#El noi del Sucre | Explore Tumblr posts and blogs

sensitiveuser · 20 hours ago

Text

History of the Confederación Nacional del Trabajo: Madrid Congress (1919) and the question of the Bolshevik Revolution.

In 1919, the Madrid Congress defined the CNT as an anarchist union. Libertarian communism, a classless and stateless society, was the CNT's goal.

[However, I warn you: I I am writing to you under the influence of medication and a hangover after a Saturday night that was a bit too boozy. In addition, I have a fever and a bad migraine). If my post is poorly formulated, do not hesitate to criticize it, or to provide clarifications, I will not get angry^^.]

Since its foundation in 1910, the CNT, as a union organization, has often emphasized the autonomy of workers and the struggle for their emancipation, without necessarily conforming to an ideology that was "rigid." It was a matter of adapting to the needs and aspirations of workers, advocating a liberation of the proletariat that was more focused on direct action and solidarity than on pre-established dogmas. This approach can be seen as a way of promoting a more organic and participatory dynamic of social change. In the words of Simon Pierra Pagès, delegate of the Barcelona construction union, "Trade unionism, the workers' organization has only one mission and this mission is the resolution of the economic problem that we must resolve among workers." Eleuterio Quintanilla gave a similar speech. Both were considered moderates or even reformists !

Faced with Simon Pierra Pagès and Eleuterio Quintanilla, the true anarchists responded by taking the example of the Russian Revolution of 1917, and tried to engage the CNT beyond simple solidarity with it. They still saw in 1919, through the October Revolution, the very application of anarchist doctrine (two years before the crushing of the Kronstadt Commune).

Let us not forget that the Bolshevik Revolution of October 1917 was fully defended by the most radical anarchists of the CNT, including Hilario Arlandis (before he renounced anarchism and joined the Spanish Communist Party in 1921 !). The latter, during the Congress of Madrid, was a defender of the CNT's membership in the Comintern. What was happening in Russia corresponded to anarchism, and the dictatorship of the proletariat even became an essential element of the revolutionary process, for the establishment of communism. To quote him: "In the name of the anti-authoritarians that they are - and I am one of them since I have always been an anarchist - many comrades oppose the dictatorship of the proletariat, as they would not accept any dictatorship. And in fact freedom is incompatible with any coercion... But we are not only idealists... we are also realists (...) Thus, we are, as libertarians, against any dictatorship, but concretely speaking, we must accept, because it is a necessity in the society in which we live, violence, while we are pacifists; we must accept the class dictatorship although we are libertarians." Note that Hilario Arlandis was not the only one to defend this idea; Eusebio Carbo declared: "We reject the reason of State... All the principles of coercion deny the very principle of freedom, and we can never say it enough. But does this mean that we are enemies of the dictatorship? From the point of view of principles, yes; from the point of view of current reality, no. We justify the dictatorship, we admire the dictatorship, we wait impatiently for the dictatorship to arrive... We will sing it, love it if it serves to establish the empire of justice in the world; for this we admire and love the dictatorship of the proletariat." Thus, for most Spanish anarchists, the dictatorship of the proletariat represented a "necessary evil" that was only to be temporary...

The supporters of revolutionary syndicalism, notably Salvador Segui (El Noi del Sucre - because he was a big sugar eater...), were often animated by convictions that pushed them to defend their ideals in the face of the Bolshevik revolution. Their commitment to their principles led them to be critical and not to be carried away solely by the enthusiasm generated by radical changes, even if they could feel some sympathy for these revolutions.

Eleuterio Quintanilla made a long speech that also referred to the dictatorship of the proletariat. He based himself on his conception, which was in fact more syndicalist than spontaneist anarchist. He did not accept the dictatorship of the proletariat, and wondered if the dictatorship of the Russian proletariat corresponded to "our libertarian conception, our federalist, internationalist conception, of what dictatorship should be? No, the Russian dictatorship constitutes for us a serious danger that, if it is not within our power to combat it, we cannot applaud. Dictatorship in the hands of a government, even if it is revolutionary, is always a danger for the revolutionaries themselves. So, for us, it is the unions that must conceive and create the dictatorship and it is the armed unions that must constitute the guard of the revolution", "Since the Russian revolution does not offer a healthy example of a true popular dictatorship, but an example of a governmental dictatorship, of a state dictatorship, we must reaffirm that this dictatorship does not represent our ideal and that we cannot share it. The dangers that it entails are too great, of a scope that we certainly cannot foresee, but of which we can be sure." Such is Quintanilla's speech, which did not prevent the more or less solid theoretical edifice of Spanish anarchism from being shaken by the apparent success of the Russian revolution and the effectiveness of the Bolsheviks in their attempt to seize power, with the aim of putting an end to capitalism and tsarist autocracy.

