#CICIG

[aerial-jace]

Guatpol Update

I've been scrolling the news these past few hours or so unable to sleep and since I said I'd post more about my own country's politics I thought to share what I have gleaned about the current top stories.

OLYMPICS!

You may not know but Guatemala actually had its first ever Olympic gold medallist (Adriana Ruano, women's trap shooting) and its first ever Olympic bronze medallist (Jean Pierre Brol, men's trap shooting). Alongside Erick Barrondo's Olympic silver medal in men's 20km racewalk from London 2012, this makes a complete set.

This is a big political story for a couple reasons, first off Ruano and Brol are getting a cash payout from the Guatemalan Olympic Committee, 3 million quetzales for the former and 1 million 250 thousand quetzales for the latter. (One Guatemalan quetzal is worth about 1/8 of a US dollar, for reference.) Second off, our recently elected president Bernardo Arevalo used last Saturday's celebration of the athletes to announce plans to spend more on sporting facilities. Very much an easy to sell proposition given the results on display.

But perhaps most importantly this is very much a political win for Arevalo personally. Due to the events surrounding our last election his government has been fighting an uphill battle to do much of anything. But something Arevalo has been able to do very effectively on his own is diplomacy and it is his diplomacy that averted Guatemala being excluded from the Olympics due to conflicts with the International Olympics Committee.

This crowd-pleaser victory may just be what he needs to keep support for his party, Movimiento Semilla, strong in spite of attacks from all other established parties. Speaking of...

LEGAL FOUL PLAY!

The current director of FECI, the legal prosecution office against corruption established after the independent UN observer body CICIG was dismantled, recently brought charges against and tried to remove legal immunity from Arevalo for allegedly wrongly dismissing a cabinet member. The cabinet member in question ignored orders to go through with a telecommunications contract that was allegedly corrupt. However, pretty much everyone agrees this is a politically motivated move, in line with a pattern of legal challenges brought since last year's elections whose actual purpose is to prevent Arevalo from governing. We will see where this goes but so far this move is being widely condemned.

COURT APPOINTMENT DELAYS!

In other legal news, the Guatemalan Supreme Court of Justice (whose members serve for 5 year terms) is yet to be appointed! We have been at this since 2019. Hurry the fuck up, goddammit. This is what a highly corrupt state and partisan fractioning gets us. At least if no more delays pop up we will maybe get this over with by September. Maybe.

BUDGET EXPANSION!

Credit where credit's due, even with a minority in congress and having to work with their direct political enemies Arevalo was able to finally approve the 14 thousand 451 million GTQ budget expansion he has been trying to get for most of the year. However, like Arevalo and Semilla's every other move, this isn't without legal challenges. At least the US ambassador seems to have expressed approval so maybe he can twist the opposition's arm into letting this one go.

TAX EVASION!

IMO the biggest story of right now is the discovery and investigation into a tax fraud and money laundering scheme to the tune of 300 million GTQ related to contracts awarded by the government of our last president, Alejandro Giammattei. This is perhaps a golden opportunity that just fell in Arevalo's lap as pursuing this scandal, a tax scandal 10 times the size of the famous 2015 La Linea scandal which gave birth to Moviniento Semilla, is perfect for the party to show its commitment to its founding principles. Here's hoping success prosecuting it strikes fear in the Guatemalan establishment and can serve as a stepping stone to reform.

[humanrightsupdates]

Urgent Action: LAWYER AND HUMAN RIGHTS DEFENDER JAILED (Guatemala 84.23

On 28th August 2023, Guatemalan lawyer and human rights defender, Claudia González Orellana was arrested at her home after a judge issued a questionable arrest warrant against her. Claudia is a former CICIG official – a UN anti-corruption mechanism that operated in Guatemala until 2019 – and whose former officials have faced widespread persecution.

Claudia is also the legal representative for various former anticorruption lawyers who have faced criminalization in retaliation for their work. Claudia’s arrest represents a clear attempt to silence her, and all those fighting for justice and human rights in Guatemala.

Amnesty International calls on Guatemala’s Public Prosecutor’s Office to immediately and impartially review the charges against Claudia and guarantee her human rights at all stages of this process.

TAKE ACTION: 

Write a letter in your own words or using the sample below as a guide to one or both government officials listed. You can also email, fax, call or Tweet them.

[josuriana]

Derechos Humanos.

Pueda que conozcamos qué sean los derechos humanos. Pero, ¿Realmente conocemos cómo surgió y hoy en día qué está sucediendo con las sociedades? Bueno, viendo priemero.

¿Qué son los derechos humanos?

