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andilim4789 · 3 years ago

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Learn How to Play 토토사이트

The Tower of Voués was the keep of the castle built in 1305 by Count Henry I to protect the serfs' houses. It measures 11.70 m in the North by 14.70 m in the East and its height is approximately 30 m. It was sold in 1332 by Henry III to Adhémar de Monteil (Bishop of Metz) who built a castle around which Baccarat would be built. Let's be realistic -- casino gambling is best taken as a form of entertainment. The suburb of Buffalo's large Polish-American Catholic population is believed to be a factor for bingo's outsized popularity in Western New York, which has five times as many bingo halls per capita as the rest of the state. In spite of the fact that Flemish areas of Belgium do not use this design, preferring the Dutch national pattern (not yet dealt with by the galleries), it is interesting how other countries, either directly linked to French culture, such as Tunisia and Morocco, or with little or no connection to France, such as those in the south-east of Europe and in the Middle East (Turkey, Lebanon, Syria), have adopted the Belgian pattern, or a Belgian-derived one, as an alternative to the international one.

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Armed with this knowledge, management may be more willing to increase prices. Craps players also often place bets for the dealers. It's because early 1880s-era slot machines would actually dispense fruit-flavored gum.The Crystal fountain roundabout between the Town Hall and St Rémy de Baccarat

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lucidimage2jordantane · 4 years ago

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Experimenting with items around uni. Not really successful but it is fun being playful and photographing things I normally would not do.

I have always tended to plan and stage my photo sessions but really wanted to push myself this time to experiment more and not to think so much as per one of the conventions of Rinko Kawauchi.

Edward Weston

As my work was progressing, I felt it necessary to research another photographer that photographed subjects like what I found myself doing.

Edward Weston first started to take photographs in 1902 and his work were first exhibited in 1903. After opening a studio of his own where he specialised in landscapes, he formed with fellow photographers the f/64 group which influenced the aesthetics of photography in America.

Over his 40-year career, Weston had a varied set of subjects such as landscapes, nudes, portraits, still lives and genre scenes.

Influenced by photographer Margrethe Mather, Weston adopted a style known as straight and pure photography apposed to the soft-focus that photographers were using at the time. Weston began photographing sharp images of everyday objects and settings. He looked for the beauty in these objects which is why his work appealed to me

Image Reference

Weston, Edward. Pepper 30p. 1930. https://www.westongallery.com/original-works-by/edward-weston

Pepper No.30 - one of still-life’s genres most enduring photographs. Weston considered this image of a pepper as an art piece. Of course a pepper is an inanimate object, but this photograph does stir emotion in me. I love the form and the light reflection.

Weston felt it was worthwhile capturing realism in everyday life. He generally used a small aperture to widen the depth of field and avoided cropping images. I on the other hand do like to crop images as I feel it leads to a greater impact and can change the meaning of an image.

Like Rinko Kawauchi who I had previously researched, Weston did not like to think too much during his work which is what I was forcing myself to do.

Image Reference

Weston, Edward. Mushroom. https://www.westongallery.com/original-works-by/edward-weston

Image Reference

Weston, Edward. Mushroom 4FU. 1931. https://www.westongallery.com/original-works-by/edward-weston

This simple image of a mushroom appeals to me and not just because I like mushrooms. The detailing of the inside of a mushroom is amazing. All the intricate folds are like a piece of art to me and this is what I find I am interested in exploring in my work.

Anyone can go to the beach and see millions of shells. It is not until you take a close up look that you learn to appreciate the beauty of a shell. Look at the intricate curves of this shell and the way the light reflects of it. This shell becomes a work of art.

References

Brown, Hudson. “The Greats: How Edward Weston Pushed Photography into Modernity.” Urth Magazine. https://urth.co/magazine/edward-weston-photography/

Western Gallery. “Edward Weston.” https://www.westongallery.com/original-works-by/edward-weston

Imogen Cunningham

Imogen Cunningham was also part of the f/64 group that Edward Weston was. The group opposed the view of the time that a photographs appearance was more important that the subject matter itself. Imogens interest was in subjects in their natural form which is why I was drawn to her work.

Her work concentrated more on texture and light and was known to photograph plants in her garden. What was of particular interest to her was the shadows that were formed by the plant. As I had been photographing things in their natural form such as flax, it was of interest and benefit for me to find a photographer that used similar subject matters.

