#Caroline Springs Road Safety Courses
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Master the Drive: Elite Training at Caspian Driving School in Caroline Springs
Rev up your driving skills with Caspian Driving School, Caroline Springs' answer to reliable and professional driver education. Our seasoned instructors deliver personalized lessons tailored to your unique learning style, ensuring you're road-ready and confident. From the basics to advanced maneuvers, our comprehensive courses are designed to help you ace your driving test and enjoy the freedom of the open road. Choose Caspian Driving School in Caroline Springs for a first-class learning experience that puts you in the driver's seat.
#Driving School Caroline Springs#Caroline Springs Driving Lessons#Driving Education Caroline Springs#Caroline Springs Road Safety Courses#Local Driving School Caroline Springs
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Comprehensive Car Service in Caroline Springs: Why Motor Mates Auto Care Should Be Your First Choice
When it comes to keeping your vehicle in peak condition, finding a reliable car service in Caroline Springs is essential. Whether you’re dealing with routine maintenance or unexpected repairs, you need a service provider you can trust. Motor Mates Auto Care stands out as a premier choice for car owners in the Caroline Springs area, offering a full range of automotive services designed to keep your vehicle running smoothly and safely.
Why Regular Car Service is Crucial
Regular car service is more than just a recommendation—it's a necessity. Consistent maintenance ensures that your vehicle operates efficiently, reduces the likelihood of breakdowns, and extends the life of your car. Additionally, regular servicing helps identify potential issues before they become major problems, saving you time and money in the long run. Car Service Caroline Springs
Here’s why you should prioritize regular car service:
Enhanced Safety: Routine inspections can catch issues like worn brake pads or faulty tires, which, if left unchecked, could lead to dangerous situations.
Improved Fuel Efficiency: A well-maintained car runs more efficiently, using less fuel and saving you money at the pump.
Longevity: Regular oil changes, fluid checks, and other maintenance tasks contribute to the longevity of your vehicle, ensuring it serves you well for years to come.
Resale Value: A car with a comprehensive service history is more appealing to buyers, potentially increasing its resale value.
What Motor Mates Auto Care Offers
Motor Mates Auto Care in Caroline Springs is dedicated to providing top-notch car services tailored to meet the needs of every vehicle owner. Whether you drive a compact car, a luxury vehicle, or a family SUV, their team of skilled technicians has the expertise to handle all your automotive needs.
Here are some of the key services they offer:
General Maintenance and Repairs: From oil changes to brake repairs, Motor Mates Auto Care offers a comprehensive range of services to keep your car in excellent condition. Their technicians use state-of-the-art equipment to diagnose and fix any issues promptly.
Logbook Servicing: Keeping up with logbook services is crucial for maintaining your vehicle's warranty. Motor Mates Auto Care ensures that all services are performed to the manufacturer’s specifications, keeping your warranty intact.
Brake and Suspension Services: Your car's braking system and suspension are vital for safety and comfort. The team at Motor Mates Auto Care can assess, repair, and replace components as needed to ensure optimal performance.
Tyre Services: Properly maintained tires are essential for safety, fuel efficiency, and ride comfort. Motor Mates Auto Care offers tire inspections, rotations, balancing, and replacements to keep you safe on the road. Car Service Caroline Springs
Air Conditioning and Electrical Systems: The comfort and functionality of your vehicle depend on these systems. Whether it’s a faulty air conditioner or an electrical issue, Motor Mates Auto Care can diagnose and fix the problem.
Why Choose Motor Mates Auto Care?
With so many options for car service in Caroline Springs, you might wonder what sets Motor Mates Auto Care apart. Here are a few reasons why they should be your go-to choice:
Experienced Technicians: The team at Motor Mates Auto Care consists of highly trained professionals with extensive experience in automotive repair and maintenance. They are committed to delivering the highest quality service every time.
Customer-Focused Approach: Motor Mates Auto Care believes in building lasting relationships with their clients. They take the time to understand your needs, explain their findings, and provide clear, honest advice on the best course of action.