Los Derechos humanos son las libertades que cada uno podemos poner en práctica por ser personas. Nos permiten satisfacer nuestras necesidades y desarrollarnos de buena manera para tener una vida digna. Entre los derechos está el derecho a la alimentación, a expresarnos libremente o enseñar la religión que elijamos.

Los derechos humanos son:

Universales: Pertenecen a todas las personas.

Irrenunciables: Nadie puede ser privado de sus derechos.

Obligatorios: Los gobiernos deben de garantizar que la sociedad completa disfrute de ellos.

Indivisibles: Se deben respetar en conjunto , porque es suficientes que algunos derechos sean vulnerados.

Los derechos humanos se dividen por diferente clasificación.

Primera generación.

Segunda generación.

Tercera generación.

Existen instituciones que defienden los derechos humanos en Guatemala y organizaciones que se dedican a educar, vigila promover, y exigir el cumplimiento de estos derechos. Algunas de las instituciones son estatales y están contempladas en las leyes del país, cuentan con asignación presupuestaria y tienen diferentes tareas asignadas en esta materia. Otras instituciones han sido organizadas por los ciudadanos y ciudadanas para cooperar con el trabajo que hace el Estado. Surgen para atender un área específica en que los derechos humanos de la población se encuentran en situación de mayor vulnerabilidad.

Instituciones Estatales de Derechos Humanos en Guatemala.

Procurador de los Derechos Humanos (PDH).

Comisión Presidencial Coordinadora de la Política del Ejecutivo en Materia de Derechos Humanos (COPREDEH).

Comisión Internacional Contra la impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG).

Instituciones no estatales de derechos humanos

Es importante que todos los guatemaltecos y guatemaltecas conozcamos las instituciones donde pueden acudir en caso de una violación a sus derechos. Estas formas, no solo contarán con un apoyo para superar tal situación, sino también estarán colaborando con el el logro de la justicia social.

Instituciones estatales en Guatemala

Centro para la Acción Legal en Derechos Humanos (CALDH).

Fundación Sobreviviente Coordinadora Nacional de Viudas en Guatemala (CONAVIGUA).

Oficina de Derechos Humanos del Arzobispado de Guatemala (ODHAG).

Fundación Rigoberta Tun.

Fundación Mirna Mack.

El sistema de la ONU

La ONU es un sistema de cooperación institucionalizado entre Estado soberano que se afilian de manera voluntaria para promover el respeto a los derechos humanos, reducir las tensiones internacionales, prevenir los conflictos y promover la cooperación internacional en materia económica, social y cultural.

[cienciassociales123]

Estado de Derecho de Guatemala

El estado de derecho en Guatemala ha sido un desafío persistente a lo largo de su historia debido a una serie de factores, incluyendo la corrupción, la impunidad, la falta de acceso a la justicia y los problemas relacionados con los derechos humanos. A continuación, se presenta un resumen de la situación del estado de derecho en Guatemala:

Corrupción y impunidad: La corrupción ha sido un problema sistémico en Guatemala durante décadas. Esto ha afectado negativamente al estado de derecho, ya que la corrupción puede socavar la independencia del poder judicial y minar la confianza pública en las instituciones. Además, la impunidad prevalece en muchos casos, lo que significa que los funcionarios corruptos rara vez enfrentan consecuencias legales.

Sistema de justicia ineficaz: El sistema de justicia guatemalteco ha sido criticado por su falta de eficacia, lentitud y falta de recursos. Esto ha llevado a que muchos casos judiciales se prolonguen durante años, lo que contribuye a la percepción de impunidad.

Violencia y delincuencia: Guatemala enfrenta altos niveles de violencia y delincuencia, lo que afecta la capacidad del estado para mantener el orden y garantizar la seguridad de sus ciudadanos. La falta de una respuesta efectiva del sistema de justicia penal contribuye a esta problemática.

Derechos humanos: A lo largo de la historia de Guatemala, se han documentado violaciones de derechos humanos, especialmente durante el conflicto armado interno que duró décadas. Aunque se han realizado esfuerzos para abordar estas violaciones y llevar a los responsables ante la justicia, aún persisten desafíos en este ámbito.

Reformas y esfuerzos de mejora: A pesar de los desafíos, ha habido intentos de reformar el sistema de justicia y mejorar el estado de derecho en Guatemala. La Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG), respaldada por la ONU, fue un esfuerzo importante en este sentido, pero se disolvió en 2019, lo que generó preocupaciones sobre la continuidad de las reformas.

Participación ciudadana: La sociedad civil y organizaciones no gubernamentales desempeñan un papel vital en la promoción del estado de derecho en Guatemala. Han realizado esfuerzos significativos para denunciar la corrupción y abogar por reformas.

