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lingyunxiang · 1 year ago

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California State Senator Ben Allen represents the 24th Senate District, covering the Westside, Hollywood, South Bay, and Santa Monica Mountains communities of Los Angeles County. Ben was first elected in 2014 and is now serving his third and final term in the State Senate.

Ben chairs the Senate's Environmental Quality Committee and co-chairs the Legislature's Environmental Caucus, is a member of the Legislative Jewish Caucus, chairs the Legislature's Joint Committee on the Arts, and the Senate Select Committee on Aerospace and Defense. He previously served as Chair of the Education Committee (2017-2019) and Chair of the Elections and Constitutional Amendments Committee (2015-2016).

Ben has thrown himself into the important work of state government, focusing on wise decision-making and pushing for reforms that address systemic inadequacies in our state. He has authored nearly 60 new laws in various areas, from environmental protection to electoral reform.

During his first two terms in the Senate, fighting the climate crisis and protecting our state's precious natural resources have been among Ben's top priorities. CalMatters recently recognized him as one of the Legislature's foremost leaders in the field of environmental protection. He authored SB 54, groundbreaking legislation to address plastic pollution, which Governor Newsom signed into law to international acclaim. The New York Times called SB 54 "the most sweeping restrictions on plastics in the nation" and suggested the legislation is "another route for curbing carbon emissions and trying to sidestep the worst consequences of global warming" after the Supreme Court gutted the federal government's power to regulate carbon emissions. As Chair of the Senate Environmental Quality Committee, Ben worked with his colleagues to pass a powerful climate package requiring the state to become carbon-neutral by 2045 and produce 90% of its electricity from clean sources by 2035, among other measures. A member of the Ocean Protection Council and Coastal Conservancy, he has led a successful effort to phase out a dangerous carcinogen in firefighting foam, crafted a compromise to phase out destructive trawling gear, and brokered a major compromise that lessened the environmental impact of off-highway vehicle use at state facilities. "If only Congress could work out such compromises," wrote the Sacramento Bee editorial board about the bill.

Among his efforts to reform California campaign finance and elections laws, Ben authored the landmark Voter's Choice Act of 2016 to implement more flexibility in how and where to vote, creating the vote center model used in the 2020 elections, which resulted in significantly increased voter turnout. Ben also has been a leader for campaign transparency, and was a leader in passing the Disclose Act and Petition Disclose Act and other transparency measures that have dramatically improved the disclosure of donors to political causes for the public. The California Clean Money Campaign has routinely ranked him top in the Legislature for his commitment to clean money political reform.

An advocate for the Golden State's continued leadership in arts and entertainment, Ben is a member of the California Film Commission. He was part of a legislative effort to extend the Film & TV Tax Credit Program to further support and invest in California’s unrivaled film industry. Ben also authored the law that reinstated teaching credentials for theatre and dance educators, and he continues to fight for expanded access to the arts in schools and underserved communities. Ben has been a champion for science and was a joint author of the state's groundbreaking law that increased vaccination rates among school children.

Prior to his election to the Senate, Ben served as President of the Santa Monica-Malibu Unified School District Board of Education, lecturer at UCLA Law School, and worked as an attorney at the law firms of Bryan Cave LLP and Richardson & Patel and at the nonprofit Spark Program. While at law school, Ben served as the voting student member of the University of California Board of Regents and was a summer judicial clerk with the United Nations International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda. Prior to law school, Ben worked in Washington DC for the Latin American team of the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs (NDI), and then as Communications Director for Congressman Jose Serrano (D-NY).

Ben grew up in the 24th Senate District and attended public schools, graduating from Santa Monica High School in 1996. His father, Michael, spent his career on the English Department faculty at UCLA and mother, Elena, was a public school teacher and artist who served as Chair of the Santa Monica Arts Commission. Ben has a Bachelor of Arts degree magna cum laude in History from Harvard University; a Master's degree in Latin American Studies from the University of Cambridge; and a Juris Doctor degree from UC Berkeley. Fluent in Spanish, Ben is a Senior Fellow with the international human rights organization Humanity in Action, an Aspen Institute-Rodel Fellow, a Truman National Security Project Fellow, and a graduate of the Jewish Federation's New Leaders Project. He and his wife Melanie, an attorney, have a little son, Ezra.