Competitive Pricing: Quality service doesn’t have to come with a hefty price tag. Motor Mates Auto Care offers competitive pricing on all their services, ensuring you get the best value for your money.
Convenient Location: Located in Caroline Springs, Motor Mates Auto Care is easily accessible, making it convenient for locals to drop off their vehicles for servicing.
Schedule Your Car Service Today
Don’t wait until a minor issue becomes a major problem. Schedule your car service in Caroline Springs with Motor Mates Auto Care today. Whether you need a routine check-up, major repair, or anything in between, their team is ready to help. Visit their services page to learn more and book your appointment.
Keep your car running smoothly and safely with the expert services at Motor Mates Auto Care—your trusted partner in automotive care in Caroline Springs.
Car Service Caroline Springs
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Helfert, “Joachim Murat”, Chapter 4, Part 5
We left Murat after the defeat of Tolentino and now have a look at what was going on with the other King of the Two Sicilies, the one actually sitting in Sicily, Ferdinand.
Among the motives that led Joachim to consider a speedy retreat to Naples was the impending danger from Sicily.
There were still British garrisons on the island, and Ferdinand IV himself desired it, although he was almost constantly at odds with their leaders, and especially with England's diplomatic representative. A'Court was full of complaints about him. "The foundations of the constitution," he had written to Castlereagh on January 5, 1815, "or rather I should say its rhymes, for it has never had any foundations, are being swept out of the way on all sides, and it appears as if, as soon as Naples is won again, everything will revert to a mild despotism, or else, if the court does not succeed in this, will take on a strictly aristocratic character and make the already overconfident barons fully masters of the king as well as of the people." The parliament had recently convened on October 22, 1814, and had been in session for months into 1815, constantly preoccupied with the financial question, which it had been unable to resolve satisfactorily. There had been some of the most heated exchanges; one day towards the end of January, the deputies literally got into each other's hair, so that the guards had to intervene to break them up. When the English had cancelled the King's subsidies of 400,000 pounds sterling annually, which were to be discontinued on 1 March, the matter had become so urgent that Ferdinand IV had had to resort to an extraordinary measure, which, as we remember, was taken on both sides of the Faro at times of need. By royal decree of 18 February, until the parliament had succeeded in restoring financial order, the salaries of all civil servants and officers due at the end of the month had been suspended, which not only exposed the majority of those initially affected to bitter shortages and worries, but in its further consequences also had a terrible effect on public safety; hardly a night went by in Palermo without houses being broken into, the inhabitants robbed, everything that could be carried away stolen, so that all better-off families were in constant fear of their lives. But all these sufferings and worries now took a back seat to the greater events taking place on the mainland, which were bound to change the situation on the island.
On April 29th, an alliance treaty was concluded in Vienna between Austria, with the accession of Russia and Prussia on the one hand, and the Court of Palermo on the other, by virtue of which the latter, represented by Prince Leopold and Commander Ruffo, undertook to put 30,000 men into the field and to bear all the costs of the campaign. In the second article, the conditions were expressed under which Ferdinand was to take over the government of Naples again: no investigation and persecution, recognition of the sale of state property, guarantee of public debt, keeping the new (Buonapartist) nobility on an equal footing with the old, and generally maintaining all the honours, promotions and pensions conferred by the previous governments. On the evening of May 4, the Prince and the Minister departed from Vienna, and from that moment there was no longer a "King Joachim", no longer a "Queen Caroline", but only a "Mme Murat", a "Marshal Murat", of whom Castlereagh said in the British Parliament that he owed his fall only to the ambiguity of his attitude: "if his sentiments could have been relied upon, he would not have been deprived of his crown". In Bianchi's main quarters, in accordance with the instructions received from Vienna, the royal title was still maintained; only Lord Burghersh, following the example of his compatriot Bentinck, did not allow himself to be deprived of speaking of anything other than "Marshal Murat", even in official dispatches.
