#religious coalition for reproductive choice

[archiveofkloss]

Karlie Kloss may be a New Yorker now, but she remains very conscious of her Missouri roots—connecting it to everything from what she knows about nutrition to why she’s passionate about preserving abortion access.

“I grew up in the middle of Missouri,” the 31-year-old Kloss, a model, activist, entrepreneur, and parent of two with husband Joshua Kushner, tells Fortune. “And I think I only ate packaged, processed food pretty much my entire life, until moving to New York, and then slowly being introduced to, like, a green juice.”

So while she just signed on to a new campaign for Thorne supplements, something she’s “proud” and “excited” to be a part of, she says that “this campaign is about finding your own way to wellness,” and that’s something she can relate to. 

As a young adult, Kloss says, “I feel like I really had to relearn how to properly eat food.” She eventually came to understand that while her job may often rely on how she looks, “I feel like a different person when I am taking care of myself from the inside out.” 

That includes taking a daily B complex supplement for energy (“instead of needing to get a vitamin drip,” she says) as well as Thorne’s Memoractiv, a blend of ashwagandha and ginkgo for focus and energy. “I’m pretty religious about remembering to take my vitamins,” she says.

Also in her wellness routine: running, Pilates, and virtual workouts with Madison Rose; and eating “whole foods, lean protein, a ton of vegetables, and trying to remember to drink as much water as I can.” (But, she adds, she loves pasta and has a sweet tooth, explaining, “I kind of eat, like, full-spectrum.”)

Kloss says it’s taken her a while to find herself, and to find work—as well as issues to align herself with—that have true meaning. 

“I’ve been working since I’m 15 years old. I grew up in the Midwest and had this Cinderella-like story of kind of an overnight success in fashion. I just chased this crazy career, and continued to ride the wave of where it took me, and I am really grateful for that,” she says, reflecting on her profession as a cover girl and runway model, including as a Victoria’s Secret Angel from 2013 to 2015. 

She stepped down from that to attend New York University and chase other pursuits, later telling British Vogue, “I didn’t feel it was an image that was truly reflective of who I am and the kind of message I want to send to young women around the world about what it means to be beautiful.” 

Now, she tells Fortune, “There’s a lot of things that I really had to grow into—like just who my authentic self was, to be honest. I think being a model at such a young age, I was a blank canvas for other people to kind of project their ideas onto … I loved being that chameleon. But I think a real turning point for me was wanting to just more authentically be who I am in all facets of my life.”

That journey is still ongoing, she says, particularly in the work she’s done with Kode With Klossy, offering tech-learning opportunities for teen girls, and with Gateway Coalition, which she founded as a way to help direct resources to midwest doctors and clinics providing reproductive healthcare including abortion. 

“I feel so grateful for the opportunity through my career as a model—and for social media, which developed along the way—to give me a platform … just on my own accord, and to have a voice for people, especially young women,” she says. 

That’s especially true when it comes to Kloss’s abortion-access advocacy work. “Abortion is part of reproductive health care and is a basic human right, in my personal opinion. I do not believe it should be politicized. It is a deeply personal decision and choice that any one should have the right to make for themselves. That is my belief.”

This is where Missouri comes into the picture again for Kloss, who notes that it “is a state that, six minutes after Roe was overturned, had a trigger law that went into effect—and so all my friends and family back home in Missouri were immediately affected.”

It’s what “really set me on a path of understanding what that meant for someone seeking care and the hoops they would have to jump through.” And it sparked her realization about “the frontline upholding access to abortion care or pap smears or breast cancer screenings—like, there’s an enormous amount of care that’s provided at these clinics beyond and besides just abortion. So when you limit access to that local community care, there are actually so many other implications.”

Of course much of her focus now is on parenting her two kids, Levi Joseph, 3, and Elijah Jude, 1, and on honoring her shifting priorities and perspectives.

“Not now that I have kids, and I know how picky I was, I’m sure my parents really tried to get us to eat proper food,” she reflects. “And as a mother, I really want to instill healthy habits,” she adds, suggesting she’s well on her way there with her younger one, who devours “every fruit and vegetable you put in front of him.”

[respite-hrh]

The National Harm Reduction Coalition recognizes the Reproductive Justice movement as foundationally important to the Harm Reduction movement. What parallels to harm reduction concepts do you take away from the video above?