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newstfionline · 6 years ago

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In East Palo Alto, residents say tech companies have created ‘a semi-feudal society’

By Scott Wilson, Washington Post, November 4, 2018

EAST PALO ALTO, Calif.--This poor city is surrounded by the temples of the new American economy that has, in nearly every way imaginable, passed it by.

Just outside the northern city limit, Facebook is expanding the blocks-long headquarters it built seven years ago. Google’s offices sit just outside the southern edge, and just a few miles to the west, Stanford University stands as the rich proving ground of the economy’s future. Amazon just moved in.

Only a small fraction of jobs in those companies go to those who live in this city of 30,000 people, one of the region’s few whose population is majority minority. That demography is under threat by the one economic force that has not passed East Palo Alto by--rapidly rising rents and home prices.

“Amazon Google Facebook--SOS,” reads a painted bedsheet draped from an RV parked off Pulgas Avenue, one of dozens of trailers where families have come to live rent-free along a gravel path that leads from the city to the San Francisco Bay.

In the past year, John Mahoni, a burly, affable 41-year-old Latino man, has had a dozen visits from real estate speculators looking to buy his small house off Terra-Villa Street in the city’s worn-down southeast side. The most recent doorstep instant offer: $900,000 in cash, almost three times what he paid less than a decade ago. He turned it down.

“They’ve stopped coming because I cussed them out, but I know they were just doing their jobs,” said Mahoni, noting that residents have the right to reject any offer for their property. “... There’s no law against not being greedy.”

Skyrocketing housing costs are accelerating a demographic shift across the progressive Bay Area, pushing out Latinos and African Americans into ever-more-distant suburbs to make room for predominantly white technology workers.

A recent University of California at Berkeley study found that the region has “lost thousands of low-income black households” as the result of rising housing costs. The study found no similar effect on the income of or departures in white neighborhoods.

The process compelling minorities to leave for cheaper cities, caused by Bay Area housing shortages and policies that have cemented those market trends, is in effect resegregating a region that has prided itself on ethnic diversity.

A 30 percent median rent increase from 2000 to 2015 translated into a 21 percent decline in minority households, according to the university’s Urban Displacement Project. While it is hard to pin down the average Bay Area rent, estimates place it above $3,000 a month.

Black neighborhoods in Oakland, Richmond and Berkeley have seen the most precipitous exodus. Most of those leaving are heading east to the less-expensive agricultural valleys, where political resentment toward the coastal elite has been building for years.

The crisis is sharpening as Californians prepare to vote Tuesday on a ballot measure that would make it easier for cities and counties to impose certain forms of rent control.

Proposition 10, as the measure is known, is unlikely to win judging by recent polling. But when surveys ask California voters if they support rent control in general, a majority say yes.

This could mark a turn after decades of unsuccessful attempts to give local governments more authority to control housing costs.

In 2016, five California cities had ballot measures to adopt new rent-control laws. Two were victorious and two more cities, including Santa Cruz in this region, will vote on similar measures Tuesday. Sacramento, the state capital, will have a rent-control initiative on the 2020 ballot.

“We’ve seen a shift in public opinion from rent control being popular to rent control being winnable,” said Dean Preston, executive director of Tenants Together, a nonprofit advocacy group. “People have just had enough of the runaway rents and it’s fair to see this is as a wave happening across the state in response.”

Blessed and cursed by geography, East Palo Alto is the next frontier of Bay Area gentrification.

The city has become a hunting ground for real estate speculators eager to turn even the town’s most decrepit properties into homes and apartments for the tech sector. The offers of cash--and it is often cash--have proved irresistible to some homeowners here who never imagined their tiny two-bedroom bungalows would one day be worth seven figures.

Landlords are using evictions and rent hikes to prepare residential neighborhoods for redevelopment at a time when the city’s wealthy neighbors, from San Jose to Sunnyvale, are in some cases actively opposing affordable housing projects.

The spillover has prompted city leaders here to try to collect some money from the companies building offices with no accompanying housing for the workers.