[xselvnggz]

El Estado de Derecho es un pilar fundamental en cualquier sociedad democrática. En el caso de Guatemala, este concepto ha sido crucial en su proceso de construcción de una democracia estable y justa después de décadas de conflictos internos y regímenes autoritarios. En este ensayo, se analizará el estado actual del Estado de Derecho en Guatemala, identificando desafíos significativos y explorando las perspectivas para su fortalecimiento.

Historia del Estado de Derecho en Guatemala

La historia de Guatemala está marcada por períodos de inestabilidad política y violencia. Durante el conflicto armado interno que se prolongó desde la década de 1960 hasta la de 1990, se produjeron graves violaciones de los derechos humanos y una cultura de impunidad se arraigó en la sociedad. Sin embargo, tras la firma de los Acuerdos de Paz en 1996, el país emprendió un proceso de reconciliación y reforma institucional para fortalecer el Estado de Derecho.

Corrupción: La corrupción ha penetrado profundamente en las instituciones guatemaltecas y ha erosionado la confianza en el sistema de justicia. El caso más emblemático fue la Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG), que desempeñó un papel importante en la lucha contra la corrupción hasta su cierre en 2019. Su legado sigue siendo un tema de debate y preocupación.

Impunidad: La impunidad sigue siendo un problema en Guatemala, especialmente en casos de violaciones de derechos humanos durante el conflicto armado. La falta de rendición de cuentas para los perpetradores de abusos ha dejado heridas abiertas en la sociedad.

[chulamar]

Segunda condena contra Juan Francisco Solórzano Foppa

El caso contra Juan Francisco Solórzano Foppa inició en 2018 tras una denuncia de Ana Karina González Núñez, también conocida como Karina Rotman, quien lo denunció por violencia contra la mujer.

En menos de 15 días fue dictada una nueva sentencia contra el abogado Juan Francisco Solórzano Foppa. Esta vez fue condenado por el delito de violencia contra la mujer en forma psicológica.

El Juzgado Segundo Pluripersonal le impuso una pena de 3 años y 3 meses de cárcel, castigo conmutable a cambio del pago de Q5 diarios. Por este proceso el exjefe de la Superintendencia de Administración Tributaria (SAT), tenía una medida sustitutiva.

El caso contra Solórzano Foppa inició en 2018 tras una denuncia de Ana Karina González Núñez, también conocida como Karina Rotman, quien lo denunció por violencia contra la mujer.

El primer caso donde fue condenado fue obstrucción a la acción penal y patrocinio infiel, junto con el abogado Justino Brito. El caso está ligado a acciones de Sólorzano Foppa y Brito cuando fueron abogados de José Rubén Zamora Marroquín. En esta acción penal también aceptaron los cargos imputados por el Ministerio Público.ç

La denuncia contra Solórzano Foppa

El exsuperintendente Solorzano Foppa fue denunciado por comentarios públicos que hizo en su cuenta de Twitter, relacionado con supuestos pagos pendientes al fisco de parte de González, cuando éste era jefe de la SAT.

El proceso contra el exfuncionario inició en febrero de 2018 y en mayo de ese año se resolvió arraigo en su contra. Seis años después el exjefe de la SAT decidió aceptar los cargos y fue condenado.

El exjefe de la SAT asumió el cargo en 2016 durante el gobierno de Jimmy Morales. Fue cesado en el puesto en enero de 2018 debido a que no llegó a la meta de recaudación establecida. La decisión fue avalada por el Directorio de la SAT, presidido por Julio Héctor Estrada, en ese entonces ministro de Finanzas Públicas.

Tras la salida de Solórzano Foppa, se hizo una convocatoria pública para interesados en dirigir la SAT. Luego del proceso de selección fue nombrado Abel Cruz, quien quedó como superintendente interino, pero luego fue confirmado en el cargo.

El tercer proceso penal

Tras su destitución en la SAT, Solórzano Foppa continuó en actividades públicas y políticas, de donde se originó el tercer caso en su contra por tres delitos:  conspiración, falsedad ideológica y asociación ilícita.

En este proceso se acusa al exfuncionario de falsificar el acta de inscripción del partido Ambientalista Guatemala que buscaba establecer en búsqueda de ocupar la alcaldía de Guatemala.

En este proceso ya fueron condenados algunos de los acusados que aceptaron los cargos, tal como Aníbal Argüello, exempleado de la extinta Comisión Especial Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG). Se prevé que Solórzano Foppa también tome ese camino para liberarse de los tres procesos penales.