Here is an excerpt from an in-depth article on the concept of Reproductive Justice, written by Loretta Ross in 2017 (free download available here: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/322536609_Reproductive_Justice_as_Intersectional_Feminist_Activism

What is Reproductive Justice? In June 1994, twelve black women working in the reproductive health and rights movement birthed the concept of reproductive justice at a pro-choice conference on health care reform in Chicago. We created “reproductive justice” because we believed that true health care for women needed to include a full range of reproductive health services. While abortion is one primary health issue, we knew that abortion advocacy alone inadequately addressed the intersectional oppressions of white supremacy, misogyny, and neoliberalism. From the perspective of African American women, any health care plan must include coverage for abortions, contraceptives, well-woman preventive care, pre- and postnatal care, fibroids, infertility, cervical and breast cancer, infant and maternal morbidity and mortality, intimate partner violence, HIV/AIDS, and other sexually transmitted infections. In simplest terms, we spliced together the concept of reproductive rights and social justice to coin the neologism, “reproductive justice.”

“The 12 women and their affiliations at the time who became the founding mothers of the concept of reproductive justice were: 

Toni M. Bond Chicago Abortion Fund 

Reverend Alma Crawford Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice 

Evelyn S. Field National Council of Negro Women 

Terri James American Civil Liberties Union of Illinois 

Bisola Maringay National Black Women’s Health Project, Chicago Chapter 

Cassandra McConnell Planned Parenthood of Greater Cleveland 

Cynthia Newbille National Black Women’s Health Project (now Black Women’s Health Imperative) 

Loretta J. Ross Center for Democratic Renewal 

Elizabeth Terry National Abortion Rights Action League of Pennsylvania 

“Able” Mabel Thomas Pro-Choice Resource Center, Inc. 

Winnette P. Willis Chicago Abortion Fund 

Kim Youngblood National Black Women’s Health Project" 

https://www.sistersong.net/

SisterSong is a Reproductive Justice advocacy organization that is fighting for the legal right to bodily autonomy. More information on their advocacy and legal work available on their website (linked above), and on the ACLU website:

WHAT'S AT STAKE

“Georgia physicians, reproductive health care providers, and advocates filed a lawsuit in the Superior Court of Fulton County on June 26, 2022 bringing a state constitutional challenge against H.B. 481, a law banning abortion at approximately six weeks of pregnancy — just two weeks after a person’s first missed period and before many people even know they are pregnant. This lawsuit comes one week after a federal appeals court allowed Georgia’s six-week ban to take effect for the first time since it was passed in 2019, causing an immediate, devastating crisis as clinics were forced to turn away patients in waiting rooms across the state and to cancel many upcoming appointments.”

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Peter Montgomery at RWW:

Pat Robertson, who was a central player in religious-right broadcasting and politics for decades, died on Thursday. As People For the American Way President Svante Myrick noted, “Pat Robertson was a key figure in the rise of the authoritarian religious-right political movement. He helped build the movement’s massive media, legal, and political infrastructure, which today is pushing harmful attacks on the freedom to learn, LGBTQ equality, reproductive choice, church-state separation and more.” Robertson was a pioneer and longtime force in Christian broadcasting. His 700 Club television show went on the air in 1963, and long after Robertson was no longer a personal force in right-wing politics, the show gave him a platform for promoting bigotry, conspiracy theories, and right-wing politicians, up to and including Donald Trump. (He stepped down from hosting in 2021 but continued to provide occasional commentary.) Robertson was part of a crop of televangelists recruited by right-wing political operative Paul Weyrich in the 1970s to get conservative white evangelicals more involved in politics in opposition to federal challenges to Christian schools with racist policies and in support of anti-choice and anti-LGBTQ campaigns and hard-right candidates. Robertson started to dedicate a portion of his 700 Club show to right-wing politics in the 1980s.

[...] Robertson founded Christian Broadcasting University in 1977, later renaming it Regent University, where he served as Chancellor.  Through its undergraduate and graduate programs, it promotes its founder’s religious worldview. The law school absorbed Oral Roberts University’s law school, which former Rep. Michelle Bachmann had attended. Bachmann is currently dean of Regent’s Robertson School of Government, and has used it as a vehicle for promoting, among other things, false claims about the 2020 presidential election and Jan. 6 insurrection. Robertson also founded the American Center for Law and Justice, launched in 1990, as his counterpoint to the ACLU, and it uses the courts to promote the religious-right agenda just like its bigger brother, the Alliance Defending Freedom. In its heyday, the Christian Coalition hosted “Road to Victory,” then the largest annual political gathering of religious-right activists. When the Christian Coalition fell on hard times, the Family Research Council picked up the baton, hosting the Values Voter Summit for many years before recently renaming the gathering Pray Vote Stand. Ralph Reed, the political operative who built the Christian Coalition into a political force, made an unsuccessful run for public office before founding the Faith and Freedom Coalition, a voter-turnout operation which also hosts its own annual conference for right-wing activists called Road to Majority.