A measure on the East Palo Alto ballot would impose a tax on each square-foot of large commercial office space, which city leaders say would raise a few million dollars a year for affordable housing and job training. The measure is known colloquially as the “tech tax.”

“The market is fundamentally broken,” said Daniel Saver, senior attorney for the nonprofit Community Legal Services, who after graduating from Harvard Law School six years ago works with low-income tenants and homeowners here. “This is a regional problem, and we can’t solve a regional problem on our own.”

From the early 1980s on, California’s powerful real estate lobby managed to kill every new measure to expand rent control proposed at the state and local levels. The crackdown followed a golden age of tenant rights activism in California when cities such as Berkeley, Santa Monica and East Palo Alto adopted strong rent control measures.

Proposition 10 has revived the long-dormant debate at the state level. If passed, the measure would effectively nullify legislation known as the Costa-Hawkins Rental Housing Act, which the state legislature passed in 1995.

Costa-Hawkins did not eliminate all local rent control in the state. But it prohibited local jurisdictions from implementing two regulations that affordable housing advocates say would better protect residents of cities such as this one amid the real estate boom.

One allowed local governments to limit rent increases when one tenant leaves an apartment and another tenant moves in, even if the new rent remains below market value.

East Palo Alto had the regulation in place before Costa-Hawkins. Tenant rights advocates say vacancy control, as the regulation is known, removes the financial incentive for landlords to evict tenants and hike the rent.

The other allowed local governments to apply rent-control regulations to single-family homes and condominiums. Proposition 10 opponents have focused on this element, in particular, because of its implications for the rights of individual homeowners.

But its advocates say the idea is to discourage real estate speculators, many of whom are now scouring East Palo Alto for investment homes.

The median home price here is more than $1 million, a mixed-blessing milestone passed just a few months ago that culminated a 25 percent price increase over just the past year. But the median household income of $55,170 remains nearly a third of that of neighboring Palo Alto and half that of adjacent Menlo Park.

“Socially and economically in this area we’re living in a semi-feudal society,” Abrica said.

Those economic conditions make this city particularly vulnerable to the forces of gentrification. Many longtime residents are income poor and property rich. They are the prime targets for real estate speculators and investment companies with cash.

“It’s a gold mine here right now,” said Mahoni, one of those targets, who makes his living trading on eBay.

He bought his house--single-story, a patch of lawn surrounded by a chain-link fence out front--in 2009. That is the era known here as “before Facebook,” whose arrival two years later electrified the property market. He paid $330,000.

Mahoni grew up in San Mateo County in a house his parents bought for about $112,000 in 1985 and is now worth 10 times that. While he has resisted the money, many of his neighbors have not or have been forced out by rent hikes.

His cousin is moving to the East Bay from a home on the next street over. He has several friends who in the past year have sold houses and resettled as far away as Tracy, a city about 60 miles east in the San Joaquin Valley.

“No one wanted any part of us when the crime was high here, and that’s what is also frustrating about all this new interest,” said Mahoni, who intends to leave the home to his seven children. ��I tell people only sell if you have to, that you have the character not to sell your soul to the devil. But for some people it’s just too much money not to.”

#East Palo Alto #Bay Area housing

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blackkudos · 6 years ago

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Helen Humes

Helen Humes (June 23, 1913 – September 9, 1981) was an American jazz and blues singer.

Humes was a teenage blues singer, a vocalist with Count Basie's band, a saucy R&B diva, and a mature interpreter of the classy popular song. Along with other well-known jazz singers of the swing era, Humes helped to shape and define the sound of vocal swing music.

Early life

She was born on June 23, 1913, in Louisville, Kentucky, to Emma Johnson and John Henry Humes. She grew up as an only child. Her mother was a schoolteacher, and her father was the first black attorney in town. In an interview, Humes recalled her parents singing to each other around the house and in a church choir.

Humes was introduced to music in the church, singing in the choir and getting piano and organ lessons given at Sunday school by Bessie Allen, who taught music to any child who wanted to learn. Humes began occasionally playing the piano in a small and locally traveling dance band, the Dandies. This constant involvement in music would lead to her singing career in the mid-1920s.