Image Reference

Cunningham, Imogen. Agave Design I. 1920. https://www.moma.org/collection/works/420832?artist_id=1332&page=1&sov_referrer=artist

Image Reference

Cunningham, Imogen. Two Callas. 1929. https://www.moma.org/collection/works/50590?artist_id=1332&page=1&sov_referrer=artist

Image Reference

Cunningham, Imogen. Leaf Pattern. 1929. https://www.moma.org/collection/works/45658?artist_id=1332&page=1&sov_referrer=artist

I like the use of the plain background as this focuses the viewer on the image and the shadows formed by the lighting are visually appealing. This is an element that I want to bring into my work as I like the silhouette and I want the viewer to focus on the images I am producing.

References

Huxley-Parlour. “Imogen Cunningham: Texture and Light.” https://huxleyparlour.com/imogen-cunningham-texture-and-light/

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hiddenbonesoflove-blog · 7 years ago

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Did children build the ancient Egyptian city of Amarna? - Mary Shepperson

New evidence from Akhenaten’s capital suggests that a ‘disposable’ workforce of children and teenagers provided much of the labour for the city’s construction

There’s a whiff of magic about the site of Tell el-Amarna that makes the hair on the back of my neck stand on end. It’s partly down to the effort of imagination needed to conjure a great capital of ancient Egypt from the sea of low humps stretching between the cultivation and the desert cliffs, and partly the long shadows cast by its founders – the ‘heretic’ pharaoh Akhenaten and his queen Nefertiti.

Amarna came and went in an archaeological moment. It rose and fell with Akhenaten and his religious reformation, under which Egypt’s ancient pantheon of gods was briefly usurped by the worship of a single solar deity; the Aten.

On an uninhabited stretch of the Nile’s east bank, Amarna was founded, constructed and abandoned in under fifteen years. When Akhenaten died in 1332 BC, Egypt’s ancient religion was restored under his successor Tutankhamun and the heretical city of Amarna was flattened and forgotten.

Recent research at the site has focused on Amarna’s cemeteries; not the flashy rock-cut tombs of the royal family and its courtiers, but the simple desert graves of the ordinary Egyptians who lived and worked in Akhenaten’s city and never got to leave.

Between 2006 and 2013 I was lucky enough to work for the Amarna Project on an excavation which aimed to recover four hundred individuals from a large cemetery behind the South Tombs cliffs, estimated to contain around six thousand badly looted burials. The study of these burials and their human remains has opened a new research window on life and death in the lower echelons of Egyptian society. They paint a picture of poverty, hard work, poor diet, ill-health, frequent injury and relatively early death.

In other respects the South Tombs Cemetery remains were fairly in line with expectations. There were modest variations in the wealth and style of burial, there was a fairly even mix of male to female individuals, and the age distribution showed the usual pattern for ancient populations; high infant mortality giving way to fewer deaths as children survive into early adulthood, with the death rate then rising again as adults succumb to illness, childbirth, injuries and age. This was all important and highly interesting, but not particularly unusual.

The North Tombs Cemetery

In 2015 we began excavating another non-elite cemetery in a wadi behind a further set of courtiers’ tombs at the northern end of the city, and here the tale takes a stranger turn. As we started to get the first skeletons out of the ground it was immediately clear that the burials were even simpler than at the South Tombs Cemetery, with almost no grave goods provided for the dead and only rough matting used to wrap the bodies.

As the season progressed, an even weirder trend started to become clear to the excavators. Almost all the skeletons we exhumed were immature; children, teenagers and young adults, but we weren’t really finding any infants or older adults. Our three excavation areas were far apart, spaced across the length of the cemetery, but comparing notes all three areas were giving the same result. This certainly was unusual and not a little bit creepy.

The initial skeletal analysis of 105 individuals excavated at the North Tombs Cemetery in 2015 has now been completed by Dr Gretchen Dabbs of Southern Illinois University, and it seems our initial impressions were absolutely right. More than 90% of the skeletons have an estimated age of between seven and twenty-five years, with the majority of these estimated to be younger than fifteen. Essentially, this is a burial place for adolescents.

This leaves us with some explaining to do. Seven to twenty-five is the age range in which people shouldn’t be dying; this is when health should be most robust in a normal population, yet for the people of the North Tombs Cemetery death seems to have come almost exclusively during these years. On the other hand, young infants, which usually abound in ancient cemeteries, are virtually absent with just three of the 105 skeletons estimated to be under seven years old. The North Tombs Cemetery shows the exact opposite of the usual demographic pattern for a cemetery.