One of the main questions to be addressed was that of the CNT's adhesion to the Third International. After returning to the principles and affirming that the finality pursued by the Confederation in Spain is libertarian communism, the Congress of Madrid specified its definition: "socialization of the land and the instruments of production and exchange" and the disappearance of the absorbing power of the State. The CNT reaffirmed its refusal to participate in the joint commissions with the bosses and the authorities, which the Spanish government had just created to regulate what could be regulated and reduce the tension after the lockout policy followed by the bosses. It should be noted that this notion was not always respected since certain leaders, including Salvador Segui, did not deprive themselves of participating in certain sessions of these commissions. On the question of the unification of the proletariat, two camps were formed. The trade unionists, such as Salvador Segui, wanted a rapprochement between the CNT and the UGT (reformist) based on common struggles. The anarchists wanted the unions to merge into the CNT. The UGT, loyal to the PSOE, refused any unity of action.

The debate on the CNT’s membership in the Communist International relaunched the debate on the nature of the Bolshevik revolution. Later the question arose of membership in the Red Syndicalist International (Profintern, founded in 1921 via the Moscow Congress in which Andres Nin and Angel Pestana participated in particular). Two reports were proposed to the delegates, the first on support for the Russian revolution, the second on new international organizations and the creation of an international relations committee within the national committee of the CNT.

The first report affirmed the profound identity of the ideals of the CNT and those of the Bolshevik revolution which abolished class and caste privileges, gave power to the proletariat, so that the proletariat could access the happiness and well-being to which it had an indisputable right, and established the dictatorship of the transitional proletariat in order to ensure the conquest of the revolution. The CNT was thus to declare its unconditional solidarity with the new political course in Russia.

The second report rejected any possible membership of the Comintern and proposed to create a new international body by convening a congress in Spain. This may have seemed vague. However, as Antonio Bar noted, this motion reflected the ideological differences that separated the Comintern and the CNT and, within the CNT, its different currents: "Considering finally that the revolutionary methods of struggle of the Third International as well as its ultimate objectives are fundamentally opposed to the anti-authoritarian and decentralizing ideal that the CNT proclaims its own, the latter considers that it is necessary to proceed with the convocation in Spain of the International Congress (...) so that it, after having examined the situation of the world proletariat, helps to constitute a purely revolutionary syndicalist International, whose end will be the implantation of libertarian communism." It was "surprising" because the tone of the Congress was favorable to the Russian Revolution. Even Manuel Buenacasa, an "admirer" of Malatesta, affirmed: "We, who are enemies of the State as we have always demonstrated, understand the Russian Revolution because it is a true revolution that transformed the economy. And to put it better, the fact that this revolution gave the proletariat power, the instruments of production and the land must also interest us." The delegation of the Valencian metallurgy considered that the main contribution of the Bolsheviks was precisely to have made the seeds of a true revolution germinate.

On the subject of the CNT's adhesion to the Communist International, another intervention that should not be forgotten was that of Salvador Segui, for whom the lack of preparation of the working class to assume (and lead) the revolutionary process was a problem in Russia. The Communist Party was not really a class organization according to him. In the conferences he had given before the Congress, he had always preferred to insist on the need to educate the proletariat as a whole. At the Madrid Congress, he did not speak out in favor of the dictatorship of the proletariat, considering it a sign of weakness of the Russian people, of its inability to lead the primarily economic process of transformation of society, and of a tyranny. Nevertheless, he defended the project of the CNT entering the Communist International, considering that "we cannot remain far from our comrades, from the workers of the rest of the world."

The delegates of the Barcelona coachbuilders' union expressed their opposition to the Congress' proclamation making the Russian Revolution the ideal of revolutionary syndicalism. This delegation pointed out that the Russian Revolution was based on Marxist principles and that the syndicalist principle was based on a Bakuninist principle. The Madrid toy industry union also went in the same direction and concluded: "We are also in favour of joining the International, but will they admit us ?".