[apsny-news]

El legado de la CICIG enfrenta a Guatemala y Colombia

Primera modificación: 01/02/2023 – 22:48 06:20 Conflicto entre Colombia y Guatemala. © France 24 La Fiscalía de Guatemala señaló al actual ministro de Defensa de Colombia, Iván Velásquez, de permitir la aprobación de acuerdos de cooperación con dos directivos de Odebrecht. Velásquez fue, entre 2013 y 2017, jefe de la Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad de Guatemala (CICIG), hasta que se…

[mundolatinomedia]

Estados Unidos salió en defensa del ministro de Defensa, Iván Velásquez, y ‘le cayó a Guatemala: “debilitan el Estado de derecho” - Revista Semana

El país sigue recibiendo distintas reacciones después de las acciones legales dadas a conocer por el Gobierno de Guatemala contra el ministro de Defensa colombiano, Iván Velásquez. Esto a raíz de hechos relacionados con la constructora brasileña Odebrecht, cuando este ejercía como el jefe de la Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad (Cicig) de la ONU. Desde los Estados Unidos, Brian Nichols,…

[sucesosgt]

https://bit.ly/3W2XMQV

#Nacionales El corrupto ex binomio presidencial de Guatemala es sentenciado a 16 años de prisión, a pesar de un pésimo trabajo de la CICIG y el MP comandado por la prófuga Thelma Aldana.

Lea todo aquí: https://bit.ly/3W2XMQV

[lasclall]

Memory card adapter for macbook pro

#Memory card adapter for macbook pro for mac#

#Memory card adapter for macbook pro download#

#Memory card adapter for macbook pro for mac#

$1 Micro SD Card Adapter Reader TF to Short SD For Mac MacBook Pro Computers／Tablets Networking Laptop Desktop Accessories Memory Card Readers Adapters Micro Max 51% OFF SD Card Adapter Reader TF MacBook Mac Pro Short For to /esquiredom1478863.html,Reader,Pro,Short,Micro,Adapter,$1,For,to,MacBook,SD,Computers／Tablets Networking, Laptop Desktop Accessories, Memory Card Readers Adapters,Mac,SD,$1 Micro SD Card Adapter Reader TF to Short SD For Mac MacBook Pro Computers／Tablets Networking Laptop Desktop Accessories Memory Card Readers Adapters Micro Max 51% OFF SD Card Adapter Reader TF MacBook Mac Pro Short For to /esquiredom1478863.html,Reader,Pro,Short,Micro,Adapter,$1,For,to,MacBook,SD,Computers／Tablets Networking, Laptop Desktop Accessories, Memory Card Readers Adapters,Mac,SD,www.laurentiusmusica. Restore your laptops ports with one of these USB-C adapters.

#Memory card adapter for macbook pro download#

That being said, download the driver, apply it on your system, and enjoy your newly updated graphics card. can cause it too not detect the memory cards. While being connected through wired connection. On MacBook Pro by its larger IPX connectors. Micro SD Card Adapter Reader TF to Short SD For Mac MacBook Pro The only a wireless menu says Wi-Fi on the wi-fi adapter.Please check pictures for more details.Micro Max 51% OFF SD Card Adapter Reader TF MacBook Mac Pro Short For to.This product only supports the following computer models: Apples older 12in MacBook features one 5Gbps Gen 1 USB-C port, while the later Intel MacBook Air (2018 and later) and MacBook Pro (from 2016) boast either two or four 40Gbps Thunderbolt 3 ports. No need extra power adapter and any drivers. USB C SD Card Reader Adapter, Type C Micro SD TF Card Reader Adapter, 3 in 1 USB C to USB Camera Memory Card Reader Adapter for New iPad Pro MacBook Pro ChromeBook XPS and More UBC C Devices. The Nifty MiniDrive product line consists of size-specific aluminum and plastic adapters. The speed and other properties is not changed,only form conversion interface.ģ. The JetDrive Lite line of SD card storage for the Retina MacBook Pro is available with either 128 GB or 256 GB of storage and designed to sit snuggly into its compatible Retina MacBook Pro with the end poking out just enough to be able to remove it easily. TheĪdapter card support 2230, 2242, 2260, 2280 size of M.2 NGFF PCIe x4 AHCI Protocol SSD, it can not support M.2 NGFF PCIe x4 NVMe solid state drives.Ģ. This product only late 2013 version Macbook air A1465 and A1466, late 2013 version MacBook Pro retina A1398 A1502, Please confirm that your laptop is fit. We also have a lot of For Apple SSD Adapter For Macbook Air SSD Adapter NVMe PCIe M.2 M Key For Macbook Air 2013 2014 2015 Pro A1398 A1502 A1465 A1466 Promotion, always with the reasonable price and super quality.įor Apple SSD Adapter For Macbook Air SSD Adapter NVMe PCIe M.2 M Key for Macbook Air 2013 2014 2015 Pro A1398 A1502 A1465 A1466ġ. Satechi - Slim Multi-Port Adapter V2 with USB-C PD, 4K HDMI, Micro/SD Card Readers, USB 3. We offers a wide variety of similar Memory Card Adapters items on Cicig, so you can discover just what you’re looking for. So you only have to Pay US $2.85 for For Apple SSD Adapter For Macbook Air SSD Adapter NVMe PCIe M.2 M Key For Macbook Air 2013 2014 2015 Pro A1398 A1502 A1465 A1466 item. You can get an Amazing 10% Off Discount deals and Save US $0.32 when you purchase this product in Sale Today at Aliexpress. Buy For Apple SSD Adapter For Macbook Air SSD Adapter NVMe PCIe M.2 M Key For Macbook Air 2013 2014 2015 Pro A1398 A1502 A1465 A1466 from Seller Bitcon Miner Mining Store with affordable price and top guarantee on Cicig.