Televangelist Pat Robertson died at 93 yesterday. He left a very harmful legacy due to his unbridled support for religious right policy priorities and set the building blocks for a right-wing media apparatus.

[provoice]

"Our bodies are sacred and so are the decisions we make that honor each of our circumstances AND our beliefs. To ensure that people have healthcare they need is just and moral work and so is making sure people can get a safe abortion!"

[thebereatorch]

The Fight for Abortion, in the Name of God

The Fight for Abortion, in the Name of God

By Lily Barnette and Ülvi Gitaliyev  On June 24th, 2022, Roe v. Wade, the landmark case that made abortion a constitutional right, was overturned by the current Supreme Court Justices. Almost immediately, a 2019 trigger law went into effect, banning abortion in the Commonwealth of Kentucky from conception, with few exceptions. While some religious organizations celebrated the overturn, one group…

[ficsnooneaskedfor]

I'm feeling really down about this ruling today (to put it mildly) and needed to do something constructive about it before heading to a protest. I'm seeing many people sharing wonderful organizations that fight for reproductive justice and as a doula/student midwife, I've learned of tons of awesome ones over the years. I wanted to share some lesser-known organizations that you can consider donating to at this time if you have the means.

I've included organizations that focus on the racial disparities in maternal healthcare as well since this ruling will disproportionally affect low-income BIPOC and we have worse birth outcomes/infant mortality rates than white people.

*For gendered language on the site.

Funds:

Repo Legal Defense Fund: The Repro Legal Defense Fund covers bail and funds strong defenses for people who are investigated, arrested, or prosecuted for self-managed abortion. Fund Texas Choice: Funding for Texans to travel for abortion care. DC Abortion Fund: For DC, Maryland, and Virginia residents as well as people who travel to the DC area seeking an abortion. *Indigenous Women Rising Abortion Fund: Serving Indigenous and undocumented people nationwide. *Indigenous Women Rising Midwifery Fund: "This fund will help pregnant Indigenous people in New Mexico access quality care for themselves and their latest addition."

Full-spectrum doula services & trainings (This includes abortion doulas)

The Doula Project: The Doula Project is a New York City-based 501(c)(3) organization that provides free compassionate care and emotional, physical, and informational support to people across the spectrum of pregnancy. The Baltimore Doula Project: "We seek to recognize the obstacles that people of all backgrounds face in reaching reproductive health services, but particularly low-income people, LGBTQI-identified people, youth, and people of color."

BIPOC maternal health/support organizations:

*Mamatoto Village (Washington, DC) A list of BIPOC owned/managed community birth centers throughout the USA.

Public policy & advocacy organizations:

Lawyering for Reproductive Justice Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice: National Birth Equity Collaborative *Sister Song: Women of Color Reproductive Justice Collective) Medical Students for Choice

Other:

Faith Aloud: "Faith Aloud is dedicated to providing compassionate spiritual and religious support for people in all their decisions about pregnancy, parenting, abortion, and adoption. Faith Aloud provides nonjudgmental spiritual counseling to people across the country on our free, confidential clergy counseling line."  *Midwifery in Color: "Midwifery in Color is at the forefront of revolutionizing women’s healthcare through health equity and women-centered care. The lens through which we view women’s healthcare is colored by the experiences of black and brown women in order to revolutionize their care ultimately providing health equity and mitigating healthcare disparities." Birth Center Equity: Birth Center Equity Foundation grows philanthropic partnerships to increase grant making to BIPOC birth center leaders in support of sustainable community birth infrastructure and optimal maternal infant health.

[stevensavage]

Inevitable Abortion Activism Post

(This column is posted at www.StevenSavage.com, Steve's Tumblr, and Pillowfort.  Find out more at my newsletter, and all my social media at my linktr.ee)

OK I hadn't planned to post much on politics here, beyond theory.  The last few months convinced me otherwise.  So get ready for occasional posts on Serious Stuff.  Also SHARE THIS POST

This time it's abortion.  The Supreme Court looks like it is (or was) ready to negate it.  So here's how to fight back now.

Groups planning marches.  It sounds like May 14th is the date.

