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digitalcommunitiesphamphuonglinh · 10 months ago

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// Week 4: Reality TV //

Exploring the Complexities of Reality Television: Audience Engagement, Emotional Involvement, and Cultural Interpretations

Currently, there is perhaps no other type of programming as varied or contentious as "reality television (RT)," a word that is both alluring and deceptive. The absence of a structured script and the utilisation of cinéma verité, with its "you are there" approach, can create the impression that we are not mere spectators but rather voyeurs, peering into the private lives of "real individuals" (not performers) or famous personalities in their unscripted and intimate moments at home, work, or while on the move. Disregard the fact that these programmes, despite being unscripted, are still meticulously planned and organised, with narrative structures and specific focal points that are often determined during the editing process rather than in real-time or physical settings. Cognitively, one may acknowledge that these processes have transformed illusion into reality, nevertheless, regardless of this fact, many individuals still derive pleasure from seeing, and in doing so, they can become captivated.

Audiences are engaged in an active manner as they consciously choose media content that they perceive will fulfil their desired gratifications. Hence, the act of observing motives can forecast behaviour (Perse 1990). Reality show viewers might become highly engaged with the programmes due to the suspenseful nature of the unfolding events, the novelty of the situations, and the opportunity to voyeuristically observe the lives of others (Hall 2006).

One characteristic that sets reality television apart from other forms of television is that it allows viewers to experience the "real" world by observing the struggles and difficulties that other people go through. For this reason, members of the audience not only get cognitively connected with the programmes, but they also become emotionally involved with them. A wide range of feelings, including happiness and contentment, as well as irritation and rage, are associated with emotional involvement, according to Godlewski and Perse (2010). In a study conducted by Nabi et al. (2006), it was discovered that experiencing feelings of happiness, surprise, and relief when watching reality shows led to increased enjoyment, whilst experiencing feelings of anger led to decreased enjoyment.

Certain shows may appeal to different psychological requirements, even though watching reality television is mainly about status. For instance, “Temptation Island” depicts infidelity, which may appeal to individuals who place a higher value on expediency (low honour) than they do on maintaining morality. According to Reiss and Wiltz (2004), “Survivor” is characterised by a more competitive premise, which may be appealing to individuals who place a high importance on retribution.

Interpretations of RT vary across nations, reflecting distinct political and cultural landscapes. This is due, in part, to the fact that these variations reflect vastly different national political climates: in the United States, for example, where diversity and inequality are most visibly present, in South Korea, where these concepts are relatively new, and in China, where a more inward-looking ethic of reverence for convention and commonality is being combined with Sinocentric globalism. Put simply, another explanation could be that the programmes in question vary significantly among the three countries, and these differences are a reflection of fundamental cultural distinctions, despite the programmes appearing to have the same subject matter, subgenre, or even being based on the same format or formula (Rao, Lee & Dressman 2023).

Unravelling Paradoxes in Reality Television Consumption: Insights on Audience Engagement and Authenticity"

Nabi et al. (2003) discovered that curiosity, particularly the need for cognitive stimulation, did not have a significant impact on the consumption of reality television. In addition, they found no association between curiosity and the viewership of reality TV. Furthermore, they refuted the idea that voyeurism, defined as "gaining a glimpse," acts as a driving force for participating in reality television. In response to Reiss and Havercamp's (1998) suggestion that voyeurism may be a driving force behind one or more of the 16 fundamental aims, the researchers chose not to explore voyeurism any further, as they considered it to be neither essential nor inherently desirable. Nabi et al.(2003) discovered a moderate association between the spontaneous quality of reality shows and impulsivity. Nevertheless, it was made clear that impulsive behaviour is not a universally or fundamentally driven behaviour, but rather a characteristic of one's personality. On the other hand, flexibility can be classified as a tendency towards a lesser inclination for order. Significantly, they discovered a slight link between the sequence of events and the number of viewers, indicating that even though these presentations are not scripted, the existence of regulations has a favourable impact on viewer involvement, contradicting the assumptions made by Nabi et al (2003).