[aerial-jace]

The June 25th Guatemalan election and why it's kind of a Big Deal

This last Sunday Guatemala had an election, an election I can't help but have a lot of thoughts about as it's shaping up to be the culmination of a story arc of sorts of Guatemalan politics that has been running since I first became aware of politics essentially. The results, particularly in the presidential, were shocking to say the least. By writing up this post I'm hoping not only to inform those who might be curious of what's going on in my little corner of the world but also to organize my own thoughts.

More under the cut...

So, what went down with the prsidency? At first it may seem like a routine presidential election. An overabundance of candidates, 21 total, ensured no one got to the winning threshold of 1 vote above 50%, so we're going into run-offs next August 20th between the two most voted candidates. One of the candidates who advanced into the run-offs in fact is a pretty well known face, having ran twice before, ex-first lady Sandra Torres.

The party she leads is called Unidad National de la Esperanza (National Unit of Hope or UNE for its Spanish acronym), easily the most well-established Guatemalan party, with both a strong voter base and an impressive longevity considering how easy our parties crumble within a single election cycle.

Though she was a politician in her own right from before, her big break didn't come until her ex-husband and former UNE leader Álvaro Colom reached the presidency during the 2007 election. As first lady she was the face of her husband's welfare programs as well as being one of the key bureaucrats administering them. With all these accomplishments it's easy to see why she has become so beloved.

Unsurprisingly though she's also severely maligned by more conservative-minded people. All the typical right wing clichés apply to her, that she's promoting laziness, that she's vote buying, that she's encouraging the (mostly indigenous and rural) population to breed like rabbits to get welfare money, and so on and so forth.

She's also had personal scandals clouding her image, such as her divorce in 2011, right before the presidential election. Guatemalan law prohibits not only second terms but also prohibits the immediate family of current presidents from seeking to be elected. All this with the aim of preventing them from entrenching themselves or a dynastic structure into power. The timing her seemed to a lot of people quite the convenient way to skirt these laws and because of it the Tribunal Supremo Electoral (Supreme Electoral Tribunal or TSE) rejected her candidacy.

However, it would not be accurate to dismiss all critique of her as baseless propagandizing or a focus on personality over policy. UNE over the years has had a myriad controversies, involving links to drug trafficking, illegal campaign financing, misappropriation and mismanagement of government funds, and all manners of corruption which is depressingly common in the Guatemalan Congress. As consistently one of the major voting blocs and an entrenched party, UNE as a whole, and Sandra Torres as their leader, has repeatedly acted to perpetuate the political ill that hangs most heavy in the consciousness of the Guatemalan electorate.

Her two defeats, first against comedian Jimmy Morales in 2015 in what I'd call a cheap imitation of Trump's rise to power had it not happened first and the second against our current president Alejandro Giammatei, reflect precisely this deep-seated aversion towards her. The electorate voted against her more than in favor of them to catastrophic results.

That first one is particularly notable because even though he sold himself as an anti-corruption candidate, the main achievement of the Morales government was the dismantlement of the Comisión Internacional Contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala, CICIG), a well regarded UN overseer body instrumental in exposing the corruption Morales's predecessor Otto Pérez Molina which led to his resignation and arrest.

(The Giammatei government's main policy achievement is massively fucking up the Covid response in just about every aspect.)

Now, to explain the origins of Sandra Torres and UNE's main opponent we have to zoom into that particular event. So! In 2014, as a response to a massive recently uncovered corruption case involving bribes and extortion at La Aurora Inernational Airport, Guatemala City residents began to protest at the central plaza of the city. The protestors rallied under the cry of #RenunciaYa (Resign Already) and as the modest protest movement that organized primarily through Twitter grew it became a focal point of anti-establishment sentiment rallying people of all sorts of different backgrounds.

