#the thing is israel could of accepted a ceasefire deal and not killed anyone for them 🤷

[bisexualalienss]

i just…how are we celebrating 4 people being saved when they had to kill hundreds to do it

[mariacallous]

As we approach the one-year mark since the horrific events of Oct. 7, 2023, it’s time to recognize that the methods attempted so far to gain the release of the remaining 101 hostages held in the Gaza Strip—including four American citizens—aren’t working. President Biden has failed to get Israel and Hamas to accept a ceasefire and a prisoner exchange despite months of prodding. Israeli rescue attempts have had only limited success. Israel said on Sunday that during a recent military operation, its troops discovered six hostages who had been killed by their captors, including Hersh Goldberg-Polin, an American Israeli who had been one of the faces of the hostage ordeal—and whose parents spoke at the Democratic National Convention last month. Goldberg-Polin and the others did not have to die.

Two things should be clear to anyone paying attention: First, Hamas and its senior leader in the enclave, Yahya Sinwar, are responsible for the ongoing suffering of the hostages in Gaza; and second, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has the power to secure their release but has chosen again and again not to do so.

Since December, there has been a proposal on the table to exchange hostages with Palestinian prisoners in Israeli custody at a ratio that favors Hamas. It is predicated on a cease-fire and a path to a diplomatic settlement of the war. It is the only formula that could secure the return of all hostages from Gaza.

Sinwar will not agree to changes in the basic outlines of the deal. Counter to Netanyahu’s claims, military pressure does not work on him. In warfare, it is important to understand your adversary. For Sinwar, the rising death toll in Gaza with all its attendant pain actually advances his core interest: It increases the delegitimization of Israel internationally. And while Sinwar is clearly going to great lengths to protect his own life, he would rather die than give up hostages without securing an end to the war.

Netanyahu, for his part, is not genuinely interested in a hostage deal, as it endangers his political survival. As long as there are hostages in Gaza, he has a justification to continue the war. And as long as the war continues, he can push off demands for a commission of inquiry, an early election, and a broader political reckoning. Netanyahu presided over the single largest one-day loss of civilian Jewish lives since the Holocaust, and his only way to survive politically is by perpetuating the war. While Netanyahu pays lip service to the hostages and to Biden’s efforts on their behalf, he is actively sabotaging any chance of a deal.

He has done so throughout the negotiating process by repeatedly introducing new demands. The latest example is his insistence on maintaining Israeli control of the border between Gaza and Egypt, which Israel calls the Philadelphi Corridor. Netanyahu said that holding the corridor is necessary to prevent Hamas from rearming. But Israel didn’t bother capturing Philadelphi until nine months into the war. And Israel’s own security chiefs believe it’s possible to block the flow of arms from Egypt without maintaining a troop presence there.

Netanyahu has also ordered provocative military actions at several junctures when it appeared that the negotiations might be advancing. In early January, when the three-stage hostage deal was gaining steam, Netanyahu authorized the assassination of Hamas deputy leader Saleh al-Arouri in Beirut—halting the talks. In early April, just when the United States, Egypt, and Qatar made a breakthrough on the hostage deal, an Israeli attack in northern Gaza killed three sons and four grandchildren of Hamas political chief Ismail Haniyeh. Negotiations stalled. The pattern is unmistakable.

Multiple times over the past few months, Netanyahu has committed himself to a deal in private meetings with Biden or members of his team, only to move the goal posts publicly.

This happened in May, when Biden spoke publicly about his agreement with Netanyahu, and again just last week, following Netanyahu’s three-hour meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken.

I’ve been involved in hostage negotiations for a long time, and so I can tell you: When there are gaps between the sides and you want negotiations to succeed, you emphasize the common ground in your public remarks. If you want the negotiations to fail, you speak publicly about the gaps. It’s hard to ignore the fact that Netanyahu only ever talks about the gaps.

From the outside, this certainly feels like an impasse. But there is another way.

Biden should set aside, for now, the effort to reach a comprehensive hostage deal and focus on bringing home the four Americans held in Gaza (four other Americans were abducted on Oct. 7 but have since been confirmed dead). He should do it quickly, before they too are killed as a result of Netanyahu’s self-serving policies. Protecting the safety of American citizens is the first order of responsibility for any U.S. president. In trying for a more limited deal, Biden would be honoring that mandate—but he might also end up breaking the impasse and nudging the sides toward a broader deal.

