#DIE LINKE

[mothmans-cumrag]

Meine Mutter meinte am Sonntag, sie hat zwar in ihrem Leben noch nie CDU gewählt, aber diesmal sieht sie keinen anderen Ausweg, die Nazis zu verhindern. Die Linke wäre ihr zwar lieber, die Grünen erst recht, aber nicht mal bei der SPD sieht sie Chancen. Das einzige das sie von dieser Verzweiflungstat noch abhalten kann, wäre ein SPD Hoch in den Umfragen vor der Wahl, damit sie sichergehen kann dass ihre Kinder (2/3 von uns sind trans*) ihre Rechte behalten und eine GroKo zustande kommt. Dass höchstwahrscheinlich die CDU Platz 1 und die AfD Platz 2 sein wird ist uns, denke ich, allen klar. Jetzt gilt, fürchte ich Schadebsbegrenzung. Anyway:

Bitte rebloggen für sample size und damit ich meine Mutter überzeugen kann, SPD zu wählen (Sätze die ich nie gedacht hätte, dass ich sie sage)

[itsyveinthesky]

Ich denke das alles regt mich so auf weil ich mir eine Linke wünschen würde dich gegen Faschisten ist, gegen Diktaturen, eine Antithese zu den Idioten am rechten Rand.

Aber jedes Mal wenn es zur Außenpolitik kommt klopft die Hufeisentheorie an die Tür, es ist wirklich unerträglich.

Wie kann ich im eigenen Land für Gleichheit einstehen und gegen Nazis demonstrieren, aber andererseits Regime verteidigen die Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit begehen.

Aber andereseits hat Die Linke auch ewig darüber gestitten ob die DDR jetzt ein Unrechtsstaat war und die DDR hat einfach mal ihre eigenen Leute an der eigenen Grenze erschossen und anderen Ländern Kopfgeld für jeden Toten bezaht also ja...

Wenn man echt nur so weit denken kann wie "US Scheiße, Russen finden USA auch scheiße, deswegen Russland gut" dann stimmt doch irgendwas fundamental nicht mit dem eigenen Weltbild.

[hiljaisuudesta]

Voller Support für Deutschlands frechste Banane o7

[ohsalome]

[alterugdalf]

Alle, die jetzt anfangen, über Abschiebungen nach Syrien zu reden, sind einfach nur verkommene Drecksäcke.

Jan van Aken (Linke) am Rande der PK zum Wahlprogramm

[ilredeiladri]

Kurze Info an alle, die immer wieder behaupten, dass die Linke eh keine Chance hat, in den Bundestag zu kommen und man deshalb doch lieber die Grünen oder die SPD wählen soll:

Im Bundestag gibt es neben der 5%-Hürde auch die Grundmandatsklausel. Diese besagt, dass eine Partei mit mindestens drei Direktmandaten in den Bundestag einzieht, auch wenn sie keine 5% erlangt.

Die Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass die Linke das schafft, ist sehr hoch, und damit auch die Wahrscheinlichkeit, dass sie in den Bundestag einzieht.

Wenn man die Linke also eigentlich wählen möchte, sollte man das tun. Das wird keine verschenkte Stimme sein. Verschenkt wäre die Stimme nur dann, wenn man sie aus Angst einer anderen Partei gibt, mit deren Inhalten man vielleicht weniger übereinstimmt.

Ich hab nichts gegen Leute, die die Grünen oder die SPD wählen - alle drei Parteien links der Mitte sollen bei der nächsten Wahl möglichst stark vertreten sein - aber bitte hört doch auf, anderen einreden zu wollen, dass sie nicht die Linke wählen sollen. Das ist nicht nur kontraproduktiv, sondern auch undemokratisch.

[ulflehmann]

#psychatrieerfahrungen#zukunftsbehandlung#adhsunbehandelt#zukunftsbehand...