All these objections, however, remained negligible compared to the undeniable enthusiasm shown by the majority of the Congress. Although Eleuterio Quintanilla reaffirmed that the principles of the CNT did not correspond to those of the Bolsheviks. First, the October Revolution had not been the work of the unions but of the Communist Party. According to Quintanilla, the Russian Revolution corresponded to a conception of the Marxist revolution considered centralist and diverted from the true direction of the true Revolution. Quintanilla considered that the revolution had to go beyond these limits, rejecting the narrow control of a party, even if it was revolutionary and avant-garde. The revolution had to involve the definitive and effective intervention of the people and popular representation in the revolutionary movement and this could only be done through the organism that the working class had built over the years, the trade union. The Revolution could only be a syndicalist revolution. Quintanilla's arguments against joining the Third International were similar. He rejected this new organization composed of fractions from the socialist parties of all Europe.

Quintanilla did not win the majority of the congress, given his positions. However, he had sown doubt... This seed had as its future fruit the libertarian critique of Leninism realized in Russia. On December 17, 1919, the CNT declared that, while remaining faithful to the principles of the First International supported by Bakunin, it provisionally adhered to the Third International, due to its revolutionary character until the international congress was organized in Spain and the true Workers' International emerged.

After the congress, the CNT sent a delegation to Russia. At the same time, the situation in Spain worsened, with an increased government and employer offensive (pistoleros) against the unions. This was the beginning of one of the worst periods of repression of the Spanish workers' movement, which did not allow for organizational refinements. After some incredible episodes, Angel Pestana, who had not been designated for this mission, was in fact the only CNT leader to make this information trip. He managed to reach Moscow in June 1920, and attended the Second Congress of the Third International, which took place from July 23 to August 7, as a representative of the Confederation. There he met the envoys of the Spanish Socialist Workers Party faction that sympathized with the Russian revolution, as well as Ramon Merino Garcia, who represented the new Spanish Communist Party. He also took part in the preparatory meetings for the creation of the Red Trade Union International (Profintern). He returned to Spain in September and was arrested before he could give his opinion on what he had seen and understood.

Angel Pestana wrote his memoir in the Modelo prison in Barcelona and it was not until November 1921 that he sent it to his comrades. And it was only in a second text dated March 1922, a supplement to the first, that he detailed his personal impressions of his stay in Russia, criticizing almost all aspects of the revolutionary process that was underway there. Because of this delay, it was not thanks to Pestana that the CNT's attitude towards the Soviet revolution changed completely. Other news from the so-called country of the Soviets had already reached Spain. The definitive turning point came at the national conference held in 1922 in Zaragoza.

Sources :

Cesar Martinez-Lorenzo - Spanish anarchists and power (1868-1969)

José Peirats - A revolution for horizon: the Spanish anarcho-syndicalists

Antonio Bar - La CNT en los anos rojos. Del sindicalismo revolucionario al anarcosindicalismo (1910-1926). -< To make me work on my Spanish !

#anarchism #anarcho syndicalism #anarchocommunism #history #20th century #spain #spanish history

0 notes

z0py666 · 6 months ago

Text

M da pura risa k sientan la necesidad de validarse tanto ante un "pulento el compañerismo" jajdhskkdjdj Weas de """anarkos"""+frenteamplistas

En mis tiempos, tomar el camino negro tenia como consecuencia adoptar una batería de valores. Hoy, la individualidad en pos de la comunidad, la empatia, la solidaridad y la consecuencua no valen nada