As the CICIG investigation on the case proceeded and it became untenable for the government to let this grow, Congress voted to revoke political immunity to the president and the very next day he was arrested. He remains under custody to this very day. The very successful citizen activist campaign soon morphed into the #JusticiaYa (Justice Already) movement aiming to call out corruption and bring all politicians furthering the institutional rot of the Guatemalan government to justice.

From the leadership of #JusticiaYa would emerge Movimiento Semilla (Seed Movement), a social democratic party billing itself as primarily an anti-corruption force in Congress and secondarily as a more principled alternative to the rotten UNE. The niche they fill right now is one that used to be filled by Encuentro por Guatemala (Encounter for Guatemala), an older more established party that was dissolved due to not reaching the vote threshold to remain as an active party after 2019.

The reason Encuentro lost so many voters is because many of them thought it would be a good idea to give the fresh, young Semilla candidates a chance under the assumption Encuentro would eventually absorb them. My mom did precisely that, in fact, and when the desired outcome did not materialize it left other Encuentro voters like myself feeling pretty miffed.

Semilla had intended to put forward our ex-attorney general Thelma Aldana, another key figure in the Pérez Molina downfall, as candidate in 2019 but her candidacy was rejected by the TSE and so they didn't put forward a presidential until this year with their leader Bernardo Arévalo. For his very first electoral showing they managed an impressive 11.77% compared to Sandra Torres's 15.86% and the spoilt ballots' 17.39%. With this he has well and truly established himself as the dark horse on this race.

In terms of congressmen, Semilla has also managed some fairly good numbers, positioned as the 3rd largest party with 23 out of 120 representatives, up from a measly 7 last election. They're only behind UNE's 28 and Vamos por una Guatemala Differente's (Let's go for a different Guatemala, the incumbent president's party) 38. It is not the best result they could have gotten, it will still be quite the uphill battle to get anything done if they win the presidency, specially since their main ally in Congress right now is the coalition between the indigenous issues parties Winaq and URNG-Maiz, both of which only managed 1 representative sent by their joint delegation down from 6, 3 and 3 each, in the current congress. (The party I voted for this time, I just can't win can I?) But it is at least very encouraging to Semilla voters.

Arévalo is in an interesting position as leader and presidential candidate of a social democratic party allied with two historically very leftist --outright communist in URNG's case!-- indigenous issues parties. For years the right wing line has been to demonize Sandra Torres but it seems her more centrist and socially conservative tendencies make her seem like the most pallatable option of the two at the moment. It will be hard, however, to get the right wing base to unlearn all their vitriol against her.

In economic policy Semilla seems to be much more vague than UNE, only mentioning more public spending in aspirational terms rather than concrete policies, possibly to avoid alienating voters or distracting from their main objective of bringing accountability to Guatemalan institutions. Although they are not my first choice I am very much supporting them this second round. Their alliance with Winaq and URNG-Maiz has the potential to bring more leftist positions into the mainstream. Plus they are the single openly pro-LGBT party in the running which is neat.

My biggest hope right now is that a succesful Semilla government will open up the possibility of closer collaboration with a stronger Winaq and URNG-Maiz. I'm particularly hoping Semilla, Winaq, and URNG-Maiz run a joint candidacy for mayor of Guatemala City and that it can finally topple the dominance of the Partido Unionista (Unionist Party) candidate. The Semilla-Winaq-URNG candidate this year was excellent and had the objectively correct urban planning takes.

So, yeah, that's what's been happening over here.

[lascllow]