To put the Israeli hostages to the side for now and aim for a much smaller agreement would certainly be painful. I have maintained regular contact with the families of many of the hostages—they have endured the worst kind of suffering imaginable over the past year. As an Israeli citizen, I share their anguish—and I’m devastated by the discovery of the six dead hostages.

It would also be complicated.

The United States designates Hamas as a terrorist group and has a no-concessions policy when it comes to American hostages. Any negotiation would have to be indirect. But the current talks are already indirect—mediated by Qatar and Egypt. Building a communication channel is often the hardest part of the negotiation. In this case, it already exists.

Regarding the terms of a deal, the White House might wonder what it could offer Hamas in return for the Americans. After all, the United States cannot stop the war, nor does it have Hamas prisoners to release. This is where emotional intelligence would be key. This type of deal would not be about what the United States can offer Hamas—though humanitarian aid to Palestinians in Gaza could be included in the package. Instead, it would be about what strategic gains Hamas stands to make by doing a deal with the United States.

From Hamas’s perspective, an agreement would potentially stoke tensions between Israel and the United States—thereby advancing the group’s interests. And it would reveal Netanyahu as an obstructionist. All four Americans held in Gaza are also Israeli citizens. Their release would reflect badly on Netanyahu, underscoring that Biden was willing to do more for Israelis than their own leader.

Of course, the initiative could be framed by Biden’s political opponents as a betrayal of Israel at a sensitive moment, ahead of the U.S. presidential election in November. But the administration could make a strong case regarding its responsibility to protect the lives of U.S. citizens after almost a year of diplomacy. Or it could wait till after the election, when the lame-duck period makes the issue moot.

The most important outcome of such a deal would be the release itself—four people who have endured excruciating captivity for almost a year would be returned to their families. But an agreement—or even just the credible prospect of one—might just force Netanyahu to accept the larger hostage-deal framework.

To put it simply, it might be politically infeasible for Netanyahu to watch from the sidelines as Biden bypasses him and secures the release of hostages. The pressure from the Israeli street would be immense.

Biden has been a friend to Israel for his entire political career. A public display of tension and disagreement would be out of character for him. But a separate deal to bring home U.S. hostages would not rupture ties with Israel. Instead, it would reassert that American interests cannot be subordinated to those of a foreign power, even a close ally.

[pub-lius]

The 1775 Campaign: Lexington and Concord - Siege of Boston

Last we left off, the British had just arrived in Lexington, Massachusetts from a long March through Brackish Water. Now, we shall discuss what occurred at Lexington and Concord, as well as Bunker Hill, the Battle of Quebec, and the Siege of Boston.

*Several crucial Individuals will be discussed, but separate Posts will only be made on a Few. If you would like a detailed, but still relatively Brief, Biography on anyOne in particular, or any Events, for that matter, send an Ask, and I will see it done (if I have the time). Of course, any additional questions or requests are accepted and encouraged.

Prior to Lexington and Concord, Governor General Thomas Gage was tasked with suppressing the Revolt started by Colonists in Opposition to more strict British law Enforcement. In order to do this, Gage enforced the Coercive Acts, which were even more strict. Obviously, this only made Things worse.

In April 1775, orders for the seizure of Weapon Stores in Concord, Massachusetts were issued, but it is not known if the British intended to arrest Patriot Leaders, John Hancock and Samuel Adams, who were taking refuge in Lexington. On April 18th, Paul Revere, William Dawes, and Samuel Prescott set out on their ride to warn Patriots of the British Approach as two Lanterns were lit in the window of the Old North Church. Meanwhile, British Lieutenant Colonel Francis Smith assembles 700 regulars to march on Concord.

Lexington and Concord

The Patriots were led by John Parker, and massed at about 3,960 Men by the end of the Battle. The British totaled at around 1,500 men under John Pitcairn and Francis Smith.

At 5:00 am on April 19th, the British march into Lexington, and are faced with 70 of Parker’s militia. The British charge the Patriots, and Parker orders his Men to disperse. There is a Gunshot, but which side fired it is unknown. The British fire a Volley, striking 8 Militiamen, and walking away with a Victory.