Career

Early career

Her career began with her first vocal performance, at an amateur contest in 1926, singing "When You're a Long, Long Way from Home" and "I'm in Love with You, That's Why". Her talents were noticed by a guitarist in the band, Sylvester Weaver, who recorded for Okeh Records and recommended her to the talent scout and producer Tommy Rockwell. At the age of 14 Humes recorded an album in St. Louis, singing several blues songs. Two years later, a second recording session was held in New York, and this time she was accompanied by pianist J. C. Johnson. Despite this introduction to the music world, Humes did not make another record for another ten years, during which she completed her high school degree, took finance courses, and worked at a bank, as a waitress, and as a secretary for her father. She stayed home for a while, eventually leaving to visit friends in Buffalo, New York. While there, she was invited to sing a few songs at the Spider Web, a cabaret in town. This brief performance turned into an audition, which turned into a $35-a-week job. She stayed in Buffalo, singing with a small group led by Al Sears.

Cincinnati Cotton Club

While Humes was home in Louisville (she said she always returned home at least twice a year) she got a call from Sears, who was in Cincinnati. He wanted her to sing at Cincinnati's Cotton Club. The Cotton Club was an important venue in the Cincinnati music scene. It was an integrated club that booked and promoted a lot of black entertainers. Humes moved to Cincinnati in 1936 and sang with Sears's band again at the Cotton Club.

Count Basie first heard and approached Humes while she was performing at the Cotton Club in 1937. He asked her to join his touring band to replace Billie Holiday. He told her that she would be paid $35 a week, and she responded, "Oh shucks, I make that here and don't have to go no place!" Not long after this encounter, Humes moved in 1937 to New York City, where John Hammond, an influential talent scout and producer, heard her singing with Sears's band at the Renaissance Club. Through Hammond, she became a recording vocalist with Harry James's big band. Her swing recordings with James included "Jubilee", "I Can Dream, Can't I?", Jimmy Dorsey's composition "It's the Dreamer In Me", and "Song of the Wanderer". In March 1938 Hammond persuaded Humes to join Count Basie's Orchestra, where she would stay for four years.

The Count Basie Orchestra

In the Count Basie Orchestra, Humes gained acclaim as a singer of ballads and popular songs. While she was also a talented blues singer, Jimmy Rushing, another member of the orchestra at the time, held domain over the blues vocals. Her vocals with Basie's band included "Between the Devil and the Deep Blue Sea" and "Moonlight Serenade".

On December 24, 1939, Humes performed with the Count Basie Orchestra and James P. Johnson at the second From Spirituals to Swing concert at Carnegie Hall, produced by John Hammond. After this concert, most of her time with the Basie Orchestra was spent touring. In a 1973 oral history she described life on tour:

I used to pretend I was asleep on the Basie bus, so the boys wouldn't think I was hearing their rough talk. I'd sew buttons on and cook for them, too…in places where it was difficult to get anything to eat…down south. I wasn't interested in drinking and keeping late hours…but my kidneys couldn't stand the punishment of those long rides… then too I got tired of singing the same songs.

For these reasons, Humes left the group in 1942, as her health was not good and the stress of being on tour was too taxing.

Café Society and solo career

While home again in Louisville in 1942, Humes was called by John Hammond and invited to sing at Café Society in New York. She performed frequently there, accompanied by the pianists Teddy Wilson and Art Tatum. During that year, she also performed at the Three Deuces, at the Famous Door with Benny Carter (February), at the Village Vanguard with Eddie Heywood, and on tour with a big band led by the trombonist Ernie Fields.

In 1944, Humes moved to Los Angeles, California, where she spent a lot of time in the studio, recording solo work and movie soundtracks. Some of the soundtracks she recorded were Panic in the Streets and My Blue Heaven. She appeared in the musical film Jivin' in Be-Bop, by Dizzy Gillespie. She also performed and toured with Jazz at the Philharmonic for five seasons. In 1945, she recorded her most popular songs, two jump blues tunes, "Be-Baba-Leba" (Philo, 1945) and "Million Dollar Secret" (Modern, 1950). Despite this, her career stagnated. From the late 1940s to the mid-1950s she made a few recordings, working with different bands and vocalists, including Nat King Cole, but was not nearly as active as she had been. In 1950 she recorded Benny Carter's "Rock Me to Sleep". She bridged the gap between big-band swing jazz and rhythm and blues.