#Spotify

0 notes

fortunetellersdilettante · 6 months ago

Text

shēnyè ， zài hēi ànzhōng wánshuǎ gēcí dàyì ： zàiwǒ de huáibào zhōng xǐnglái gēcí dàyì ：nánhái， nǐhuì yǒngyuǎn zàiwǒxīnzhōng （ zàiwǒxīnzhōng ，ò，bǎobèi） wǒzhǐshì gēnjù jīngyàn shuō méiyǒushénme néng bǐdé shàngnǐ de chūliàn suǒyǐ wǒxīwàng zhè huìtí xǐngnǐ dāngtā shìzhēnde ， tāshì yǒnghéng de suǒyǐ búyào wàngjì wǒmen dāngnǐ xū yàowǒ shí nǐzhǐ shìyào qiúwǒ zàinàli （ènèn） ér nǐshì wéiyīde shuí ràngwǒ pǎolái gēcí dàyì ： yīnwéinǐ dédào le shénme yuǎn chāorén néngbǐ ， āiyā tā jiùxiàng fēngmì （shìde） dāngnǐ deài （dāngnǐdeài） lái dàowǒ （comesoverme） ò ，bǎobèi， wǒyǒu yīlài zǒngshì chuàn qǐlái zài chángyīcháng nǐde fēngmì （ō） dāngtā chōngshuā wǒ shí ， tā jiùxiàng fēngmì yíyàng nǐzhīdào táng cóngláiméiyǒu zhème tián guò wǒ wéinǐ érsǐ Cryingforya（kūqì） wǒàinǐ nǐài de yìjī yǐngxiǎng le wǒ （shìde） wǒ bèinǐ shùfùzhù le ， qīnàide nǐ méikàndào （měiwǎn） měiyìtiān hēiyè ， wǒdōu pòbùjídài zài chángyīcháng fēngmì ō， wǒ bùnéng nányǐzhuōmō withyouhoney（wǒxǐhuānnàgè） yīnwéi zhèshì kěndìng de深夜，在黑暗中玩耍歌词大意：在我的怀抱中醒来歌词大意：男孩，你会永远在我心中（在我心中，哦，宝贝）我只是根据经验说没有什么能比得上你的初恋所以我希望这会提醒你当它是真的，它是永恒的所以不要忘记我们当你需要我时你只是要求我在那里（嗯嗯）而你是唯一的谁让我跑来歌词大意：因为你得到了什么远超人能比，哎呀它就像蜂蜜（是的）当你的爱（当你的爱）来到我（comes over me）哦，宝贝，我有依赖总是串起来再尝一尝你的蜂蜜（噢）当它冲刷我时，它就像蜂蜜一样你知道糖从来没有这么甜过我为你而死 Crying for ya （哭泣）我爱你你爱的一击影响了我（是的）我被你束缚住了，亲爱的你没看到（每晚）每一天黑夜，我都迫不及待再尝一尝蜂蜜噢，我不能难以捉摸 with you honey （我喜欢那个）因为这是肯定的

夜深,暗中戏歌词大意: 在我怀抱中歌词大意: 男,君长在我心 (在我心,於彼宝贝) 余但以经验言之莫如初所以我希望这会提醒你当其真,其常也故无相忘当汝须我时唯唯( 而子唯一谁教我走来歌词大意: 因君所得远超人比,呜呼! 如蜜(然) 子之爱 (子之爱) 至于我 (comes over me) 宝贝,我有赖辄贯之再尝君蜜(呜呼) 当其刷我时,其如蜜也汝知糖从来无此甜过吾为子死之 Crying for ya (泣) 我爱汝爱君一击动我() 我被你束缚,亲爱的君不见(每夕) 每一日夜,吾不可待再尝尝蜜呜呼!吾不能测 with you honey (吾爱之) 必也

देर रतिहा अंजोर म प्लेइन' होवत हाबे। अउ मोर बांह के भीतरी जाग जाथे। लइका तको हमेसा मोर दिल म रइही अउ (मोर मन म रइही, ओह, बबुआ) ए मउका म सिरिफ अनुभव ले बोलत हे। तुँहर पहिली सच्चा प्रेम ले कोनो भी चीज के तुलना नइ करे जा सकय। त उहें उम्मीद हवय कि एखर ले आप मन ल सुरता होही । जब ए ह वास्तविक बर होही त सदा बर होवत हे। अइसन म हमन ल नइ भूलय। जब तको मोला चाही। तभो ले सिरिफ उहां रेहे बर कहे (उह हुह) । अ उ अ उ अ उ अ उ अ जेन मोला दउड़त आत हावय। 'काबर के तको जेन मिले हावय। तुलना ले बहुत परे हावय, ऊह अऊ ए ह शहद जइसन ही हवय (हां) जब तुँहर प्रेम (जब तुँहर प्यार) मोर उपर आथे (मोर उपर आथे) अरे बबुआ मोला निर्भरता मिल गे हावय। हमेशा गला घोंटत रिहिस। अपन शहद के एक अउ स्वाद के खातिर (ऊह) मोर उपर धोये म शहद जइसे होथे। तको पता हावय शक्कर कभू अतका मीठा नइ रिहिस। अ उ म या बर मउत होवत हवय । या बर रोवत (रोना) म लव या हवय । तुँहर प्रेम के एक हिट ह मोला प्रभावित करिन (हां) अऊ मैं तको गला घोंटत हावं, डार्लिंग। नइ देखत हावय (हर रात) हर रात अउ दिन म मुश्किल ले इंतजार कर सकत हावं। शहद के एक अउ स्वाद के खातिर अरे मैं तको शहद के संग मायावी नइ हो सकत (मोला वो पसंद हावय) 'काबर कि ए ह निश्चित हवय ।