The skeletal pathologies at the North Tombs Cemetery also had some curious features. For such a young population, traumatic injuries and degenerative conditions were very common. The majority of 15-25 year-olds had some kind of traumatic injury and around ten percent had developed osteoarthritis. Even in the under 15s, sixteen percent were found to have spinal fractures along with a range of other abnormalities usually associated with heavy workloads.

The most obvious explanation is not a pleasant one: This population seems to have been a workforce of children and teenagers who had to perform frequent heavy labour. Seven years old is about the earliest age that children might be expected to carry a load and follow instructions, hence the absence of younger skeletons. The absence of older adults suggests two possibilities; either workers were released or re-assigned when they reached full adulthood, or the nature of the work and living conditions meant that none of the workers lived much past twenty-five. Indeed, it seems they were lucky to make it to fifteen.

The isolation of these young people in death raises questions about how they lived. Family was very important in ancient Egypt and it was the responsibility of relatives to see that dead family members were properly provided for in the afterlife. The fact that the North Tombs Cemetery dead were buried with little care and virtually no grave goods strongly suggests that they were not returned to their families for burial but lived and died away from the care of relatives.

A further indication of the grimness of life for the young people of the North Tombs Cemetery comes from the multiple burials. 43% of graves contained more than one individual, which is way higher than the small proportion of multiple graves at the other Amarna cemeteries.

At the North Tombs Cemetery the multiple burials, sometimes holding as many as five or six skeletons, contain children of such similar ages that family relationship seems unlikely, while at the South Tombs Cemetery multiple burials appear to represent family groups. South Tombs multiple burials are laid side by side in graves dug to double or triple the usual width, but at the North Tombs Cemetery graves containing more than one skeleton are about the same size as the single burials with the bodies stacked directly on top of each other.

The implication of the North Tombs multiple burials may be that bodies were expected and a grave was dug at the cemetery without knowing how many bodies there would be. Sometimes there was just one body, but if more were delivered the same grave would do for all of them. Whether this collection of casualties was a daily, weekly or monthly occurrence is a matter for bleak speculation, but the cemetery is large, probably containing at least a couple of thousand burials.

Who is buried at the North Tombs Cemetery?

This is a difficult question at this early stage of the project and all our current theories have their drawbacks. The North Tombs Cemetery lies towards the main stone quarries and it seems most likely that these people were employed somewhere in the quarrying process as unskilled labour during the frantic construction of the new city.

One possibility is that these are Egyptian children, perhaps demanded from their families as a contribution to the construction of the new city, or singled out in some other way. Corvée-style labour, enforced and unpaid, was frequently used in ancient Egypt on major projects. It is also possible that these were the children of slaves and therefore viewed as more or less disposable. In either case, children seem to have been removed from their families with little intention of them being returned.

A further suggestion is that the North Tombs Cemetery may represent a captured or deported population brought to Amarna for labour. This is perfectly possible and would account for the lack of family contact and the apparent disregard shown for young life. On the other hand, there are no indications from the method of burial, the pottery and the few objects recovered to suggest that these people were not Egyptians.

We hope that future DNA analysis of the bones might clarify the geographical origins of the North Tombs Cemetery skeletons.

In any case, the evidence of the North Tombs Cemetery forces us to face the possibility that Akhenaten built his city at least partly with child labour.

For archaeologists, Amarna is both a blessing and a curse for understanding life in New Kingdom Egypt. On the one hand it provides a snap shot of a city of this period, conceived and built from scratch and not altered in later periods. On the other hand, Amarna is awkwardly exceptional in that it was built at great speed under an eccentric pharaoh and his strange new theology, so how representative might it really be?

If the building of Amarna employed child labour, could it have been a more widespread practice for state building projects in New Kingdom Egypt? At present comparable data from other Egyptian sites is very limited. The exceptional nature of Amarna makes it hard to extrapolate these findings from one highly unusual cemetery.

