakistani journalist Reham Khan lasted nine months. According to a 1997 California court ruling, Khan also has one child, a daughter, born out of wedlock, and he’s struggled to quash gossip of several more. In 2018, six months before he took office, he married his current wife, Bushra Bibi Khan, a religious conservative who is believed to be the only Pakistan First Lady to wear the full-face niqab shawl in public.

Khan, left, lifts elder son Suleman while his ex-wife Jemima carries younger son Qasim during a march towards the U.N. offices in Islamabad in 1999. The Khans led some 100 demonstrators in an anti-Russian rally protesting against attacks in Chechnya. Reuters

It all fed Khan’s legend: the debonair playboy who grew devout; the privileged son who rails against the corrupt; the humanist who stands with the bloodthirsty. His youth was spent carousing with supermodels in London’s trendiest nightspots. But his politics has hardened as his handsome features have lined and leathered. He provoked outrage when in August 2021 he said the Taliban had “broken the shackles of slavery” by taking back power (he insists to TIME he was “taken out of context”) and has made various comments criticized as misogynistic. When asked about the drivers of sexual violence in Pakistan, he said, “If a woman is wearing very few clothes, it will have an impact on the men, unless they’re robots.” Khan has refused to condemn Putin’s invasion, insisting, like China, on remaining “neutral” and deflecting uncomfortable questions onto supposed double standards regarding India’s inroads into disputed Kashmir. “Morality in foreign policy is reserved for powerful countries,” he says with a shrug.

Khan in the 1992 Cricket World Cup. Pakistan won under Khan's captaincy this year. Fairfax Media

At the same time, Khan’s ideological flexibility has not stretched to compromises with opponents. He claims it was the military’s unwillingness to go after Pakistan’s influential “two families”—those of Sharif and the Bhutto clan of former Prime Ministers Zulfikar and Benazir—for alleged corruption that caused his relationship with the generals to fray. “If the ruling elite plunders your country and siphons off money, and you cannot hold them accountable, then that means there is no rule of law,” he says.

Yet analysts say that it was Khan’s relentless taunting of the U.S. that torpedoed his relationship with the military, which remains much more interested in retaining good relations with Washington. To journalists and supporters, he has accused the U.S. of imposing a “master-slave” relationship on Pakistan and of using it like “tissue paper.” To TIME, he insists that “criticizing U.S. foreign policy does not make you anti-American.” Still, by 2022, the generals no longer had his back. The common perception among Pakistan watchers is that Khan’s fleeting political success was owed to a Faustian pact with the nation’s military and extremist groups that shepherded his election victory and he is now reaping the whirlwind.

Cricket captain turned politician Imran Khan shakes hands with supporters during a rally in October 2002 in Shadi Khal, Pakistan. Paula Bronstein—Getty Images

He appears to relish in the perceived injustice, the walls closing in. On March 25, Khan addressed thousands of supporters in central Lahore from a bulletproof box above a green-and-red flag with the initials of his PTI emblazoned on a cricket bat—once Khan’s weapon of choice, though now he wields words with similar potency.

“I know you have decided you wouldn’t allow Imran Khan back in power,” he said. “That’s fine with me. But do you have a plan or know how to get the country out of the current crisis?”

If Pakistan’s economic woes are reaching a new nadir, the trajectory was established during Khan’s term. A revolving door of Finance Ministers was compounded by bowing to hardliners. (After appointing renowned Princeton economist Atif Mian as an adviser, Khan fired him just days later owing to a backlash from Islamists because Mian is an Ahmadi, a sect of Islam they consider heretics.) In 2018, Khan pledged not to follow previous administrations’ “begging bowl” tactics of foreign borrowing, in order to end Pakistan’s cycle of debt. But less than a year later, he struck a deal with the IMF to cut social and development spending while raising taxes in exchange for a $6 billion loan. Mismanagement exacerbated global headwinds from the pandemic and soaring oil prices.

Meanwhile, little was done to address Pakistan’s fundamental structural issues: few people pay tax, least of all the feudal landowners who control traditional low-added-value industries like sugar farms, textile mills, and agricultural interests while wielding huge political-patronage networks stemming from their workers’ votes. In 2021, only 2.5 million Pakistanis filed tax returns—less than 1% of the adult population. “People don’t pay tax, especially the rich elite,” says Khan. “They just siphon out money and launder it abroad.”