In 1956, Humes toured Australia with the vibraphonist Red Norvo. Their tour was well received, and she returned again in 1962 and 1964. She performed at the Newport Jazz Festival in 1959 and the Monterey Jazz Festival in 1960 and 1962. She toured Europe with the first American Folk Blues Festival in 1962.

She returned to the United States in 1967 to take care of her ailing mother. At this point Humes viewed her singing career as a part of her past. She took a job at a local ammunition plant, sold her record player and her records and stopped singing. From 1967 to 1973, she did not work as a singer, until Stanley Dance persuaded her to perform at the Newport Jazz Festival in 1973. This performance led to a revival of her career in music. The festival was followed with multiple European engagements and some albums made in France for Black and Blue. She sang regularly at the Cookery in New York City from 1974 to 1977.

Humes subsequently performed occasionally in America and at European venues and festivals, including the prestigious Nice Jazz Festival in the mid-1970s. She recorded her final album, Helen, for Muse Records in 1980. She received the Music Industry of France Award in 1973 and the key to the city of Louisville in 1975.

Humes said of her career, "I'm not trying to be a star! I want to work and be happy and just go along and have my friends – and that's my career."

Death

Humes died of cancer in Santa Monica, California, in 1981, at the age of 68. Her family requested donations for cancer research instead of flowers at her funeral. She is buried at the Inglewood Park Cemetery, in Inglewood, California.

Style and reviews

Humes's vocal range was from G3 to C5, as she stated in a letter to the arranger Buck Clayton in preparation for a European tour, along with a list of her preferred songs. According to many critics, her voice was versatile, suiting pop songs and ballads as well as blues. She was compared to Ethel Waters and Mildred Bailey from early in her career and was often recorded singing the blues after her association with Basie. In an interview with the jazz critic Whitney Balliett, Humes explained, "I've been called a blues singer, a jazz singer, and a ballad singer – well, I'm all three, which means I'm just a singer." A review from Downbeat Magazine of her albums Talk of the Town, Helen Comes Back, and Helen Humes with Red Norvo and His Orchestra said the following about her collaboration with Red Norvo:

Norvo's sparkling vibes are the ideal compliment to Helen's lithe, light timbered clarity…Helen is in particularly fine voice…[with] an uncanny resemblance to early Ella [Fitzgerald] in her sound and phrasing.

The review of Helen Comes Back was not as positive but did not fault the singer:

Blues dominates [the album]…[and] although her voice is delightful, the material is too simple to challenge her…Helen is a great deal more than a blues shouter.

Reviews in the Washington Post of her last performances, in Maryland in 1978 and Washington, D.C., in 1980, described her as "beaming and genial at 65" (in 1978) and gave insight into her versatile vocals: "her characteristically light voice [turning] rough as she belted out…'You Can Take My Man But You Can't Keep Him Long'." The reviews also described her use of back phrasing, reminiscent of Billie Holiday's signature style of phrasing a melody in an intimate, personal fashion.

Discography

Midnight at Minton's, Don Byas, 1941

Helen Humes, 1959

Tain't Nobody's Biz-ness if I Do, 1959

Songs I Like to Sing, 1960

Swingin' with Humes, 1961

Helen Comes Back, 1973

Let the Good Times Roll, 1973

Sneakin' Around, 1974

On the Sunny Side of the Street (live), 1974

Helen Humes, 1974

Midsummer Night's Songs (RCA, 1974) with Red Norvo and His Orchestra

Talk of the Town, 1975

Deed I Do (live), 1976

Helen Humes and the Muse All Stars, 1979

The New Year's Eve, 1980

Helen, 1981

With the Count Basie Orchestra

The Original American Decca Recordings (GRP, 1937–39), 1992

With Harry James and His Orchestra

"Jubilee" / "I Can Dream, Can't I?" (78 rpm single, Brunswick 8038, 1937)

"It's The Dreamer In Me" (78 rpm single, Brunswick 8055, 1938)

"Song Of The Wanderer (Where Shall I Go)" (78 rpm single, Brunswick 8067, 1938)