The British enter Concord at 8:00 am. The officers order around 220 troops to secure the North Bridge, then to go to Barrett Farm. Around 400 militia gather on the high Ground to see Smoke rising from the Town, and falsely presume the British are burning the Town, which leads to an Advance. The leading Company was led by Isaac Davis, who is quoted as saying, “I haven’t a man afraid to go.”

In response to the Patriot Assault, the British retreat to the Shore of the River. The British open Fire, and kill two Men, one of which was Davis. This Volley is referred to as the “Shot heard round the World”.

The British then retreat back to Boston, all the While being harassed and attacked on all Sides by Patriots along Battle Road. When they make it back to Lexington, they are attacked once more by Parker’s men.

The Americans faced 93 casualties: 49 killed, 39 wounded, and 5 missing. The British suffered 300 Casualties: 73 killed, 174 wounded, and 53 missing. Ouch. The British conduct a running Fight, and unclear Orders on behalf of the Patriots allow the British to escape. But, this left a 20,000 man Militia opposing General Gage.

The next event occurs on June 17, 1775. Gage is facing excess pressure to suppress this Rebellion. He plans to launch an Attack on the Heights North and South of Boston. Unfortunately for him, the Details were leaked to the Patriots, and the Patriot Militia gathered to defend Charlestown, Massachusetts. Many of these militia included free and enslaved African Americans. The sheer Number of the Militia intimidated the British Leaders, Gage, William Howe, Henry Clinton, and John Burgoyne. From June 15 to June 16, the Patriots move to Breed’s Hill to prepare a fortified Position. Their left Flank was exposed along the south Bank of the Mystic River, and, despite being disorderly and ill-equipped, the Patriots assemble a makeshift Fortification.

Bunker Hill

General Israel Putnam leads the 2,400 Patriot troops against General Gage’s 3,000 Regulars and Grenadiers. The British move across Boston Harbor and disembark in lower Charleston for the Assault on Breed’s Hill (the Battle didn’t actually occur on Bunker Hill). Sir William Howe leads the Troops up the Hill, and, allegedly, William Prescott says, “don’t fire until you see the Whites of their Eyes,” in order to save Gunpowder.

Once the British are within Range of Patriot Guns, the Militia unleashes an unforgiving Volley. According to one Patriot, “They advanced toward us in order to swallow us up, but they found a choaky mouthful of us. (sic)” This volley was repeated once more, until the third Assault when the Patriots ran out of Ammunition, allowing the British to break through their Works. 

The two sides then engaged in intense, close-combat Fighting. It was at this Point that a “black soldier named Salem” shot and mortally wounded Major John Pitcairn, who allegedly ordered the Fire at Lexington and Concord.

The Patriots faced 450 Casualties: 115 killed, 305 wounded, and 30 missing. The British, on the other Hand, suffered a whopping 1,054: 226 killed, 828 wounded, and 0 missing. Big Ouch. It was then that the British abandon Plans to seize another High Point.

As the Battle of Bunker Hill was occurring, on June 14, the Continental Army was established by the Continental Congress, and on the following day, Colonel George Washington was made His Excellency General George Washington, Commander-in-Chief of the Continental Army.

George Washington was nominated by a Massachusetts Delegate, John Adams (not something to boast about). Washington graciously accepted his Commission, but did not feel as though he was fit for the job. But this wasn’t just because Johnny appreciated Washington’s toned Muscles and supple Hamstrings. Up until this Point, the War was almost entirely fought in the New England Colonies (Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island). In order to inspire other Regions, namely the South, to support the Effort, they needed a noteworthy Southern Leader. Other Colonies (as they were still known) and Regions were placated with Appointments as well.

Siege of Boston

Washington arrives at the Cambridge Encampment on July 2 to find the “Continental Army” in disarray. The Militia were entirely ignorant to military Tactics and Standards of Discipline. His first Objective was to establish Order, gather Provisions, and instill Discipline. 

Some of his subordinate Officers include Horatio Gates and Charles Lee, two highly esteemed Veterans from the French and Indian War. Additionally, there was General Nathaniel Greene, and Colonel Henry Knox. Washington’s Aides-de-Camp included Thomas Mifflin and Joseph Reed, two Crucial Players later in the War (not in a good way). None of these Men had worked together, or separately, on something of this Scale.