Instead, Pakistan has relied on foreign money to balance a budget and provide government services. The U.S. funneled nearly $78.3 billion to Pakistan from 1948 to 2016. But in 2018, President Trump ended the $300 million security assistance that the U.S. provided annually. Now Pakistan must shop around for new benefactors—chiefly Saudi Arabia, Russia, and China. When Khan visited Putin last February, it was to arrange cheap oil and wheat imports and discuss the $2.5 billion Pakistan Stream gas pipeline, which Moscow wants to build between Karachi and Kasur. More recently, China has stepped in. In early March, the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China approved a $1.3 billion loan rollover—a fiscal bandaid for a gaping wound.

Khan in his Lahore residence on March 28. Umar Nadeem for Time Magazine

But if Khan recognized the problem, he did little to solve it. After his election in 2018, he was in an uncommonly strong position with the backing of the military and progressives, as well as the tolerance of the Islamists. Now, with all the bad blood and open warfare among these factions, even if he claws his way back, “he’ll be in a weaker position to actually effect any reforms,” says Munter, the former U.S. ambassador, “if he had any reforms to begin with.”

When asked for his step-by-step plan to get Pakistan back on track, Khan is light on details. After elections, he says that a “completely new social contract” is required to enshrine power in political institutions, rather than the military. If the army chief “didn’t think corruption was that big a deal, then nothing happened,” Khan complains. “I was helpless.” But the path to this utopia remains murky. Asked how he plans to turn his much trumpeted Islamic Welfare State ideal into a reality, Khan talks about Medina under the Prophet and the social conscience of Northern Europeans. “Scandinavia is probably far closer to the Islamic ideal than any of the Muslim countries.”

But the military looms large in Pakistan partly because national security is a perennial issue. Many assumed that the newly returned Taliban would stamp out all cross-border attacks from Afghanistan. But Pakistan recorded the second largest increase in terrorism-related deaths worldwide in 2022, up 120% year-over-year. “It was Khan who was pushing for talks with [the Taliban] at all costs,” says Kugelman, of the Woodrow Wilson Center. “That embrace is now experiencing significant levels of blowback.”

That Pakistan is moving away from the U.S. and closer to Russia and China is a moot point; the bigger question is who actually wins from embracing Pakistan. The $65 billion China-Pakistan Economic Corridor was supposed to be the crown jewel in President Xi Jinping’s signature Belt and Road Initiative, linking China via roads, rail and pipeline to the Arabian Sea. But Gwadar Port is rusting and suicide bombers are taking aim at buses filled with Chinese workers. Loans are more regularly defaulted than paid. Today, even Iran looks like a more stable partner.

Ultimately, competition with Beijing defines American foreign policy today, meaning Washington prioritizes relations with Pakistan’s archnemesis India, which is a key partner in the Biden Administration’s Indo-Pacific Strategy to contain China. Toward that imperative, the White House turns a blind eye even to New Delhi’s continued close relationship with Putin. The U.S. kinship with India may mean Pakistan was always destined to move closer to China. But after the U.S. pulled out of Afghanistan, Pakistan is not the strategic lynchpin it once claimed to be—and memories are hardly fond; Pakistan secretly invested heavily in the Taliban. “Lots of Americans in Washington say we lost the war in Afghanistan because the Pakistanis stabbed us in the back,” says Munter.

What happens next? Many in Khan’s PTI suspect the current government may declare their party a terrorist organization or otherwise ban it from politics. Others believe that Pakistan’s escalating economic, political, and security turmoil may be used as grounds to postpone October’s general election. Ultimately, all sides are using the tools at their disposal to prevent their own demise: Khan wields popular protest and the banner of democracy; the government has the courts and security apparatus. Caught between the two, the people flounder. “There are no heroes here,” says Kugelman. “The entire political class and the military are to blame for the very troubled state the country finds itself in now.”

It’s a crisis that Khan still claims can be solved by elections, despite his broken relationship with the military. “The same people who tried to kill me are still sitting in power,” he says. “And they are petrified that if I got back [in] they would be held accountable. So they’re more dangerous.”

—With reporting by Hasan Ali/Islamabad

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reddyanna3322 · 5 days ago

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reddyanna987 · 7 days ago

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shanalitv · 7 days ago

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Who is the Most Richest Actress in Bollywood? Revealing Truth

Who is the Most Richest Actress in Bollywood? Revealing Truth - In the glittering world of Bollywood, where fame and fortune go hand in hand, one name stands out as the epitome of wealth and success - Juhi Chawla. The celebrated Indian actress, entrepreneur, and social activist has not only captivated audiences with her on-screen performances but has also amassed a staggering personal fortune, surpassing even the likes of renowned Bollywood icons such as Aishwarya Rai and Deepika Padukone.