Indivisible - https://indivisible.org/

Planned Parenthood - https://www.plannedparenthood.org/

NARAL - https://www.prochoiceamerica.org/

MoveOn - https://act.moveon.org/survey/defend-abortion-pledge/

UltraViolet - https://https://act.weareultraviolet.org/sign/abortion_mobilize_pledge/

Support orgs for abortions across the country:

Arkansas Abortion Support Network - https://www.arabortionsupport.org/

Northwest Abortion Access Fund - https://nwaafund.org/

Kentucky Health Justice Network - https://www.kentuckyhealthjusticenetwork.org/

New Orleans Abortion Fund - https://www.neworleansabortionfund.org/

Mississippi Reproductive Freedom Fund - https://www.msreprofreedomfund.org/

Missouri Abortion Fund - https://mofund.org/

North Dakota Women In Need Abortion Access Fund - https://www.ndwinfund.org/

Oklahoma Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice - https://rcrc.org/

South Dakota Access for Every Woman Fund - http://sdaccess4everywoman.org/

Memphis Center for Reproductive Health - https://memphischoices.org/

Fund Texas Choice - https://fundtexaschoice.org/

Utah Abortion Fund - https://utabortionfund.org/

Pro-Choice Wyoming - https://prochoicewyoming.org/

Yellowhammer Fund - https://www.yellowhammerfund.org/

The Brigid Alliance - https://brigidalliance.org/

Steven Savage

www.StevenSavage.com

www.InformoTron.com

[songsofprotestpeacerevolution]

All My Life · Noel Paul Stookey

Benefits the Religious Coalition For Reproductive Choice, interfaith movement to protect and advance reproductive health, choice, rights and justice through education and advocacy: rcrc.org

[parentsnevertoldus]

Hispanic Heritage Month: Talking to My Catholic Parents About Abortion

By  Raquel Ortega via Rewire.News

When my parents came to visit me for the first time in Washington, D.C., it coincidentally was a big day for reproductive health: The EACH Woman Act was being introduced. I decided to use that as an opportunity to finally have a talk about my abortion advocacy work.

Hispanic Heritage Month, which began on September 15 and ends on October 15, is a time to reflect on where I come from, which for me, is a reminder that I owe a lot to my mother, a first-generation American whose family is from Mexico.

In addition to teaching me how to make her famous salsa recipe, how to dance, and that the toilet paper roll is supposed to hang over not under, she also taught me about love of community and being kind to others. As Catholics we always operated under the golden rule, “treat others the way you’d like to be treated.” She is the one who instilled in me that being part of a community is about caring for and supporting one another, whether it’s a family member, a friend, or neighbor.

I don’t often talk about my job with my mamá. Like many other Chicana feminists I know, we often operate under an unofficial “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy. She knows that I organize and speak out around access to abortion, but she doesn’t ever ask me about it. It’s not that my mamá is against abortion. In fact, I know she feels how a lot of Latin@s feel about abortion in this country; she doesn’t fall into a typical “pro-life” or pro-choice label and instead holds complex feelings based on a variety of factors. Personally, she has reservations about abortion when it comes to herself, but at the same time she believes it is not her place to judge or condemn others. If anyone in her life wanted to seek an abortion, she would do whatever she could to support them.

I was very religious when I was younger, but my devotion began to break down in high school when I started to feel like I was being taught unfair and conflicting lessons about sex, sexuality, and abortion by faith leaders in my church. I had been led to believe that sex was sinful and that women who had sex before marriage were immoral—sluts. Things changed for me when, in tenth grade, my good friend told me she was raped at a party. My religious teachings about virtue and purity seemed to make so much sense until, suddenly, it was also so clear to me that what happened was not her fault. Shortly after that happened, I was chastised by my youth minister for having a conversation with another teenage girl about what “birth control” was (our school, and entire state really, had abstinence-only sex education, so it wasn’t really surprising that most young people our age were clueless about the ins and outs of sex). My real-life experiences were showing me that life is not lived in black and white, yet I was told sternly that speaking about birth control and sexual health wasn’t “appropriate” and these types of conversations should be left between a child and their parent—something that in actuality, at least in my community, rarely happened.

I felt a similar discomfort about abortion. But slowly over time, the lessons I was being taught by my mother, such as treating others the way you want to be treated, started to make me reassess that. I did not want to be judged for the thoughtful decisions I made about my own body. I did not want to be stigmatized or shamed for my sexuality. And I did not want to judge, stigmatize, or shame others either.

I have a tendency to push people beyond their comfort zones. Knowing my mother’s complex feelings about abortion, when my parents came to visit me for the first time in Washington, D.C., which coincidentally was a big day for reproductive health, I decided to use that as an opportunity to finally have a talk about my abortion advocacy work.