The first General Orders of the War include the excerpt, “The Colonels or commanding Officers of each Regt are ordered forthwith, to make two Returns of the Number of men in their respective Regiments; distinguishing such as are sick, wounded or absent on furlough: And also the quantity of ammunition each Regimt now has.” (sic), showing how quickly Washington began sending out Instructions to better organize the Army. 

Washington also had to strategize how to get the British from Boston, while also obeying Congress, which often went against the best Interest of the Army, and dealing with Natural Enemies. Provisions were scarce, the Continental Army lacked ammunition and had no artillery, and Diseases such as Smallpox were plaguing the Men.

For several Months, the Army saw only some small-scale Skirmishes, which only lasted for a few volleys before a Ceasefire was called, with a few Raids thrown in for Color. Also during this time, Washington sent 1,000 troops to Canada under Generals Arnold and Montgomery, which will be discussed after this. 

General Washington also ran into a Problem that would last him the Entirety of the War: Enlistments. Congress conjured a System for the Army, where Militiamen could enlist for only a year. Thus, Washington couldn’t guarantee that he would still have an Army after December 31, and if he was lucky enough to have one, they were completely untrained once more. The beginning of 1776 was one of these Lucky Times.

Meanwhile, the British were stuck in Boston. Although Howe was ordered to evacuate the City in November, they were short on Ships, and had to transport, not only the Army, but Hundreds of Loyalists, who flocked into Boston, causing Overcrowding and Scarcity. Smallpox and dysentery were rampant among the British. Additionally, they have limited Access to mainland Resources, leaving them with only exhaustible Supplies of Food, Water, Firewood, and Clothing.

In late January, Colonel Henry Knox arrives with captured Artillery from Fort Ticonderoga, which had been recently taken by the Patriots. Washington decided to bombard the British from Dorchester Heights, the Hills (including Bunker and Breed’s Hills) south of Boston. Washington devised an complex Amphibious Assault, but was overruled by his Subordinates, which became a usual Occurrence.

In Early March, the Artillery was moved to Dorchester Heights. Since it was hard to dig through the frozen Ground, the Continentals hired Carpenters to build timber Breastworks.

On March 6, Howe sees the suddenly-built Fortifications, and is quoted as saying, “My God, these fellows have done more work in one night than I could make my army do in 3 months.” From how quickly these Fortifications were built, the British supposed that the Americans had at least 20,000 men.

The British attempted firing at the Americans, but they were out of Range. Meanwhile, on the opposite side of the Charles River, around 4,000 troops under Generals Greene, Putnam and Sullivan prepared to block the North Side of the Boston Peninsula, following Washington’s Amphibious Plan.

In addition to British fears of a Second Bunker Hill, a large Storm ruined the Chances of a full Engagement. On March 6, the British vote to evacuate, and on March 8, How writes to Washington, bargaining that he would not burn Boston if Washington allowed his Army and Loyalists to leave unharmed. Washington granted this request, and on March 17, Soldiers and Loyalists numbering around 11,000 left Boston for Nova Scotia and New Brunswick. 

"I shall feel no pain from the toil or the danger of the campaign. My unhappiness will flow frok the uneasiness I know you will feel being left alone." -George Washington to Martha Washington, June 18, 1775

Quebec Campaign

As mentioned before, General Washington ordered an Attack on the Colony of Quebec. The Quebec Campaign lasted from August of 1775 to July 1776. 

Congress wanted Quebec to become another of the rebellious Colonies for two Reasons. The first being that English Protestants saw Quebecois Catholics as a physical and cultural Threat. Additionally, the Early Americans wanted Continental Unity across North America. Thus, Congress pushed Washington to capture Quebec, and he eventually complied.

On August 25, General Richard Montgomery ordered 1,200 troops from Ticonderoga into the Quebec Territory, settling at the Ile aux Noix along the Richelieu River. On September 17, Montgomery laid Siege to Fort St. John’s, which was under the Command of General Guy Carleton. 

Carleton attempted to lift the Siege of October 30, and chose to surrender on November 3. Then, Montgomery surrounded Montreal, which was surrendered without Resistance on November 13.

Then, Washington ordered 1,100 men under General Benedict Arnold to move around the enemy’s Side towards Quebec City. Arnold set out on September 15 to the Mouth of the Kennebec River. His Troops faced a 400 mile March through largely uninhabited Terrain. By the End of the March, Arnold only had 600 men, after many Deaths and a large scale Desertion. They finally reached Quebec on November 14, and waited for Montgomery, who arrived on December 2, bringing their Numbers to 1,100.