F3 brushed cleanflight firmware upgrade

Just click the Shop Now button above for more information regarding this HappyModel Turtlebee F3 1S Betaflight Brushed Flight Controller OSD Current Sensor 2.4G Receiver For RC Brushed Tinywhoop Drone item. We also have many attractive products that you might like to see from our similar collections of flight controller 2kk, logitech flight controls, beecore f3 flight control, pix 4 flight controls, sensor switch dc 5, f114 flight controller, piko f3 flight controler, supers f3 flight controler, s137 sensor, 20x20 f3 flight control, inav f7 flight controller, flight controller iflight mini, and many more.ĭon't forget the limited time Parts & Accessories discounts only on Cicig. If you have an interest in other items related to HappyModel Turtlebee F3 1S Betaflight Brushed Flight Controller OSD Current Sensor 2.4G Receiver For RC Brushed Tinywhoop Drone, you can discover it all on our website as we have the best Parts & Accessories products from which you can search, compare and get online. Support ACRO/Stable/Horizon/Air multi fly modeīuilt-in 2.4g receiver( Frsky/Flysky/DSM2 DSMX to choose)īuilt-in voltage and current detector alarmĭshot150 protocol ready, support Betaflight flip over when crashed Receiver mode: Frsky D8/ Flysky AFHDS-2A/ DSM2 DSMX to choose Item Name: Turtlebee F3 Flight controller This new flight controller also integrated 2.4G receiver with 3 versions to choose(Frsky/Flysky/DSMX). The biggest improvement is "Flip over after crash", now you can flip over your drones after crash just like the Brushless whoop. As soon as the battery is connected, all motors hit 7.2V DC. They dont work with any versions of Cleanflight. Turtlebee F3 brushed flight controller is a new upgraded version of Beecore v2.0 flight controller. I have two micro SP Racing F3 Evo brushed flight controllers sold on. PPM receiver welded to the UART2 GND, + 5V, RX2 .Then set Receiver mode to RX_PPM in Cleanflight configurator.Turtlebee F3 brushed flight controller built-in Frsky RX/OSD/Current meter support Flip over SBUS receiver welded to the UART2 GND, + 5V, RX2 . Then Enable Seria_RX and Set Receiver mode RX_SERIAL ,Select Sbus signal in Cleanflight configurator.ģ. DSM receiver soldered directly to the DSM interface 3.3V, GND, RX3, Enable Seria_RX for UART3 and Set Receiver mode RX_SERIAL, Select Spektrum1024(DSM/DSM2) or Spektrum2048(DSMX) in Cleanflight configurator.Ģ. This Tiny F3 EVO_Brush flight controller is only use for BRUSH MOTOR, Not compatible for BRUSHLESS MOTOR.ġ. Support for PPM, SBUS, DSM/DSM2/DSMX receiver input signal.ħ.In support of the world almost all hollow cup motor, including 1020 coreless motor. Open Cleanflight > connect to the board > click Load FirmwareLocal > select the firmware file > click the Flash Firmware button. Stackable The SPRacingF3EVO is a stackable design. After all the said configuration, when I connect f3 Evo using app, f3 entering into DFU mode. Small and lightweight The SPRacingF3EVO has a standard 36x36mm form-factor with 30.5mm mounting holes on a thick PCB for durability. Uploaded V2.2 firmware to f3 evo brushed. With a large current NMOS transistors, operating current of up to 10A or more. Each Brushed motor is equipped with freewheeling diodes.Ħ. The SPRacingF3EVO runs Cleanflight which can be configured to suit your needs using a cross-platform GUI (Windows/OSX/Linux). Features Designed for Whoop frames using 6mm-8.5mm brushed motors, On board FrSky compatible receiver (+- 100m Range), ARM STM32F3 processor, Option to mount USB on top or bottom of board, MPU 6500 Gyro/Accelerometer vis SPI, 5A FET’s to drive brushed motors up to 8.5mm, Dip switch for both Bind and Boot loader mode, 1. Using STM32F303CCT6 + MPU6500, advanced hardware platform F3 guarantee more stable flight.ĥ. Independent design of the circuit structure, comes with the Voltage control technology, 1S lipo battery input, the UART1/2/3 output 5V, DSM port output 3.3V.Ĥ. F3_EVO_Brush is in the revision on the basis of the F3 EVO SP RACING,it is a 32bits brush flight controller based on SP RACING F3 EVO firmware.ģ. Item Name: Tiny SP RACING F3_EVO_BRUSH flight controllerġ. Sous CleanFlight, tant que je ne suis pas aliment tout va bien, par contre, des que j'alimente, l'IHM se freeze BetaFlight - Experiemental, but cutting edge firmware, new revision/features almost weekly (Supports F1, F3 and F4 FC) RaceFlight - Specialized more for racing and removing all the unnecessary stabilization and GPS out to increase.

[mybarbarianmusic]

Light luxury bag brand summary!

Coach

Country: United States

Comments: COACH brand has a long history, the bag is good-looking and durable, whether for self use or gift are very appropriate! Recommended in the comprehensive department store, the official website order has a certain difficulty.

2.MCM

Country: Germany

Comment: MCM official website is too difficult to buy, recommend to buy from general department stores or light luxury websites, this brand of backpack believe that many people have bought, very high-grade ~ fashion essential items!

CICIG

Country: France

Comment ON: HIGH quality NICHE brand, good-looking and not expensive, light ripe women must be single, recommend to buy in the official website, buy very convenient.

[chamerionwrites]

A UN commission that spent the last 12 years investigating graft in Guatemala has described the country as “captured” by corruption in its final report, days before it is set to wrap up operations after President Jimmy Morales refused to renew its mandate.