Furthermore, research reveals the crucial significance of paradox in the active engagement of reality television consumers in the pursuit of authenticity. This contribution holds great significance for two primary reasons. Our findings contradict the commonly accepted idea, proposed by Trilling (1972) and supported in the consumer research literature by Grayson and Shulman (2000), that authenticity depends on a judgement of genuineness. Although a certain degree of connection to personal experiences has a beneficial impact on how viewers perceive authenticity in reality TV, these perceptions do not always match a model of authenticity that is entirely based on the authenticity of the show's aspects. Viewers exhibit an equal inclination to appreciate artifice or imagination in creating a genuinely fulfilling experience, in addition to links to their reality. Therefore, the presence of indexicality in the realm of reality television programming is identified as a crucial element in determining viewer involvement, but it is not enough to ensure a conclusive assessment of genuine authenticity. Furthermore, our data indicates that the favourable assessment of authenticity is a subtle evaluation that depends on the management of contradictory programme features. The level of admiration given to a reality television programme depends on the viewer's ability to reconcile paradoxes related to identification (such as attractive individuals versus individuals similar to oneself), situation (shared objectives versus unusual settings), and production (unrehearsed versus deliberate manipulation).

In addition, Hájek, Frantál, and Simbartlová (2021) conduct a thorough investigation on the perceived appropriateness of systematically shaming or mocking regular individuals in popular reality TV programmes. Reality television showcases a prominent feature: the combination of structured and spontaneous actions. The dualism is exemplified by the differentiation between ritualised and situational shame, which can occasionally become indistinct. The ritualistic aspect of shaming in reality TV is evident in its organised settings, which include unusual scenarios, assigned roles, the framing of shared ideals, and emotionally structured storylines. Contrary to conventional forms of public humiliation, reality TV aims to amuse audiences rather than reveal the contestants' flawed identities or help them grow or be replaced, even if certain shows claim otherwise. Significantly, participants are aware of this specific organisational structure and use it as a valuable asset to enhance their performance. Although hosts primarily take advantage of this element, other participants also interact with it, occasionally recognising the show's entertaining nature through actions like waving to viewers or expressing discontent with the show's seriousness. They may even break the fourth wall by briefly looking at the camera.

The Evolution of Intimacy in Dating Reality TV Shows: A Cultural and Societal Perspective

The emergence of dating reality TV programmes (DRTS) has provided us with a widespread yet personal means of seeing the progression of emotional closeness. The audience is presented with a modified and idealised portrayal of relationships, which they perceive as authentic, flawless, and above all, desired (Boateng 2023). In addition, DRTS (Dating Reality TV Shows), like "Love Is Blind", employ reunion episodes to illustrate the viewer's intended interpretation of the acts and behaviours exhibited by the participants, once again aiming to persuade us of the authenticity and relatability of these relationships. Consequently, intimacy has shifted from being limited to local and intimate interactions between spouses to being a global and individual experience that is shared with the world. This has led to the emergence of two indistinguishable truths and has turned intimacy into a form of entertainment that can be commodified. As a result, we incorporate and assimilate the knowledge provided on DRTS into our own lives and societal frameworks.

DRTS is positioned as a comprehensive resource that assists us in obtaining our most coveted desires, including intimacy. As our exposure to DRTS increases, we gradually assimilate the information and form mental impressions, leading us to believe that to achieve our objectives, we must adhere to the guidance presented to us. According to Peek and Beresin (2015), repeated exposure to something increases our tendency to see it as true. This study not only predicts the presence of ritualistic motivations but also forecasts the extent of television reliance. When viewing DRTS, we are consistently presented with the notion that love will triumph over any difficulties we encounter. This embodies an aspiration that resonates with numerous individuals since we all yearn for affection and closeness to cultivate a meaningful existence. Therefore, Dynamic Real-Time Shows (DRTS) capitalise on this human storytelling element by producing programmes that accurately reflect our genuine aspirations and are accessible to us at any time through streaming platforms such as Netflix.

Regarding Netflix's television programmes, let's briefly discuss "Love is Blind". This DRTS blurs the line between reality and television by centring on a universal message - the search for enduring love - that resonates with individuals of all ages, races, ethnicities, genders, and socioeconomic backgrounds. While viewing the show, we are confronted with the participants' most personal experiences, such as becoming engaged, as well as their most distressing ones, such as facing rejection. Consequently, their path becomes relatable, and we begin to support their quest for love, while also analysing their successes and failures, and drawing parallels between their behaviour and our own, to enhance our behaviour. Put simply, "Love Is Blind" has turned intimacy into a commodity. The portrayal of love in this context has emphasised the use of hyperreality and abstract concepts, rather than depicting it realistically. This has resulted in a shift in the perception of intimacy, making it more prominent and significant than what is considered natural (Boateng 2023).