On April 30, the day after the Treaty of Vienna, of which Palermo was of course not yet aware, the king announced his imminent departure for Naples in a solemn parliamentary session and demanded the necessary means, which the Estates willingly provided. To his Neapolitans, however, Ferdinand issued a manifesto, dated May 1st, which his supporters were to smuggle in and distribute in both Calabria and the other provinces as well as in the capital. Mistakes that had been made were deplored without any intention of punishing them; peace and harmony, general forgiveness and forgetting, the retention of all civil servants and officers in their ranks were promised; laws were envisaged that would serve as a basis for future state institutions and as a guarantee of civil liberties. Ferdinand did not wish to wait for the final outcome of the war before preparing to sail to Naples; he decided to go to Messina for the time being in order to be closer to the development of events.
A British fleet of 20 warships of various sizes under Admiral Bellew sailed in the Tyrrhenian Sea and kept an eye on the coasts of the mainland.
In Naples, after the first unfavourable news had arrived in April, extensive precautions had been taken to put the capital and Capua in a state of defence, especially Gaëta, where a whole suburb was razed, all the inhabitants who did not know how to provide themselves with food for months were expelled from the city, and the government palace was prepared to receive the royal family. But all these measures, initiated with strength and prudence under the rule of the regent, could no longer help a cause which made the rampant licentiousness in the ranks of the army appear to be already lost.
On May 4, after the second day of the battle of Tolentino, the general retreat of the royals had begun, more sinister than the previous defeat. The Carafa brigade disobeyed its commander and the soldiers ran in groups towards the Neapolitan frontier. General Lecchi had to report to the king that he was no longer able to keep his soldiers in obedience; the situation was no better with the legion of the wounded d'Ambrosio; Carascosa alone led his "legion" back in good order. The closer they came to the borders of their homeland, the more numerous the deserters became. The onset of severe frost, "not like in the Italian spring but like in the gruesome winter of Switzerland", as Colletta puts it, plus heavy rain that drove all the water over the banks and thus caused stagnation in the columns, were as much occasions as cloaks for the desertion. With bitter sorrow, the king saw such a beautiful army, his pride and his joy, disappear before his eyes, dissolve into its components; his otherwise cheerful countenance, smiling happily for everyone approaching, was now darkened by heavy grief and large tears streamed from his eyes down his cheeks. It was at the passage over the Tronto, at the border of his kingdom, which he was to cross again as a defeated man, where the word "abdicate" was spoken before him for the first time. In the first surge of his anger he wanted to strike down with his own hand the general d'Aquine, who had hitherto always played the humble servant; but he restrained himself and merely relieved him of the command which he had not held with great glory. The king, for his own part, even in this ignominious retreat, often performed miracles of valour. General Colletta relates an instance in which the king, who was brave to the last moment and the last in the train, helped with his own hand to barricade a road at the entrance of which a detachment of Austrian cavalry was charging and firing. But Joachim could not be everywhere, and where he was not, there was nothing but disaster. The imperials made one capture after another. At Lanciano, 23 cannons, 10 howitzers, 20 ammunition carts and their crew fell into their hands. Manhès, who was only strong when he was raging, abandoned his position at the Garigliano, the important border river, on 6 May, without having seen anything of the enemy, so that the Queen relieved him of his command and persuaded the Minister of War to take his place in the field. On May 10, Joachim was in Bopoli, on the 11th he held a review of his troops; he still had 14,000 men with 16 guns. But already the apostasy in the provinces began to spread, which also had an effect on the ranks of the army. In those days, an appeal arrived from Isernia from the sub-intendant Milizia, in which the soldiers were called upon to abandon Murat's cause. When the king heard of this he exclaimed painfully, "And I, who have done nothing but good to this man!" He made a last attempt to retain the loyalty of his people and sent the General and State Councillor Colletta to the capital, where, together with Minister Zurlo, he was to draft the outlines of a constitutional charter; but Joachim urged them not to be too generous with the concessions to the people.