Montgomery ordered a multi-pronged Attack against the Fortifications on December 31. He separated his Men into 3 Divisions, under himself, Arnold, and General Livingston. They attempted to use a Snowstorm as a Cover, which blinded the Continentals and clogged their Guns. The Engagement ended with Arnold wounded, Montgomery dead, Aaron Burr unemployed, and 400 captured Americans.

Consequently, Arnold took command of the Campaign, and continued the Siege for several Months. In May 1776, John Burgoyne added Reinforcements to the British Garrison. Burgoyne drove Arnold back to New York.

Meanwhile, Congress had to come up with an Excuse for their lack of Judgement. Delegates such as John Adams and Richard Henry Lee (Virginia is his home) blamed an Outbreak of Smallpox. All of the Smart People blamed themselves because it was, in fact, their Fault. A report from a Committee made to consider this Issue (consisting of Franklin, Chase, and Carrol in May 1776) stated that Congress’ Indecision and lack of Organization prevented necessities needed to execute the Strategy. This will become a Reoccurring Theme.

Americans still believed Quebec could be added to the United States up until the early 19th Century, especially those who had served in Congress during this period, such as Thomas Jefferson.

“...I hope our force, add the benefits of skill, the acquisition of Canada this year, as far as the neighborhood of Quebec, will be a mere matter of marching; & will give us experience for the attack of Halifax, the next, & the final expulsion of England from the American continent.” -Thomas Jefferson, August 4, 1812

Sources:

https://www.battlefields.org/learn/revolutionary-war/battles/lexington-and-concord

https://www.battlefields.org/learn/revolutionary-war/battles/bunker-hill

https://www.battlefields.org/learn/articles/siege-boston

Texts for first set of images: https://www.loc.gov/item/rbpe.10800500/

Images and texts for second set of images: https://www.loc.gov/resource/dcmsiabooks.accountofbattleo00dear_0/?sp=5

https://www.thoughtco.com/american-revolution-battles-2360662

https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/03-05-02-0231

https://www.mountvernon.org/library/digitalhistory/digital-encyclopedia/article/quebec-campaign/#5

George Washington’s Indispensable Men by Arthur S. Lefkowitz

[khalilhumam]

30 years after our ‘endless wars’ in the Middle East began, still no end in sight

New Post has been published on http://khalilhumam.com/30-years-after-our-endless-wars-in-the-middle-east-began-still-no-end-in-sight/

30 years after our ‘endless wars’ in the Middle East began, still no end in sight