Conclusion

Ultimately, the realm of reality television, specifically dating reality TV programmes (DRTS), demonstrates an intricate interaction between viewer participation, emotional investment, cultural analysis, and changing perspectives on closeness. By examining DRTS such as "Love Is Blind," audiences are exposed to a romanticised depiction of relationships that turns intimacy into a commodity and alters cultural standards on love and connection. The incorporation of reunion episodes and the widespread availability of streaming platforms bolster the apparent genuineness and relatability of these connections, causing a blurred distinction between reality and entertainment.

The contradictory nature of consuming reality television, as demonstrated by diverse motives and interpretations, underscores the complex function of these programmes in modern society. While certain individuals may criticise the depiction of intimacy being treated as a commodity, others derive comfort and establish a sense of connection through the shared experiences portrayed on film. The convergence of pre-planned storylines and spontaneous occurrences poses a challenge to conventional ideas of genuineness, compelling viewers to traverse the intricacies of honest relationships in a society inundated with media.

As audiences persist in their consumption of DRTS and other reality TV genres, it is crucial to thoroughly analyse the influence of these shows on personal understandings of closeness, societal standards, and cultural principles. To gain a deeper comprehension of the impact of reality television on our perception of love, relationships, and human connection in contemporary times, it is crucial to recognise the intricate dynamics involved in its consumption. In essence, the development of reality television mirrors larger changes in how people consume media and engage in cultural discussions. This prompts continuous conversations and contemplation on the true nature of genuineness, amusement, and the human condition.

References

Boateng, J 2023, ‘View of the Perception of Intimacy: Are Dating Reality TV Shows Affecting Relationships?’, Canadian Journal of Family and Youth, vol. 15, no. 2, pp. 33–43.

Godlewski, LR & Perse, EM 2010, ‘Audience Activity and Reality Television: Identification, Online Activity, and Satisfaction’, Communication Quarterly, vol. 58, no. 2, pp. 148–169.

Grayson, KA & Shulman, D 2000, ‘Indexicality and the Verification Function of Irreplaceable Possessions: a Semiotic Analysis’, Journal of Consumer Research, vol. 27, no. 1, Oxford University Press, pp. 17–30.

Hájek, M, Frantál, D & Simbartlová, K 2021, ‘Making Public Shame Bearable and Entertaining: Ritualised Shaming in Reality Television’, Cultural Sociology, vol. 15, no. 1, pp. 134–154.

Hall, A 2006, ‘Viewers’ Perceptions of Reality Programs’, Communication Quarterly, vol. 54, no. 2, pp. 191–211.

Nabi, RL, Biely, EN, Morgan, SJ & Stitt, CR 2003, ‘Reality-Based Television Programming and the Psychology of Its Appeal’, Media Psychology, vol. 5, no. 4, Taylor & Francis, pp. 303–330.

Nabi, RL, Stitt, CR, Halford, J & Finnerty, KL 2006, ‘Emotional and Cognitive Predictors of the Enjoyment of Reality-Based and Fictional Television Programming: an Elaboration of the Uses and Gratifications Perspective’, Media Psychology, vol. 8, no. 4, pp. 421–447.

Peek, HS & Beresin, E 2015, ‘Reality Check: How Reality Television Can Affect Youth and How a Media Literacy Curriculum Can Help’, Academic Psychiatry, vol. 40, no. 1, Springer Science+Business Media, pp. 177–181.

Perse, EM 1990, ‘Audience Selectivity and Involvement in the Newer Media Environment’, Communication Research, vol. 17, no. 5, pp. 675–697.

Rao, D, Lee, C & Dressman, M 2023, ‘Learning with the stars: a Cross‐national Approach to Media Literacy and Reality Television’, Journal of Adolescent & Adult Literacy, vol. 67, no. 2, Wiley-Blackwell, pp. 65–73.

Reiss, S & Havercamp, SM 1998, “Toward a comprehensive assessment of fundamental motivation: Factor structure of the Reiss Profiles.,” Psychological Assessment, vol. 10, no. 2, American Psychological Association (APA), pp. 97–106.

Reiss, S & Wiltz, J 2004, ‘Why People Watch Reality TV’, Media Psychology, vol. 6, no. 4, Taylor & Francis, pp. 363–378.

Rose, RL & Wood, SL 2005, ‘Paradox and the Consumption of Authenticity through Reality Television’, Journal of Consumer Research, vol. 32, no. 2, Oxford University Press, pp. 284–296.

Trilling, L 1972, Sincerity and Authenticity, Harvard University Press.

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