#joachim murat#caroline murat#naples#naples1815#ferdinand de bourbon#napoleon#helfert murat#italy1815
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Northam, U.S. senators ask for CDC’s help with covid-19 outbreak at immigrant detention center
Virginia Gov. Ralph Northam and the state’s two U.S. senators are urging President Trump to send the country’s top public health agency to respond to a coronavirus outbreak inside a privately owned immigrant detention center in the town of Farmville that immigrant advocates have called “a tinderbox” of infection.
The outbreak at the Farmville Detention Center is the largest at any such facility in the country, with 262 undocumented immigrants there being monitored after testing positive for the coronavirus, according to Immigration and Customs Enforcement.
A federal lawsuit brought by immigrant rights groups blames the outbreak — nearly three times larger than the next-biggest inside a center — on crowded sleeping conditions and infrequent testing.
The 30-acre facility, run since 2010 by Richmond-based Immigration Centers of America, currently houses about 400 detainees.
In a July 22 letter sent to the president, Northam (D) requested that the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention intervene at Farmville, particularly with what his office says has been a lack of testing among the facility’s staff members, who can potentially spread the virus to other parts of the state where they live.
Northam’s spokeswoman, Alena Yarmosky, said this week that about eight staff members from the center tested positive after seeking tests outside the facility.
“Virginians in congregate housing, such as the Farmville facility, are especially vulnerable to COVID-19,” Northam said in the letter, a copy of which The Washington Post obtained this week. “To ensure the safety of those who live and work in the Farmville Detention Center, as well as the surrounding community, I request that the CDC respond to and assess the situation at the facility.”
Both of Virginia’s U.S. senators on Wednesday also called on the Trump administration to act, calling Farmville a “dire situation.”
The outbreak “presents a clear risk to individuals within the facility, but also endangers the broader community as facility staff and released detainees have interaction with the general public,” Sen. Tim Kaine (D) and Sen. Mark R. Warner (D) wrote in a joint statement.
Yarmosky said Tuesday that the agency has indicated to the state that it is willing to get involved. CDC officials did not respond to requests for comment.
Seven detainees suffering from covid-19, the disease caused by the novel coronavirus, have been taken to a hospital for care, according to the Virginia Health Department, and all but one have returned to the facility. No staffers have been hospitalized, according to the Health Department.
According to one Northam administration official, the Virginia Health Department offered to conduct testing at the facility on July 21 in partnership with the state’s National Guard. A few days before the planned event, the facility canceled it, said the official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss the sensitive subject.
The state made the same offer a few days ago, the official said, but was rebuffed. The official did not know why the facility canceled or declined the testing.
Immigration Centers of America referred questions from The Post to ICE. The federal agency said in a statement that medical checks are done twice a day inside the facility, including a temperature screening and medication when needed.
The outbreak in Farmville has prompted ICE to boost efforts to protect all undocumented immigrants in custody from being infected by providing them face masks, adding hand-washing stations inside detention centers and, most recently, ramping up testing, the agency said.
The majority of those housed at the Farmville facility who tested positive earlier this month were asymptomatic, and all of them received “appropriate medical care,” ICE said in its statement, without describing what type of treatment was administered.
“Detainees who tested negative will be retested and are being held separately from positive detainees,” the agency said.
Virginia has “limited ability” to act on the outbreak itself because the state does not license ICE detention centers, the governor’s office said — a position disputed by immigrant advocates seeking more aggressive action.
The governor’s letter came on the heels of a federal lawsuit filed on behalf of four detainees last week that paints a grim picture of conditions inside the detention center, alleging that new residents are brought in without being tested for the virus, forced to sleep in crowded dorm rooms with little ventilation and, when sick with a fever or cough, treated primarily with little more than Tylenol. Requests for doctors “fell on deaf ears,” the lawsuit alleges.
Tracking coronavirus cases in D.C., Maryland and Virginia
Two of the lawsuit’s plaintiffs say they contracted the coronavirus in Farmville while awaiting the outcome of appeals by the Trump administration of immigration court decisions that allowed them to remain in the United States, according to the suit, which was filed in federal court in Alexandria.