[dadsinsuits]

Bodo Ramelow

[ctrsdoesart]

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In welcher Timeline befinden wir uns eigentlich??? 😭

[turbolate]

Können wir uns bitte alle daran erinnern dass es die LInke gibt

DIe sind sehr witzig aktuell https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=62KH6uv3Xxs

[justinspoliticalcorner]

James Angelos at Politico:

BERLIN — Listening to Sahra Wagenknecht, Germany’s hard-left icon, you could be forgiven for coming away with the impression that the greatest threat to democracy is “lifestyle leftists” nursing lattes in reusable cups while shopping for organic kale at a Berlin farmers’ market. Such well-off, eco-friendly urban bohemians hold what they deem to be “morally impeccable” views about everything from Ukraine to climate change, she says, and then impose those beliefs over regular people with draconian zeal. Wagenknecht — whose recently formed populist party is polling in the double digits ahead of critical state elections in eastern Germany on Sunday — also believes there are too many asylum seekers coming to the country, claiming there’s “no more room.” She reserves much of her ire for Germany’s Greens, blaming their clean-energy push for the country’s deindustrialization, and favors closer relations with Russian President Vladimir Putin. One of Germany’s most well-liked politicians, Wagenknecht started out in politics as a member of East Germany’s communist party and has long been the face of the country’s hard left. Of late, however, she often sounds positively far right.

Her views and scathing attacks on the mainstream left have, in fact, won her many far-right admirers. Björn Höcke, one of the most extreme politicians in the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) and the party’s leader in the eastern German state of Thuringia was so impressed with Wagenknecht — particularly over her position on Putin — that he once called upon her to enlist in the AfD’s ranks. “I implore you, come and join us!” he said last year during a speech in Dresden. Instead, Wagenknecht has forged a new political force defined by a seemingly oxymoronic ideology she dubs “left conservatism.” In the process, she is upending German politics by chipping away at the crumbling dominance of the country’s mainstream parties and further scrambling the left-right divide that characterized Western politics for most of the 20th century. As established parties lose sway across Europe, the fractured political landscape makes it easier for political entrepreneurs like Wagenknecht to stake out new territory. That’s increasingly true in Germany too, which has long served as Europe’s anchor of stability — where politics were long relatively staid and predictable.

Long gone are the days when the Volksparteien — big-tent parties — could virtually alone determine Germany’s political course. Upstarts like the AfD and Wagenknecht’s party — dubbed Alliance Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) — are fomenting a revolt against the political mainstream. That rebellion is particularly strong in the region that makes up the former East Germany which — despite the more than three-decade effort to absorb and integrate the formerly communist state after the fall of the Berlin Wall — is increasingly following its own parallel political reality. With three state elections to be held in eastern Germany — in Saxony and Thuringia on Sunday, and in Brandenburg on September 22 — the AfD is leading or close to leading all the contests. Wagenknecht’s new party is polling between around 13 and 18 percent, a striking result for a party that just formed several months ago.

I met Wagenknecht earlier this year backstage at a theater in Berlin, where she was scheduled to answer questions from a reporter from Germany’s left-leaning newspaper Die Tageszeitung before a live audience. Wagenknecht sported her signature look — a jacket with padded shoulders, a knee-length skirt and pumps — a style so invariable she’s often asked about it by reporters. (“Ultimately you get the feeling that it’s a kind of uniform,” the Tageszeitung journalist, Ulrike Herrmann, told Wagenknecht on stage later that night.) Wagenknecht is far from alone in blurring the traditional left-right spectrum. In the U.S., former President Donald Trump has embraced some traditionally left economic policies on trade and tariffs, partly explaining his appeal to working-class voters. France’s far-right leader, Marine Le Pen, has co-opted economic and welfare policies from the traditional left, attracting, in the process, many former French Communist Party voters.

When I asked Wagenknecht if she saw any similarities between herself and Le Pen or other radical-right parties, a hint of shock seemed to break through her cool, composed countenance. Such parties, she told me, do not truly represent the “so-called little people.” Rather, she said, her brand of politics does — a left that focuses on fighting economic inequality while, as she put it, also embracing social policies that foster “traditions, stability and security.” That’s territory, she said, the left has mistakenly ceded to the right. “These are quite legitimate human needs, and at some point the left was no longer interested in them,” Wagenknecht told me. She then blamed the rise of the far right on German Chancellor Olaf Scholz and his left-leaning coalition’s “arrogant” approach to governing. “This is the direct result of an incredible frustration and indignation about wrong policies,” she said. “And the indignation is justified.”

[...]

Yet, in subsequent years, Wagenknecht became an increasingly controversial figure within the Left Party, including when, amid the refugee crisis of 2015, she became a critic of then-Chancellor Angela Merkel’s decision to allow in hundreds of thousands of asylum seekers, using the mantra “Wir schaffen das!” (“We can do it!”). In 2016, after a spate of terror attacks perpetrated by migrants, Wagenknecht released a statement that read: “The reception and integration of a large number of refugees and immigrants is associated with considerable problems and is more difficult than Merkel’s frivolous ‘We can do it.’”