Awards

Hot Club of France Award for Best Album of 1973

Key to the City of Louisville, 1975, 1977

Wikipedia

#Helen Humes #06-23 #09-09

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fediscoun · 5 years ago

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meganlclickfl · 6 years ago

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irstaxexpert · 4 months ago

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santamonicaday · 6 years ago

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carlasdolphaz · 6 years ago

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floydmmahon88 · 6 years ago

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selatentp · 5 years ago

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savvyherb · 5 years ago

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Pairs Well With Weed

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WEST HOLLYWOOD — The food at West Hollywood’s first weed restaurant, Lowell Farms: A Cannabis Cafe, isn’t actually infused with weed. But the cuisine could certainly be described as cannabis complementary.

There are vegan nachos and upscale corn dogs; French fries and Angus burgers; and crispy brussels sprouts as well as baby kale and garden salads for those with more virtuous palates when they’re high. (Because, really, what’s nicer than sharing a joint over a plate of edamame and shaved asparagus?)

The restaurant, which opened on Oct. 1 and has been packed every day since, is part of West Hollywood’s effort to make the city a kind of cannabis destination within Los Angeles County. Earlier this year voters approved extra taxation on cannabis businesses. West Hollywood estimates that weed tourism will bring in $5 million to $7 million in tax revenue annually.

“And that’s a conservative estimate,” said John Leonard, who is unofficially known as West Hollywood’s weed czar and whose official job title is community and legislative affairs manager. “We think this will drive more hotel nights in the city, that it will drive more people to come into the city, to go to our restaurants and bars, and patronize our other businesses.”

In other words, Lowell Farms is only the city’s first cannabis consumption lounge. Others in the works include Aeon Botanika, where one can experience cannabis-enhanced acupuncture and nutrition therapy, and Budberry, which will serve cannabis-infused edibles that customers can enjoy in a garden with a koi pond.

Stoner Service

Lush potted plants and slowly rotating fans hang from the ceiling of Lowell Farms, which is split between a cozy dining room and a large shaded patio. A wraparound bar in the center of the space serves coffee. There are juices with ginger and turmeric; no alcohol is allowed.

A hip wait staff takes food orders, while roving “flower hosts” — a sort of weed sommelier — hand out thick tomes with lists of cannabis options. (“How do you want to medicate?” one asked, cheerfully.)

On the weed menu are vape pens with “cold pressed cannabis oil” ($60), loose marijuana (“sold by the eighth ounce”), crystal-clear gravity bongs for rent, and pre-rolled joints including the options Kushberry Cheesecake ($20, “invigorating, active”) and Kosher Dog ($27, “soothing, mood booster”), which came rolled up with a tiny spiral noodle as the filter. Heady smoke fills the air in spite of the well-publicized, state-of-the-art ventilation system.

Crucially, the Lowell Farms logo — an outline of a horned goat head — has been installed in neon lighting for optimal Instagramming.

Cannabis-Infused Money

Cannabis seems to have replaced tequila as the celebrity product of choice. Famous people, including Joe Montana, Jay-Z and — er, checks notes — John Boehner, the former speaker of the House, have invested in cannabis.

Some notable longtime connoisseurs, like Snoop Dogg and Willie Nelson, have had their own brands for years.

Lowell Farms, too, recently announced its own celebrity investors: Chris Rock, Miley Cyrus, Mark Ronson and Sarah Silverman.

It’s easy to see why the industry has a particular sheen.

Companies like Med Men, which runs dispensaries, are positing California as a kind of post-Prohibition utopia with a Silicon Valley twist.

“A product that drove people to the black market is now creating a new global market,” intones a cinematic Med Men ad released earlier this year, directed by Spike Jonze. “Here’s to the new normal.”

Last year, according to BDS Analytics, California had $2.51 billion in legal adult-use cannabis sales — by far the most in the nation. That outpaced Colorado, where recreational marijuana has been legal for a little more than five years, by 60 percent.

Of course, there are complications. As The New York Times has reported, legal weed sellers have struggled to make a dent in the illegal market, which means the promised tax windfall hasn’t yet made its way to public coffers.