The commission, known as Cicig for its initials in Spanish, said in its final report that there is a “mafia coalition” among members of government, the business community and private individuals that is “willing to sacrifice Guatemala’s present and future to guarantee impunity and preserve the status quo”.

The commission chief Iván Velásquez, a Colombian lawyer who has been barred by Morales’ government from entering Guatemala, said via video conference from Colombia that the report would be the commission’s last public act.

“We almost got to the nucleus of the structures that have captured the state,” Velásquez said. “This cannot be solved without a profound restructuring of the state.”

The commission began its work in Guatemala in 2007 at the request of then-president Óscar Berger and was given responsibility for dismantling illegality in the wake of the country’s 1960-1996 civil war.

Morales accused the body of overreaching its authority last year, after the commission brought investigations against him, some of his relatives and his inner circle. He was protected from prosecution as a sitting president and has denied wrongdoing.

While many observers praised the commission for its work, which resulted in the prosecution of more than 400 people, including the former president Otto Pérez Molina, his vice-president and much of his cabinet, Morales decided that Cicig had run its course, setting up its impending departure on 3 September.

Critics saw Morales’ refusal to renew the commission’s mandate as an attempt to protect himself and those close to him.

The report said the “impunity of power” in Guatemala dates to colonial times.

One of the reasons why corruption networks persist today, it said, is that “they have distorted democratic institutionality in their favor and they have molded the political system and designed mechanisms that allow them to occupy positions of power, manipulating legislation.”

“Between 2012 and 2015, an illicit, political-economic network took over the executive (branch), subordinated the legislative, manipulated and interfered in the election of judges to high courts and, in addition to looting the state, promoted laws and policies favoring private companies to the detriment of competition and the citizenry,” the report continued.

All that benefited drug trafficking networks, it added.

Together with Guatemalan prosecutors, the commission took down 70 organized crime networks. Those targeted for prosecution have included public officials, lawmakers, judges, businesspeople and other civilians.

It also investigated Morales’ National Convergence Front for alleged illegal political financing.

The report said illicit political money is “present in the majority of campaigns and parties” and comes from criminal organizations including drug traffickers seeking territorial control and political protection, as well as businesspeople seeking influence.

[cienciassociales123]

La justicia en Guatemala

La situación de la justicia en Guatemala ha sido un tema de preocupación durante décadas debido a una serie de problemas sistémicos que han afectado su eficacia y legitimidad. Aquí tienes un resumen de algunos de los aspectos más relevantes:

Corrupción en el sistema judicial: La corrupción ha permeado el sistema judicial guatemalteco durante mucho tiempo. Jueces, abogados y funcionarios públicos han sido acusados de aceptar sobornos y manipular casos judiciales.

Impunidad: La impunidad es un problema grave en Guatemala, y muchas personas que cometen delitos, incluyendo políticos y miembros de fuerzas de seguridad, no enfrentan consecuencias legales. Esto ha llevado a la percepción de que la justicia es selectiva y que los poderosos pueden evadir la ley.

Violencia y crimen: Guatemala enfrenta altos niveles de violencia y crimen, incluyendo homicidios y delitos violentos. La falta de una justicia efectiva ha contribuido a la escalada de la violencia en el país.

Sistema penitenciario sobrepoblado: Las prisiones en Guatemala están sobrepobladas y en condiciones precarias. La falta de recursos y la corrupción en el sistema penitenciario han llevado a problemas como el hacinamiento y la violencia entre reclusos.

Reformas judiciales: A lo largo de los años, se han implementado una serie de reformas judiciales en Guatemala para abordar estos problemas. Por ejemplo, la Comisión Internacional contra la Impunidad en Guatemala (CICIG) trabajó en colaboración con el gobierno guatemalteco para investigar y procesar casos de corrupción y crimen organizado. Sin embargo, la CICIG fue desmantelada en 2019, lo que generó preocupaciones sobre la continuidad de las reformas.

Desafíos históricos: La justicia en Guatemala ha estado marcada por su historia de conflictos armados y violaciones de derechos humanos. La búsqueda de justicia por parte de las víctimas de estos abusos ha sido un proceso complicado y, en muchos casos, insatisfactorio.

[bookish2bookish]

Los pasos hacia la dictadura

Los pasos hacia la dictadura

“Nunca se rindan, nunca cedan, nunca, nunca, nunca, en nada grande o pequeño, nunca cedan salvo por las convicciones del honor y el buen sentido. Nunca cedan a la fuerza; nunca cedan al aparentemente abrumador poderío del enemigo” Winston Churchill

Los aprendices de dictador conocen que el electorado es fácilmente engañado cuando su atención está puesta en problemas mayores. Usualmente, estos…