However, Egypt is littered with building projects of extraordinary scale by ancient standards, from pyramids and temples to canals and artificial lakes, commissioned by pharaohs with a similarly megalomaniac mind-set to Akhenaten. Perhaps when we marvel at these wonders of ancient engineering we should spare more thought for the price paid in human lives, some of them only just beginning, which constituted the cost of such high ambitions. Archaeologygives us the means to provide a counter narrative to the pharaonic bombast of the textual records and tell a grimmer tale of hard work and short lives.

All work at Amarna is carried out with the kind permission and support of the Egyptian Ministry of Antiquities. The work at the North Tombs Cemetery is supported with funding from the National Endowment of the Humanities. The Amarna Project is a project of the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge.

#egyptology #Ancient Egypt #amarna #research #archaeology #archeology #anthropology #akhenaten #child labor

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leekchess87-blog · 6 years ago

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A Muslim Founder of the Social Sciences?

NOVEMBER 3, 2018

FOUNDER OF SOCIOLOGY, forerunner of Marx, economist, and anthropologist avant la lettre: over the past century few medieval thinkers have been lauded with so many modernist labels as Ibn Khaldun. Spreading his fame westward, the world historian Arnold Toynbee described his masterpiece, the Muqaddima, as “the most comprehensive and illuminating analysis of how human affairs work that has been made anywhere.” By the 1980s, Ronald Reagan was even citing Ibn Khaldun in support of Republican tax policies. But then, ever since he was first introduced to Europe by the Austrian Baron von Hammer-Purgstall, this “Arab Montesquieu” (in the baron’s telling phrase) has been claimed for many schools and causes, most of them secular and some quite at odds with his own pious principles. In his highly readable appraisal of Ibn Khaldun’s life and work, Robert Irwin sets out to demythologize and, at the same time, remystify a man whose mind was formed far from the seminar rooms of 20th-century social science.

Born in Tunis in 1332 to a family of aristocratic pedigree, like countless itinerant Muslim clerics of his time, Ibn Khaldun spent most of his career as a freelance bureaucrat roaming between the competing courts of the Maghreb. His was a life not without excitements, or at least dangers: there were the years of intrigue at the tumultuous center of politics followed by exile and new beginnings; of diplomatic missions to places as differently perilous as the Christian court of Castile and the dominions of Berber tribesmen; the weeks of unsettling interviews with the would-be world conqueror, Tamerlane. In one of Robert Irwin’s many memorable phrases, Ibn Khaldun was “a kind of bureaucratic condottiere,” though it is not for his life he is usually remembered, despite leaving his own written account of it. Rather, it is for the Muqaddima he first composed during two years of self-imposed seclusion in a remote castle in Algeria. Though usually rendered as “Prolegomena,” the Arabic title is more plainly translatable as “Introduction,” which is indeed how he intended it: as an introduction to the study of history that identified general characteristics, patterns, and indeed cycles, behind the fleeting turn of events. Given its author’s capacious intellect and disciplined curiosity, what began as the literal introduction to a larger work grew into a masterpiece in its own right, approaching 1,500 pages.

It is on this comparatively short introduction rather than the even longer chronicle that followed it that Ibn Khaldun’s fame has ever since rested; or rather, dwindled for centuries before a latter-day upswing. Almost 40 years ago, the bibliography of studies of the Muqaddima compiled by the Syrian scholar Aziz al-Azmeh already reached over 800 items, rendering it difficult and perhaps unnecessary to say anything truly original. The main lines of interpretation and debate were already laid out decades ago: between Ibn Khaldun as the Hellenist rationalizer, whom the Egyptian Greek economist Charles Issawi called “an Arab philosopher of history,” and the Sharia-steeped moralist seeking to reconcile the hidden laws of the human world with the Qur’anic revelation. Perhaps unsurprisingly, it is the former image that has underwritten his reputation as the sociological forerunner of Durkheim, Comte, and Marx. Robert Irwin, however, makes plain his preference for the latter, more religious reading of Ibn Khaldun, and takes it as the task of his intellectual biography to demonstrate how brilliant insights into historical process could emerge from the study of scripture, theology, and religious law.

If this sounds a somewhat dry agenda, its execution is considerably more vivid via a tour d’horizons of the distant world of the medieval Maghreb. As Irwin explains early on, “When I read the Muqaddima, I have the sense that I am encountering a visitor from another planet — and that is exciting.” At the center of his task is incorporating into our understanding of Ibn Khaldun the religious, moral, and even magical elements typically excised from the selective translations and famous quotations from his work, which means accounting for his fascination with freak events, the occult, and miracles as well as group solidarity and state formation. “There have been other ways of looking at the world than the one we mostly take for granted today,” Irwin continues, and Ibn Khaldun offers the “modern reader access to a premodern and radically different approach to understanding societies and their histories.”