And because state and local cannabis regulations still don’t always exactly mesh, Lowell Farms is, for now, separated into two businesses that operate under one roof: One is a dispensary and one is a restaurant. (Hence, the separate waiters for food and “flower.”)

For Lowell Herb Company, the fast-growing marijuana business behind both ventures, it is the ultimate act of branding. “You’re going to have this first experience,” said David Elias, the chief executive of Lowell. “And you’re having it at our cafe, with our brand, with our product.”

Mr. Elias, who is built like a bouncer and who has a background in night life promotion, said that in California’s nascent legal cannabis sector, investors see a gusher of previously untapped consumer spending.

But there is very little mainstream brand recognition among competing weed companies. He aims to get out in front of that.

Green-Rush Politics

Industry boosters say that a strong, legal pot market can help correct for decades of disproportionate policing in communities of color, especially by employing people who have been hurt by discriminatory marijuana laws. But experts say it remains to be seen who will actually profit from the so-called green rush.

Ruben Honig, the executive director of the United Cannabis Business Association, a California cannabis trade group, said that the process for starting a cannabis business is time-consuming and expensive.

“In West Hollywood, these applicants paid hundreds of thousands of dollars to be a part of this,” Mr. Honig said. “And there are large businesses across the world who would take these licenses for large sums of money.”

From the vantage point of some officials, the onerousness keeps out bad actors who may be tempted to cut corners on what is complex and evolving legal terrain. On the other hand, it’s a huge barrier for would-be entrepreneurs who may not have access to outside investment or other more traditional funding sources.

“If a year down the line, folks of color, who have been disproportionately affected by our draconian drug policies, are not the beneficiaries of this new market, then we’re not being true to what we should be trying to accomplish,” said Danielle Jones, a supervising attorney at the Stanford Community Law Clinic who works to help formerly incarcerated people clear their records. “I have more questions about that than I do answers, but as time ticks on, that’s going to be our best evidence.”

Organic Growth

The executive chef of Lowell Farms, Andrea Drummer, got interested in cannabis because she didn’t want to use opioids to treat the aches and pains of working in fine dining restaurants.

She was employed at a large hotel that had strict drug testing policies, even in places where medical-use cannabis was legal. After a friend asked her to make pot brownies, she began experimenting with cannabis-infused meals.

Eventually, Ms. Drummer helped start Elevation VIP, which hosts private cannabis events. Not long after, cannabis cuisine and cannabis policy advocacy became her full-time job.

She also experienced a period of homelessness.

For about nine months — including during the time when she created a cannabis-infused dinner for Chelsea Handler’s Netflix series, “Chelsea Does …” — Ms. Drummer slept in her car. During the day, she would set up at a Starbucks.

Her respite, Ms. Drummer said, was visiting the famed farmers’ market in Santa Monica to talk with vendors and sample their products.

When she developed the (cannabis-free) farm-to-table menu for Lowell Farms, where she is also a partner, she said she was excited to work with many of those same food purveyors. “Something about coming back in this capacity was just a beautiful thing for me,” she said.

Ms. Drummer, who is black, said she tries not to focus on her status as a pioneer in the cannabis industry — not to mention as a woman of color running a notable restaurant kitchen in an industry where that is still uncommon.

“I try to do my part in practice,” she said. “And if you come to the cafe and take a peek into the kitchen, you’ll see social equity.”

Mr. Elias said that Lowell Herb Company has tried to recruit workers who have been convicted of nonviolent marijuana offenses. The company, at one point, took out a billboard near Men’s Central Jail in Los Angeles, which he said yielded about 100 résumés.

But the program doesn’t extend to those with any other types of offenses. (Criminal justice experts say widespread unwillingness to hire anyone with a conviction is a much broader problem.)

In pursuit of expansion, Mr. Elias said the company recently bought a farm near Santa Barbara, which was set to be zoned for 10 acres of pot fields. He envisions the site as a draw to customers, just like the region’s vineyards.

“We’re working on tastings at the farm,” he said. “Which is absolutely breathtaking.”

The post Pairs Well With Weed appeared first on Savvy Herb Mobile Cannabis Platform.

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meganlclickfl · 6 years ago

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