Members of her own party sharply criticized her, arguing that no true leftist should attack Merkel from the right on migration. That year, at a Left Party gathering, a man from a self-described anti-fascist group threw what looked like a chocolate cake topped with whipped cream in Wagenknecht’s face. Relations with many members of her own party grew more strained after Wagenknecht became a sharp critic of the government’s “endless lockdowns” during the Covid-19 pandemic and after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, with Wagenknecht frequently appearing on German television to offer takes that echoed Kremlin propaganda. Finally, last year, she announced that she and a group of Left Party allies would leave to form their own party, with Lafontaine, her husband, also later joining. “We live in a time of global political crises,” she said in Berlin. “And in this of all times, Germany probably has the worst government in its history.” Many people, she added, “no longer know who to vote for, or they vote out of anger and despair.” The choice led to the unraveling of the Left Party, which was forced to dissolve its parliamentary faction, liquidate assets and fire staff.

Wagenknecht has since grown adept at finding a leftist angle for what are commonly rightist stances. Her skepticism of immigration is due, in great part, to her support of the welfare state, which, she says, requires a certain degree of homogeneity to function. “The stronger the welfare state, the more of a sense of belonging there must be,” Wagenknecht told me in Berlin. “Because if people have no connection to those who receive social benefits, then at some point they will refuse to pay for those benefits.” Another example was Wagenknecht’s vote against a bill passed by the German parliament earlier this year to make it easier to change one’s legal gender — a law, she said, that would “just be ridiculous if it weren’t so dangerous.” But she found a traditionally left line of attack for that view, targeting the profit-seeking pharmaceutical industry as the main beneficiary of the bill. “Your law turns parents and children into guinea pigs for an ideology that only benefits the pharmaceutical lobby.” She has also repeatedly called for an end to German military aid for Ukraine and negotiations with Putin — a view prevalent on the far right, but for her, an anti-war stance rooted in the leftist tradition.

That she sounds like the right on these issues brings to mind the “horseshoe theory” of politics, often attributed to the French author Jean-Pierre Faye and his 1996 book ��Le Siècle des ideologies,” which holds that political extremes bend towards each other, in the shape of a horseshoe, so that the far left and far right ends are closer together than they are to the center.  But a more concrete explanation for her policies is that Wagenknecht sees a representation gap — a space for people with socially conservative views who are uncomfortable with migration and progressive politics, but are also wary of the AfD’s extremism. Wagenknecht, in other words, seeks to provide a more palatable, anti-establishment alternative. Wagenknecht, like leaders of other parties, has ruled out governing with the AfD in a coalition. At the same time, she has not, like others, ruled out cooperating with the AfD to pass what she deems to be sensible legislation.

Politico Europe takes a deep dive into the “leftist”-turned-right-wing German politician Sahra Wagenknecht. Wagenknecht formed her own party called Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) that features a mix of far-right and far-left stances.

[rxsaluxemburg]

Someone needs to tell the g3rm4n left party that Rosa Luxemburg would’ve not stood with Isr*el

1. being Jewish does not mean being z10n1st

2. She was critical of the new Polish state even thought she was herself Polish

3. She was against the ww1 and left the SPD in 1918 during the Revolution founded Spartacus league and then the KPD

[shi1498912]

Janine Wissler Führt CDU CSU Wegen Anti Cannabis Antrag vor

Ohne Wagenknecht ist Die Linke für mich zumindest wieder eine Option geworden, auch wenn mir der Sinneswandel der Parteispitze in Sachen Ukraine persönlich nicht weit genug geht. Diese Rede ist einfach nur genial!

[alterugdalf]

Aktuell wohnen 280 Leute der epischen Schlacht bei.

[unfug-bilder]

"Die Linke" in ihrer (nicht mehr existierenden) Gesamtheit war für Antisemitismus schon verrufen, als es die AfD noch gar nicht gab. Natürlich waren es IMMER nur Einzelfälle! Das gilt für die Ostverbände* inklusive Berlin und für einige Westverbände.

(*) bevor jemand fragt: JA! Auch THÜRINGEN, wenngleich andere krasser waren! Der Aufstieg des BSW hat ja Gründe.

Von daher ist es gut, wenn die Reste der Partei, die sonst ja ohnehin nichts zu tun haben, sich mal damit auseinandersetzen.

Alle anderen Parteien tun das nicht. Im Gegenteil: Sie gießen weiteres Öl ins Feuer und hoffen, dass keiner sie deswegen anspricht.