In conceiving his book as an “intellectual biography,” Irwin primarily sets out to restore Ibn Khaldun to his time and place in a way that explains rather than reduces the significance of his insights. With this in mind, we first meet the young Ibn Khaldun “among the ruins,” amid the vestiges and memories of former peoples that lay the first seeds of his subsequent theorizing on the rise and fall of dynasties and civilizations. These melancholy surroundings partly comprised the material ruins of Carthage and Rome that still lie strewn across North Africa, including near the castle where the Muqaddima was composed. But the ruin was also an abstract site, rendered discursive and moral by qasida poems, popular legends, and Qur’anic accounts of the destruction of wicked peoples. Born 74 years after the Mongols executed Baghdad’s last caliph, and witnessing the Black Death sweep through the lands of Islam at the age of 16 (taking his parents with it), Ibn Khaldun was raised among concerns that Muslim, or at least Arab, civilization was reaching the divinely appointed time of its own downfall.

Having thus positioned his subject in his pessimistic age, in the course of a little over a hundred pages Irwin follows him from this formative first context through the Andalusian, North African, and Egyptian courts where he found employment, before dying in 1406 in Cairo, where he was buried in a Sufi cemetery. At each point on the itinerary, Irwin pauses to examine the books, intellectual methods, and debates to which Ibn Khaldun was exposed. A specialist on the Mamluk period and its literature, Irwin is on familiar ground here, and his narrative sets a jaunty pace through terrain he knows well.

The test of any introduction to Ibn Khaldun, though, is how successfully it communicates the sheer excitement of his ideas. Determined to historicize his subject out of the clutches of his secularizing and modernizing champions, Irwin makes the test that much trickier by declaring from the outset his disinterest in making the Muqaddima “relevant.” Instead, in four chapters devoted to different aspects of Ibn Khaldun’s thought, there is as much emphasis on moral and metaphysical concerns as on the social and material forces that won him the admiration of later positivists. Thus, a chapter on the Muqaddima’s methodology emphasizes the centrality of the Maliki legal school in which Ibn Khaldun studied and later taught, affirming H. A. R. Gibb’s reading of the text’s central political lesson as being the historical costs of disobeying divine law as one people after another roll through the Qur’anic cycle of the rise and fall of kingdoms. Other chapters take up themes that modern commentators have emphasized, such as the comparative social structures of townsmen and tribesmen, and the importance of economic factors in historical change. Here too Ibn Khaldun is presented as primarily a moral thinker whose “ideas about economics drew upon ethics, hikma, Islamic law, and personal observation,” as well, most importantly, as al-Ghazali’s Ihya’ ‘Ulum al-Din (“Revival of the Religious Sciences”). Rather than allowing his posthumously recognized magnum opus to dominate his biography, Irwin positions the Muqaddima among its author’s other works, which are similarly infused with this moral vision, not least the disappointing historical chronicle that followed the Muqaddima. For even by its title, Kitab al-‘Ibar (“The Book of Warnings”), the latter echoed the Qur’anic model of historical narrative as the provision of admonishing lessons.

However, it is in two chapters on Sufism and occultism that Irwin takes readers furthest from the textbook picture of Ibn Khaldun as the father of the social sciences, remarking that “he inhabited a different and darker world than the one known to European economists and sociologists.” Affirmed by the Qur’an as many supernatural forces were, Ibn Khaldun believed in the power of sorcery and miracles, numerology, and letter magic, predictive dreams and astrology, all of which he discussed in the Muqaddima (though he also warned about frauds and charlatans). The sheer force of Irwin’s revisionism runs the risk of making first-time readers unfamiliar with Ibn Khaldun wonder what all the fuss was about. But far from trivializing, these sections form part of a determinedly holistic approach to what is, after all, a medieval intellectual biography. Irwin speculates fruitfully about the possible connections between his subject’s interests in history and divination as respectively licit and illicit methods of making the future knowable.