By Bruce Riedel The Iraqi invasion of Kuwait on August 2, 1990 marked the beginning of America’s “endless wars” in the Middle East. Before that point, American combat operations in the region had been generally temporary and short-term. President George H.W. Bush wanted to continue that pattern when he responded forcefully and appropriately to Iraq’s aggression, but it did not work out that way. Four presidents since have discovered it’s hard to get home. Americans — including my father — fought the Nazis in North Africa in World War II, but the first combat operation in the Middle East proper did not come until July 18, 1958, when President Dwight Eisenhower sent Marines ashore in Beirut, Lebanon. Operation Blue Bat was prompted by a coup, not in Lebanon but in Iraq. On July 17, 1958, the Iraqi army overthrew the most pro-Western government in the Middle East, the Hashemite monarchy that then ruled both Iraq and Jordan. King Faisal II and his family were brutally murdered. The normally cautious Ike panicked and sent the Marines to Beirut to prop up a Maronite Christian president facing a popular revolt against his effort to get a second and unconstitutional term in office. President Eisenhower was worried that the whole region was about to fall into the hands of the charismatic Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, hailed throughout the Arab world as an anti-colonialist who was routing the forces of Western imperialism. Nasser was a Soviet proxy, Ike believed, but he had not been behind the coup in Baghdad. In fact, Nasser was as surprised as Eisenhower. On the ground, the heavily armed Marines rushing ashore were met by vendors selling Coca-Cola and girls sunning in bikinis. It was a bit of a farce, but it was also extremely dangerous and could have turned into a quagmire. Fortunately, cooler heads in the American Embassy prevailed and made a deal with the opposition, and then Washington backed down. Another Maronite was selected president and the civil war ended peacefully. Only one American soldier died in combat, and after 102 days ashore the Marines left Lebanon. Only five years old, I was there in Beirut in July 1958; my father was serving with the United Nations. The next combat operation also involved fears of Nasserism and the Russians. Egypt and the Soviets intervened in Yemen in 1962 to support a republican coup against a monarchy. Saudi Arabia and Jordan backed the royalists against Egypt and civil war ensued. The Egyptians bombed royalist camps in Saudi Arabia, and King Faisal appealed to John F. Kennedy for help. JFK sent the United States Air Force to protect the Saudis in mid-1963. Operation Hard Surface lasted six months. U.S. Air Force jets flew combat air patrols along the border with Yemen. No actual combat took place, as Nasser did not want to take on the Americans and Kennedy did not want a war. In the years after 1964, American combat operations in the region were usually short-lived. We did lose troops. Thirty-four crewmen were killed on June 8, 1967 when Israel attacked the USS Liberty. Two hundred and forty-one Marines and sailors died back in Beirut on October 23, 1983, when Ronald Reagan foolishly intervened in another Lebanese civil war. Reagan then wisely pulled out of Lebanon. Reagan got involved in the region’s longest modern conventional war, the Iran-Iraq war in the 1980s. After Iraq attacked the USS Stark in May 1987, killing 34 sailors, the Reagan administration blamed Iran for the war. The U.S. Navy fought an undeclared naval war in the Persian Gulf for over a year against the Iranians. It ended when Iran and Iraq accepted a ceasefire. The navy largely left the Gulf, leaving only a small base in Bahrain. In 1990, that was the only American military base in the Middle East outside Turkey. The Iran-Iraq war cost Iraq a fortune, including tens of billions in loans from Kuwait and Saudi Arabia. Saddam Hussein decided in July 1990 to rob the bank to escape his self-made financial crisis. On the evening of August 1-2 in Washington, I became deputy task force chief in the CIA to provide intelligence to the Bush team. We immediately warned that Saudi Arabia was Saddam’s next target and Operation Desert Shield followed. Americans have been in combat ever since. Today American military personnel are in most Middle Eastern countries, including all the Gulf monarchies, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Turkey, and Afghanistan. The Kuwait crisis came with little warning. I was in Baghdad and Kuwait in June 1990; I do not recall anyone mentioning the risk that Iraq might move south on Kuwait. Our focus was on Saddam’s threats to “burn” Israel and the construction of launch sites for Scud missiles in western Iraq to hit Tel Aviv. But by mid-July we detected the Iraqi build-up along the Kuwaiti border. We told the president that Kuwait thought the Iraqis were bluffing; we did not. Bush and his National Security Advisor Brent Scowcroft created a coalition to fight Iraq that included dozens of countries with major troop contributions from Britain and France in particular, as well as Egypt and Syria. Over a half-million American troops were deployed to the Gulf. More went to Israel after the war began and Saddam fired his Scuds at Israel. Bush tried to avoid an open-ended war. He wisely did not invade Iraq after the liberation of Kuwait, but he created a no-fly zone in northern Iraq, Operation Provide Comfort, that led to years of combat patrols over Iraq. The northern zone was extended to include another no-fly zone in the south, Operation Southern Watch, to protect Iraqi Shiites and keep the Iraqis away from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, at least in the air. Thankfully, no Americans were shot down by the Iraqis, although tragically two American helicopters were shot down over Kurdistan on April 14, 1994 by Air Force jets, killing 26 Americans on board. I had been on one of those helicopters two weeks before the accident. George W. Bush took us back to Iraq in 2003. He ignored a warning from Scowcroft that it would divert critical resources from the fight against terrorism. He dismissed intelligence that said Iraq had nothing to do with the 9/11 attack. The invasion has been called the worst decision in American foreign policy ever. August 1990 was a turning point for Americans. Bush did the right thing, but as ever in war there were unanticipated consequences to the use of force. President Barack Obama and his Vice President Joe Biden tried to get out of Iraq but were drawn back in by ISIS. President Donald Trump has talked about leaving the endless wars, but has actually put more troops on the ground, including sending them back into Saudi Arabia after we left the kingdom in 2005. Washington has discovered getting in is easy, getting out is seemingly impossible.