Who is the Most Richest Actress in Bollywood? Revealing Truth

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But Juhi Chawla's success extends far beyond the silver screen. She has also established herself as a savvy businesswoman, co-owning an Indian Premier League (IPL) cricket team and engaging in various entrepreneurial ventures. This multifaceted approach to her career has allowed her to amass a staggering personal wealth, with the latest Rich List 2024 estimating her total net worth at a staggering 4,600 crore Indian rupees (approximately $600 million), surpassing even the most renowned Bollywood actresses. Chawla's recent comeback to the silver screen with the Netflix film "Friday Night Plan," co-starring Babil Khan, has further cemented her status as a force to be reckoned with in the industry. In a candid interview, she opened up about the challenges she faced at the start of her career, including the need to keep her marriage to businessman Javed Akhtar a secret to protect her burgeoning acting career. The loss of her mother during this time also took a heavy emotional toll, leaving Chawla grappling with the fear of losing everything, both professionally and personally. However, Chawla's resilience and determination shone through, as she navigated these obstacles and emerged stronger than ever, reclaiming her place in the spotlight and expanding her empire across various sectors. Her success story serves as an inspiration to aspiring actors and entrepreneurs alike, showcasing the power of perseverance and the ability to achieve remarkable feats in the face of adversity. As Juhi Chawla continues to captivate audiences and dominate the Bollywood rich list, her story is a testament to the transformative power of talent, hard work, and entrepreneurial spirit. This exclusive report on shanalitv.net delves into the extraordinary life and achievements of the reigning queen of Bollywood wealth, providing a glimpse into the remarkable journey of one of India's most celebrated and influential personalities. Read the full article

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tabileaks · 9 months ago

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news365timesindia · 8 days ago

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[ad_1] A snap from the interview A RevSportz Exclusive Sourav Ganguly is one of the best analysts of the sport. As captain and leader, he changed the face of Indian cricket. It was his 144 at The Gabba that defined the tour of Australia in 2003-4 and when Ganguly says, “Send Shami immediately to Australia”, it is something that will surely be taken note of. In this hour-long chat in the ground floor living room of his Behala residence, Ganguly opened up on all things Border-Gavaskar Trophy. Part 1 Excerpts: Boria: Shami has bowled 40-plus overs. He has picked up 7 wickets. After this, there aren’t any more Ranji Trophy games. Do you think he should be sent to Australia? Sourav: Absolutely. He must go. He doesn’t need to play the Syed Mushtaq Ali Trophy. He should do to Australia by the next flight. Go and bowl in the nets. Even if he doesn’t play in Perth, he will get to bowl and get ready. Boria: Without Shami, is this bowling underdone? Sourav: No. Little bit weakened, because [Jasprit] Bumrah, Shami, [Mohammed] Siraj is stronger than Bumrah, Siraj, and Prasidh [Krishna]. Definitely stronger. But fast bowlers do get injured, you cannot do anything about it. Mohammed Shami needs to be on the flight to Australia as soon as possible. Boria: India going in with a 0-3 series loss to New Zealand. How do you look at it? Can India compete? Sourav: I think for me, at the moment, India – Australia, India – England are two of the best series in world cricket. Obviously, the Ashes is there. But I think these two series will be keenly watched and going through the social media, through news and all, I can feel there is a lot of excitement in Australia. Rightfully so, for five Test matches. [Virat] Kohli and Rohit [Sharma] may not be going back to the country again after this. There is enough in this series. It is going to be a fascinating series, and I am looking forward to it. I wish I could be there to work on the series, but my other commitments are stopping me from doing it. It is going to be a great series, and I will be up in the morning to watch the action from Perth. I know it is not an early morning wake up time, not at 5:30 because of time differences, and that should help! India has a chance, of course. I know they did not play well against New Zealand, and they are responsible for it. They cannot play on such pitches. I have repeatedly said this. When you have the quality of [Ravichandran] Ashwin, [Ravindra] Jadeja, Kuldeep [Yadav], Axar [Patel], and Washington [Sundar], you do not need pitches which turn square because it takes the batting away. There has not been not a single 100 in that series, except the one by Sarfaraz [Khan] in Bangalore. That speaks volumes on how the surfaces played throughout the Test matches. And I say this repeatedly. I said this when I was captain, when Virat was captain, some of the pitches spun a lot. It takes the batting away. Batsmen lose confidence if they do not score runs game after game, and I think that is something which needs to be looked at. I have always said win Test matches in five days, not in three days. And with Ashwin and Jadeja, Test matches change very quickly on day three, day four, day five in India. It may look flat and nothing happening on day one, day two and then suddenly things start changing. That is what they should look at. Gautam [Gambhir] needs to make sure the pitches are better. They are a good side, and against Australia, it is going to be a fascinating series. A lot of people are saying they will be whitewashed, but I do not think so. The pitches will be better. EXCLUSIVE “If I was him, I’d play the Perth Test,” says Sourav Ganguly on Rohit Sharma. Ganguly believes that #RohitSharma will feature in the Perth Test.@ThumsUpOfficial @BoriaMajumdar @SGanguly99 @ImRo45 #SouravGanguly #AUSvsIND #BorderGavaskarTrophy2024 pic.twitter.com/Bj3vD5pXux — RevSportz Global (@RevSportzGlobal) November 16, 2024 Boria: Are you worried about the fragility in India’s batting?