Turning to the question of Ibn Khaldun’s connections with Sufism, Irwin notes rightly how integral Sufi ideas were by the 14th century to the religious education of Muslim clerics. Most of Ibn Khaldun’s mentors and closest associates were Sufis, and he himself wrote a short but positive treatise on Sufi doctrine, while declaring in the Muqaddima that “Sufism belongs to the sciences of the religious law that originated in Islam.” Even so, Irwin refuses to overplay its impact on his broader ideas and argues against Allen Fromherz’s case in his Ibn Khaldun: Life and Times for reading the Muqaddima as a specifically Sufi interpretation of history.

Given that Ibn Khaldun’s reputation rests solely on the Muqaddima, Irwin is right to devote his last and longest chapter to the great book itself, tracing its own reputation over the centuries. Rather than being historiography to be sifted and subsumed at the start of his study, Irwin’s approach turns the scholarship on the Muqaddima into part of its own story by way of a reception history, echoing a wider trend over the past few years in which books, and not only authors, have become the subject of biographies. While the Muqaddima “was all but forgotten in the Arab world” till modern times, it did generate a degree of interest in the 17th- and especially 18th-century Ottoman Empire, where it was translated into Turkish and thence probably transmitted to Hammer-Purgstall during his years as a diplomat in Istanbul. From this point on, a large proportion of Ibn Khaldun’s readers and commentators appear to have been European Orientalists whose dialogue with Muslim scholars ensured the belated but concurrent first printings of the Muqaddima in Cairo and Paris.

Autograph manuscript of the “Muqaddima” from Istanbul.

As the text became more accessible through publication and translation, its stature expanded accordingly among Arab as well as European and increasingly American scholars, most notably the Chicago world historian Marshall Hodgson. The field of world history had developed a special relationship with Ibn Khaldun ever since Toynbee integrated him into his own vision of the rise and fall of civilizations. For Hodgson, the Muqaddima provided penetrating lenses for viewing world history that were polished long before the rise of the West. And yet for Hodgson, as well as for other promotors of the pioneer sociologist approach, making Ibn Khaldun amenable to modern academia required something of a trade-off. Less the trained exponent of Sharia and reconciler of the moral vision of the Qur’an with the visible facts of the world, Ibn Khaldun assumed the more secular form of the Arab heir to the Greek philosophers. There is still a good case to be made for this view, as recently shown in Stephen Dale’s The Orange Trees of Marrakesh: Ibn Khaldun and the Science of Man.

That is not, though, the approach of Robert Irwin, who points repeatedly to the Muqaddima’s criticism of philosophy (falsafa). Rather than domesticate Ibn Khaldun through the cultural halfway house of Graeco-Arab philosophy, or familiarize him through anachronously secular epithets, Irwin prefers to position him in the medieval society he endeavored to make sense of. To “modernize Ibn Khaldun,” he remarks in his closing statement, “and to elide the strangeness of his thinking is to denature him.” It will not be the last word: the mental riches of the Muqaddima will continue to provoke both new readings and the retrenching of old positions. But for now at least, in this concise and compelling biography Robert Irwin has snatched the Muqaddima from the modernists and returned it to the medievalists.

Nile Green holds the Ibn Khaldun Endowed Chair in World History at UCLA.

Source: https://lareviewofbooks.org/article/a-muslim-founder-of-the-social-sciences/

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1332knitweardesignhouse · 9 months ago

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Woot!!! I won this rousing round of yarn chicken with the Casey. So glad to get the back finished and off of my needles. Ready to start the front as soon as I get my new needles in. Love this color and the way it is working up.

#1332 knit #1332knitweardesignhouse.com #1332 original pattern #knitting #knitwear #knitblr

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hodldrgn-blog · 6 years ago

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New Post has been published on https://cryptomoonity.com/announcement-on-token-swap-ends-via-nas-nano/

Announcement on Token Swap ends via NAS nano

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gate.io

After the self-service token swap ends, how can ERC20 NAS token holders participate in ATP Smartdrop?

ERC20 token holders can swap their tokens via gate.io before the snapshot (16:00, October 15, UTC+8).

Important Notice

1. About the information of NAS token swap via NAS nano, please refer to the relevant announcements on Nebulas official website (nebulas.io).

2. Please pay attention to the fake applications, false messages, phishing websites, phishing emails, fake customer service, etc. The Nebulas team WILL NOT ask users for private keys — please be aware of potential frauds!