A les nits, jugant a la foscor I despertar-me dins dels meus braços Noi, sempre estaràs en el meu cor i (Estigueu al meu cor, oh, nena) Només estic parlant per experiència Res es pot comparar amb el teu primer amor veritable Així que espero que això us recordi Quan és real, és per sempre Així que no t'oblidis de nosaltres Quan em vulguis Simplement em demanes que hi sigui (uh huh) I tu ets l'únic Qui em fa venir corrent Perquè el que tens És molt incomparable, ooh I és com la mel (sí) Quan el teu amor (quan el teu amor) ve sobre mi (ve sobre mi) Oh, nena, tinc una dependència Sempre enfilat Per un altre tast de la teva mel (ooh) És com la mel quan m'envaeix Saps que el sucre mai va ser tan dolç I em moro per tu Plorant per tu (plorant) T'estimo Un cop del teu amor em va afectar (sí) I estic enganxat a tu, estimada No veus (cada nit) Cada nit i dia no puc esperar Per un altre tast de mel Oh, no puc ser esquiu amb tu mel (m'agrada) Perquè és segur

0 notes

josemimontalban · 2 years ago

Photo

En diciembre de 1919, la plaza de toros de Barcelona era un mar obrero en el que se concentraron más de 20.000 trabajadores que debían decidir la continuidad o no de una huelga general que marcó la historia laboral española, la de La Canadenca. En aquel acto Salvador Seguí Rubinat, secretario general de la CNT logró convencer a los trabajadores respecto que lo que habían conseguido era una victoria y que debían prepararse para el siguiente movimiento. Acababan de lograr, entre otras reivindicaciones, la jornada laboral de ocho horas. Aquella magnífica capacidad de oratoria y el ascendente que demostró con los trabajadores, siendo elogiado incluso por figuras conservadoras como Eugeni d’Ors, sirvió para forjar la figura legendaria en la que se convirtió el líder anarcosindicalista al que todo el mundo conocía como 'El Noi del Sucre'. Tal fue la evolución social y la representación laboral que atesoró Seguí, un pintor de brocha nacido en Tornabous, Lleida, que se convirtió en el líder obrero más carismático y todo un problema para la patronal, que no dudó en disponer de los servicios de varios pistoleros de los que tenían a sueldo para que acabasen con la vida del sindicalista que tantos dolores de cabeza les ocasionaba. Su asesinato a tiros, junto a su compañero Francesc Comas Peronas, en el barrio del Raval, el 10 marzo de 1923, desató una verdadera guerra social y obrera entre una patronal explotadora, corrupta y sin escrúpulos, y unos sindicatos mayoritariamente revolucionarios bajo el paraguas anarquista de una todopoderosa CNT con cerca de 800.000 afiliados –la segunda organización obrera del país, UGT tenía 240.000–. Aquel enfrentamiento dejó casi 400 muertos, la inmensa mayoría, obreros. El asesinato de Salvador Seguí, paralizó la ciudad durante más de una semana. Por orden gubernamental su entierro la fecha y hora de su sepelio se mantuvo en secreto, para evitar disturbios, pero esto no impidió que el de Paronas fuera masivo para homenajear en él también a 'El Noi del Sucre', víctima obrera de la España de los de siempre. Porque puede existir el perdón, pero jamás el olvido. Loa a Seguí y Comas. https://www.instagram.com/p/CpyTtWeIrhu/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

1 note · View note

einsamkeit-18 · 9 months ago

Text

#Spotify

0 notes

b0ringasfuck · 4 years ago

Video

youtube

#14th #March #2021 #March 14th 2021 #resistire #los muertos de cristo #el noi del sucre

1 note · View note

plagiarmola · 2 years ago

Text

(Esp) Entre nosotros no toleramos los prestigios. Salvador Seguí, "El Noi Del Sucre". Hoy 10, de Marzo, hace 100 años del asesinato de Salvador Seguí, sindicalista español que fue Secretario General de la CNT. Y que fue asesinado por pistoleros contratados por los grandes empresarios y terratenientes catalanes.

(Eng) Between us we do not tolerate prestige. Salvador Seguí, "The sugar boy". Today, March 10, 100 years ago the assassination of Salvador Seguí, a Spanish trade unionist who was General Secretary of the CNT. And that he was murdered by gunmen hired by Catalan businessmen.