Sourav: No, I do not think the batting is fragile. I personally believe from a career standpoint and also reputation-wise, it is a make-or-break series for [Shubman] Gill. I heard he is injured, and I hope he recovers quickly. For him and Yashasvi [Jaiswal], it is going to be a big series. I hope Rohit Sharma goes very soon. As a team, they need him. He has had a baby boy a couple of days ago. So, I am sure he can leave as early as possible and today is the 16th. If I was in his position, he should be playing the Perth Test. It is on 22nd, which is still almost a week away. Because it is a big series and maybe he will not go to Australia after this. He is a fantastic captain, and the team needs his leadership to start with. Boria: You were instrumental in making him Test captain at the time you were BCCI President, because he wasn’t keen initially. Sourav: Yeah, because he did not want to as he was captaining in every other format. So, there was a lot of workload anyway on him. But I do not believe in workload. Test captain of India will always be Test captain of India, and I told him so. I said do not finish your career not being Test captain of India. Boria: Tell me something. KL Rahul, what is his problem? Is it in the mind? Sourav: Yeah, confidence. He has to speak to himself. He has to speak to himself and say, just put everything behind. Ups and downs are part and parcel of sports. Confidence will go up and down. You have to bring it back by working hard in the nets. I know he has gone through a lot. Lucknow Super Giants have released him. I do not know whether they will buy him back in the auction. I am sure he will find a good team and get his worth in the IPL. But these things put pressure on players. In and out of the team, he is seeing young players play well in T20s. You see what they have done in South Africa. He has to change and cannot keep playing the same way and expect to be picked all the time, because somebody else will come and get picked. So, I think he has got to sit with himself and get away from everything, all his friends and family, team and IPL owners, auctions and self-discover. Look at the mirror and say, I need to play differently. I need to get tough inside and fight this period. He has got a fantastic 100 in South Africa last time round. He can score hundreds in these conditions. But the mind has to believe that, and the fight has to be there. Boria: If Rohit does not make it to the Perth, you would open with Rahul, because that is what Gautam indicated? Sourav: I think so, and play Dhruv Jurel in the middle. Boria: Gautam Gambhir – so much flak already after one series! Sourav: All I will say is let him be. I saw some criticism on what he said in the press conference. It is the way he is. Let him be. When he won the IPL, he was the same. You were going gaga over him. Just because he has lost three Test matches and a one-day series against Sri Lanka, the straight talk has not been looked at nicely. But that is the way he is. And why not? Australians, from the time I have watched cricket, they have been tough for you. They have played their cricket that way, whether it was [Steve] Waugh, [Ricky] Ponting or [Matthew] Hayden. So, there is nothing wrong with what Gambhir has said. That is the way he is, and he fights. He competes, so let us give him a chance. It has just been two-three months, and you are passing judgement on him. EXCLUSIVE “He should be on the flight to Australia” says Sourav Ganguly on Mohammed Shami@BoriaMajumdar @SGanguly99 @MdShami11 #SouravGanguly #AUSvsIND #BorderGavaskarTrophy2024 pic.twitter.com/iSaWzPmWvr — RevSportz Global (@RevSportzGlobal) November 16, 2024 Boria: The Australians have started already, and they will go after him. What is the problem if he says something? Sourav: No problem whatsoever. Let him say whatever he likes, for that will help him. Ultimately you have to go and play the game hard. That is the way it is, and it has happened for ages against Australian cricket teams.

That makes this series even more competitive and even more followed by people. So let it be. Let’s give Gambhir a chance. You have given him a job. In two months, you cannot pass a judgement on him. I know the next nine months, it will be very hard for him. Five Test matches in England. Champions Trophy. It will decide Gambhir. So, from my point of view, give him a chance and do not be too hard on him. Part 2 to follow. On Kohli, Rishabh Pant, Bumrah, India’s choice of spinner at Perth and more. The post “Let him say whatever he likes”: Sourav Ganguly says it’s far too early to judge Gautam Gambhir appeared first on Sports News Portal | Latest Sports Articles | Revsports. [ad_2] Source link

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