3. The Nebulas team assumes no responsibility for any loss caused by users’ personal fault or third parties.

4. The time between October 10 (16:00, UTC+8) and October 30 (16:00, UTC+8) is Abnormal Situation Processing Period. During this period, ERC20 NAS token holders can submit token swap applications via NAS nano. The Nebulas team will review and process the successfully submitted applications before 16:00, October 30 (UTC+8) according to the actual situation.

If you have any questions during the token swap period, please contact us: contact @nebulas.io

Nebulas team

October 10, 2018

Learn more about Nebulas:

Official website: Nebulas.io Github: github.com/nebulasio/go-nebulas Slack: nebulasio.herokuapp.com Telegram(EN): t.me/nebulasio Twitter: @nebulasio

Announcement on Token Swap ends via NAS nano was originally published in Nebulasio on Medium, where people are continuing the conversation by highlighting and responding to this story.

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persianhandicrafts · 8 years ago

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The Art of Persian Metal Work on Brass, Copper & Silver

Compiled by: Persis Crafts – Persian Handicrafts Online Store

Perhaps the most continuous and best-documented artistic medium from Iran in the Islamic period.

Metalwork is perhaps the most continuous and best-documented artistic medium from Iran in the Islamic period. It survives mainly in brass (see BERENJ) and bronze. Most gold and silver wares, better known through literary accounts, were likely melted down (Ward, pp. 10-11). At times, echoing the forms of more ephemeral or less costly materials such as ceramics, metalwork from Iran and adjacent lands served a wide variety of utilitarian functions. These were nonetheless luxury wares that absorbed the creative energy of some of the best artists and reflected the main artistic trends and the tastes of successive dynasties. Written sources are an important means of documenting this medium. In addition to literary works, primarily geographical texts in Arabic and Persian, which provide information on centers of production and sources of metal ores (Allen, 1979, pp. iv-viii), the objects themselves often supply internal documentation through their inscriptions. Iranian metalwork is therefore an important resource for understanding the art Iran in the Islamic period in particular and the history of Islamic art in general.

Early Islamic metalwork. Silver and gold plate, especially the former, provide a well-documented art form in Sasanian Iran and in pre-Islamic western Central Asia. Sasanian silver vessels (bowls, dishes, cups, ewers, and bottles), often decorated with imperial symbolism such as the royal hunt (Harper and Meyers, pp. 40-98), must have appealed to the new Muslim rulers, who sought to emulate the traditions of Persian kingship. This can explain the existence of a large group of mainly silver gilt objects that continue and readapt the Sasanian style. They are often characterized simply as “post-Sasanian,” but the issue of their provenance and dating remains uncertain (Harper, pp. 24-78; ART IN IRAN v. Sasanian, sec. “Silver plate”).

As the new Islamic polity asserted control over Iran and the territories to its east, many of the same metalwork forms and techniques continued to develop and evolve, while much of the representational imagery gradually lost its original meaning. It seems likely that objects fashioned of both silver and gold persisted as status symbols for the new aristocracy. It is therefore often difficult to pinpoint where Sasanian art ends and Islamic art begins in the first centuries of Muslim rule. The situation with contemporary base metal is similar, but these objects also stand more obviously in a definable relationship to Islamic art. For example, a tall, pear-shaped cast bronze ewer, in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, and set on a high foot with handle in the form of an elongated panther exemplifies the transition from the Late Antique to the early Islamic period (Figure 1). Abstract ornament on the body of the vessel combines vegetal designs with a highly stylized version of the paired wings and central orb of the Sasanian royal crown, while the pattern of overlapping floral petals on the foot and the feline handle hark back to the classicizing influence in Parthian art (Harper, pp. 60, 66). On the other hand, the stylization and abstraction of the decoration and the proliferation of repetitive surface decoration are singular features of Islamic art.

Medieval metalwork. During this period Iranian metalwork underwent considerable modification in terms of technical, iconographic, and aesthetic standards. Although the mechanism for transmission is not always clear, it is apparent that Jaziran (i.e., of Upper Mesopotamia) and Syro-Egyptian metalwork of this period also benefited from as well as contributed to these developments in Iran (Ward, pp. 71-91).