2 notes · View notes

scarlet-void · 4 years ago

Photo

time to set fire to the old world! | a Jason Todd fanmix (→ listen) Let the punishment fit the crime! —————————————————————————————————- | 01. The Economy is Suffering (Let It Die) - Anti-Flag | 02. Angry, Young and Poor - Anti-Flag | 03. Revolution - The Cult | 04. Lifetime of Rebellion - Against All Authority | 05. Burn - Against Me! | 06. You’re Already Dead - Crass | 07. Turn Your Back On Me - Bad Religion | 08. Winds of Freedom - Brunuhville | 09. Revolution - Bob Marley & The Wailers | 10. Bells of Freedom - Bon Jovi | 11. Burning Bridges - Against Me! | 12. Rebelde con causa - El Noi del Sucre | 13. Township Rebellion- Rage Against the Machine | 14. Canto a la rebelión - Swans | 15. Massive Star At The End Of Its Burning Cycle - 65daysofstatic

#jason todd #punk #punk rock #ska #anarchism #anarchy #batman #red hood #8tracks

13 notes · View notes

fortunetellersdilettante · 6 months ago

Text

cusney noshchi, igraeiki vieu tamnoto. i sie subuzhda vieu ratsete my. momce, te vinagi shche budash vieu sartzeto my i (buddy vieu sartzeto my, o, skupa) govorya samo ot opit nishcho nay mozhe da sie sravni s parvata te istinska lyubov. taka che sie nadyavam tova da vy napomni kogato a istinsky, tova a zavinagi. taka che nay zabravyayte za nas kogato may iskash. prosto may molish da budd tam. i te si edinstveniate, koi may kara da ticham. zashchyoto tova, coeto imash, dalec a nesravnimo, o, i a toczno kato med (da) kogato tvoyata lyubov (kogato tvoyata lyubov) doide vrkhu main (idva nad main) o, skupa, imam zavisimost. vinagi nanisana za osce yedin vkus na vashiya med (oo) kato med, kogato may zaliva. znayesh, che zakharta nikoga nay a bila tolkova sladka i umiram za teb. placa za teb (placei) obicam te. yedin udar na tvoyata lyubov may zasegna (da) i az sum nanizan vrkhu teb, skupa. nay vyzdas lee (vsyaka vecher) vsyaka noshch i den nyamam trpenie za osce yedin vkus na med o, nay moga da budd neulovim s teb, skupa (kharesva my tova) zashchyoto a sigurno.

深夜，在黑暗中玩耍歌詞大意：在我的懷抱中醒來歌詞大意：男孩，你會永遠喺我心中（在我心中，哦，寶貝）我只係根據經驗講冇乜嘢能比得上你嘅初戀所以我希望這會提醒你当它係真嘅，佢係永恒嘅所以唔好忘記我哋当你需要我時你只係要求我喺嗰度（嗯嗯）而你係唯一嘅邊個畀我跑嚟歌詞大意：因為你得到咗乜嘢遠超人能比，哎呀它就好似蜂蜜（是的）當你的愛（當你的愛）來到我（comes over me）哦，寶貝，我有依賴成日串起來再嘗一嘗你的蜂蜜（噢）当它沖刷我時，它就蜂蜜噉你知糖從來冇咁甜過我為你而死 Crying for ya （哭泣）我愛你你愛的一擊影響了我（是的）我畀你束縛住咗，親愛的你未見到（每晚）每一日黑夜，我都廹不及待再嘗一嘗蜂蜜噢，我唔可以難以捉摸with you honey （我鍾意嗰個）因為這是肯定的

Късни нощи, играейки в тъмното. И се събужда в ръцете ми. Момче, ти винаги ще бъдеш в сърцето ми и (Бъди в сърцето ми, о, скъпа) Говоря само от опит Нищо не може да се сравни с първата ти истинска любов. Така че се надявам това да ви напомни Когато е истински, това е завинаги. Така че не забравяйте за нас Когато ме искаш. Просто ме молиш да бъда там. И ти си единственият, Кой ме кара да тичам. Защото това, което имаш, Далеч е несравнимо, о, И е точно като мед (да) Когато твоята любов (когато твоята любов) дойде върху мен (идва над мен) О, скъпа, имам зависимост. Винаги нанизана За още един вкус на вашия мед (ооо) Като мед, когато ме залива. Знаеш, че захарта никога не е била толкова сладка И умирам за теб. Плача за теб (плачей) Обичам те. Един удар на твоята любов ме засегна (да) И аз съм нанизан върху теб, скъпа. Не виждаш ли (всяка вечер) Всяка нощ и ден нямам търпение За още един вкус на мед О, не мога да бъда неуловим с теб, скъпа (харесва ми това) Защото е сигурно.

0 notes