“The bunk beds are so close to each other that it feels like we are practically sleeping in the same bed,” Christian Alberto Santos Garcia, one of the two, said in a court filing that also described how he is awaiting an outcome in his immigration case on claims that he was tortured in El Salvador.
“I believe that if the facility keeps being run in this way — no air conditioning, dust everywhere, dirty air, terrible food that we cannot eat, not being allowed doctor visits, not being given any medicine — I will not get better,” he said.
The lawsuit claims that ICE and Immigration Centers of America violated their own policy for controlling the virus at the facility when 74 undocumented immigrants were brought in from detention centers in Florida and Arizona in early June without first being tested for the coronavirus.
Both of the other facilities have had covid-19 cases, and 51 of the transferred detainees have since tested positive for the coronavirus, the lawsuit says.
The policy, implemented in April, required that anyone brought in would first be quarantined for 14 days inside a jail in Caroline County, about 100 miles away, according to the lawsuit.
In another court filing, Jeffrey Crawford, the Farmville center’s director, confirmed the change in course, explaining that the Caroline County facility couldn’t accommodate such a large group, so the 74 were sent directly to Farmville.
“When I was alerted to the detainees’ impending transfer, I inquired about their level of potential exposure to COVID-19 at their previous facilities,” Crawford said in the filing. “In response, ICE stated that there were no active COVID-19 cases at the Arizona facility and that there were very few cases at the Florida facility. There was no indication that ICA Farmville could not accommodate the needs of these transferees at that time.”
In the same court document, Crawford called the other claims false.
How the coronavirus spread through one immigration detention facility
Since early June, the number of coronavirus cases in Prince Edward County, where most of the town of Farmville sits, have doubled to 289 as of Wednesday, a spike that includes the detention center outbreak, according to the state Health Department. Officials in Farmville, which has received a share of the detention center’s profits since the town entered into a 2008 intergovernmental agreement with ICE, didn’t return messages seeking comment.
Immigrant advocates began sounding alarms about a potential outbreak inside the Farmville facility in the spring, prompting Northam to attempt to intervene back then, though without success.
In May, after reports of coronavirus cases began surfacing in other detention centers around the country, the governor wrote to the state’s congressional delegation to ask for help in getting the federal government to undertake “point prevalence” testing at ICE facilities, meaning testing of all detainees and staff at the same time.
That letter didn’t generate a response from ICE, Yarmosky said. But Farmville’s local health department began working with the facility to conduct limited testing of some residents, she said.
More recently, the detention center told local health officials it has begun testing all of its residents, Yarmosky said, but staff members at the facility have been left to their own devices.
However, the Northam administration wants independent verification that both detainees and staff are getting tested, according to the administration official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity.
Northam adds restrictions in Hampton Roads area
Last week, amid worries about a resurgence of the coronavirus after a spike in cases in the Hampton Roads area, state and local health officials followed up on Northam’s letter with a flurry of phone calls pressing the CDC to take action. Immigrant advocates called the governor’s request for CDC involvement a positive move.
But they argue that state officials have had the authority to take more aggressive action.
Immigration Centers of America — part of a multibillion-dollar industry of private companies running immigration detention centers in the United States — owns and operates the site under a contract with Farmville signed after the town made its agreement with ICE.
Because the detention center isn’t on federal land or operated by the federal government, it falls under state jurisdiction, argued Simon Sandoval-Moshenberg, legal director of the Immigrant Advocacy Program for the Legal Aid Justice Center, which represents some of the plaintiffs in the federal lawsuit.
“It exists as a local jail in the Commonwealth of Virginia,” Sandoval-Moshenberg said of the Farmville facility. “Northam is treating it as if it were the Pentagon.”
Yarmosky, Northam’s spokeswoman, countered that the facility is under federal control “and the state is unable to enter . . . without consent from the detention center.” Even if allowed in, Yarmosky said, the state Health Department would have no power to order corrective measures and could only make recommendations.
“That’s why Governor Northam has been urging federal action for months,” she said, via text message. “Everyone in Virginia deserves protection, regardless of their immigration status.”
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Why Are Lifeless Leaves behind Important?
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