Sometime toward the middle of the 12th century, the metalwork industry in Iran underwent a major transformation that was to be of signal importance for its history. Bronze and brass objects, some of them copying shapes in precious metal, were inlaid with silver and copper or gold. At roughly the same time, hammered brass began to replace cast brass in the manufacture of luxury metal-ware. Khorasan has long been recognized as the center for the production of these wares. Two key pieces whose inscriptions provide evidence for an attribution to Khorasan, and more specifically to the city of Herat, are the so-called “Bobrinski Bucket” dated 559/1163, in the Hermitage, St. Petersburg (no. CA-12678), and a faceted ewer of 577/1181-82, in the State Museum of Georgia, Tbilisi (Kana’an, pp. 198-201; Ward, p. 77). There is also a reference in Qazvini’s late 13th-century geographical treatise indicating that Herat was renowned for its brass vessels inlaid with silver (Qazvini, p. 481). Other cities in Khorasan such as Nishapur also may have had their own luxury metalwork industries (Allan, 1982a, pp. 22-25). Khorasanian inlaid wares are notable for the wide variety and virtuosity of their shapes: faceted or fluted ewers, candlesticks whose bulging sides are defined by rows of hexagons worked in relief, and circular inkwells (see DAWĀT) surmounted by melon-shaped dome-like covers. Their largely figural decoration is likewise wide-ranging, including scenes of pleasure and pastime, astrological symbols, zoomorphic inscriptions, and plastically rendered figures of animals, especially lions and birds (Ward, p. 78).

What How This Beautiful Metal Handicraft is Made?

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This florescence of Iranian metalwork in the 12th and early 13th centuries was part of a larger period of creativity in the so-called decorative arts, one that changed dramatically with the Mongol invasion, which brought to an abrupt end the important metalwork centers in Khorasan. Post-Mongol metalwork, largely attributable to Azerbaijan and Fars, exhibits simpler and less varied shapes. Bowls, deep basins, flat trays, and tall bell-shaped candlesticks predominate. The decoration is largely figural and often closely follows the style of contemporary manuscript illustration, especially in the first half of the 14th century. Some of the figural scenes are as ambitious as contemporary painting (Komaroff, 1994, pp. 11-20). Their inscriptions provide the first extensive evidence of royal patronage of base metalware inlaid with gold and silver (Komaroff and Carboni, eds., pp. 277-80, Cat. nos. 159-66, 169).

Several examples of inlaid brass objects are inscribed with the names of members of the Il-khanid dynasty, the most impressive of which is an unusual composite vessel known as the Nisan Tasi, in the Mevlavi (Mawlawi) Tekke Museum in Konya, of which its basin and support stand bear the name and titles of Abu Saʿid Bahādor Khan (r. 1317-35; Baer, pp. 3-7). These pieces are more closely related to Mamluk metalwork rather than to other contemporaneous objects from Iran, although this does not rule out an attribution to Azerbaijan.

A number of examples of luxury metalwork can be linked to Fars on the basis of their inscriptions, for example a candlestick dateable to ca. 1343-53, in the Museum of Islamic Art, in Doha (Qatar), inscribed with the name and titles of the Injuid ruler Abu Esḥāq (r. 1321-59; Komaroff and Carboni, eds., p. 278, Cat. no. 162; Figure 2). The candlestick carries depictions of the enthroned ruler and his consort in Mongol attire, which have analogues in contemporaneous illustrated manuscripts (Wright, pp. 60-67) suggesting that metalworkers and manuscript illustrators may have shared a common iconographic source in the form of drawings (Komaroff, 2002, pp. 189-91). A bowl in the Hermitage Museum is likewise inscribed to Abu Esḥāq Inju, while an inlaid bucket in the same museum dated 733/1332-33 was made for his father Maḥmud Shah (Gyuzalyan, pp. 175-78; Komaroff and Carboni, ed., p. 278, Cat. no. 161). Based on these and several other related objects, Fars seems to have been an important center for inlaid metalwork. The prominence of figural imagery declined in the second half of the 14th century, giving way to abstract designs inspired by Chinese blue-and-white porcelains (Komaroff, 1992a, pp. 3-4).

Item Details Size Sugar Pot Max Diameter: 9.5 cm (3.7 inch) Sugar Pot Min Diameter: 7 cm (2.7 inch) Sugar Pot Height: 16cm (6.2inch) Weight 315 gr Material (s) Hand Engraved on Copper Plate Origination Handmade in Isfahan / Persia (Iran) Usage Sugar Pot,Candy Dish , Decorative Crafts, Persian Gift

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#persian handicrafts #persian souvenirs #persian rugs

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