The visit was the day that All* Above All, a coalition dedicated to lifting bans on abortion coverage, announced with members of Congress the introduction of the EACH Woman Act. The EACH Woman Act is a proactive bill to end the Hyde Amendment and similar restrictions on federal funding for abortion. Due to the Hyde Amendment, which turned 39 this year, people who have insurance coverage through a publicly funded health program, like Medicaid, can’t use their insurance to cover the cost of abortion. I think that a person should have access to safe and affordable abortion care regardless of their income or the type of insurance they have, so for me the introduction of this bill—the first of its kind—was a pretty big deal.

So there we were, my parents and I, eating some chili together at Ben’s Chili Bowl, when I told my mom that I was excited about this new bill because it would make a difference for so many people seeking abortion care. We talked about her religious upbringing and the things she heard about abortion in Catholic school. We discussed the concerns she had about why people choose abortion, and she admitted that she was unsure about the idea of Medicaid coverage. She also asked a lot of great questions like, “So if a woman doesn’t have the money to buy contraception and gets pregnant, and then doesn’t have the money to pay for an abortion…what is she supposed to do? Magically find money to raise a child?” (While my father was present, he did not contribute to our conversation.)

My mother may not feel comfortable with why someone might choose abortion, but to her it doesn’t make sense to deny access to health care just because of how much money someone makes or the type of insurance they have. And on this last point, we can agree.

My mother and I may not see eye-to-eye on everything, but I’m glad that she has taught me her values of support and kindness. These are the values that drive me and fuel the passion for my work. I am glad that she has shown me that I shouldn’t be afraid to ask questions, even if they are uncomfortable ones, and that I should always operate from a place of love.

She has taught me that we can respect a person’s ability to make their own life decisions without imposing our values and views on them. That we should each appreciate and respect everyone’s beliefs, especially when it comes to people we love. That all people should have the economic, social, and political power to live happy lives, and that all people should have access to information and resources to make healthy decisions about their bodies.

Back at dinner, I finally asked the question I’ve always wanted to ask my mamá but never before this moment had the right words.

“I know it’s easy to say that you wouldn’t judge when it’s talking about someone else getting an abortion… but what if it were me?”

Without hesitating my mamá said, “Raquelita, no matter what, it’s my job to always support and love you, and that has and will never change.”

[andrewrpierce]

“I spent two years researching the Christian Right. I traveled across the country, spending time in megachurches, creationist seminars, right-to-life retreats, and even took a course taught by D. James Kennedy in Florida called Evangelism Explosion. I conducted a few hundred interviews, and I met many evangelicals of good will and good intentions, but I came away believing that the leadership of the Christian Right cruelly manipulates the despair of its followers and poses a danger to our open society. Doctor James Luther Adams, my ethics professor at Harvard Divinity School, told us that when we were his age, he was then close to 80, we would all be fighting the Christian Fascists. The warning, given to me more than three decades ago, came at a moment Pat Robertson and other radio and tele-evangelists began speaking about a new political religion that would direct its efforts at taking control of all institutions, including mainstream denominations, and finally the government. Its stated goal was to use the United States to create a global Christian empire. It was hard at the time to take such fantastic rhetoric seriously, especially given the buffoonish quality of those who expounded it. But Adams warned us against the blindness caused by intellectual snobbery. The Fascists, he said, were not going to return with swastikas and Brownshirts. Their ideological heirs would wrap fascism in the Christian cross and the American flag and hold mass recitations of the Pledge of Allegiance. Adams was not a man to use the word Fascist lightly. He was in Germany in 1935 and 1936 and worked with the underground anti-Nazi church, known as the Confessing Church, led by Dietrich Bonhoeffer. Adams was eventually detained, interrogated by the Gestapo, and expelled from Germany. He left on a night train, with framed portraits of Adolf Hitler placed over the contents inside his suitcase, to hide the rolls of home movie film he took of the so called "German Christian Church," which was pro-Nazi, and the few individuals who defied them, including the theologians Karl Barth and Albert Schweitzer. The ruse worked when the border police lifted the top of the suitcases, saw the portraits of the Führer, and closed them up again. I watched hours of the grainy black and white films as he narrated in his apartment in Cambridge. Adams saw in the Christian Right, long before we did, disturbing similarities with the German Christian Church. Similarities that he said would, in the event of prolonged social instability accompanied by economic decline, see American Fascists, under the guise of religion, rise to dismantle the Open Society. He despaired of liberals, who he said, as in Nazi Germany, mouthed platitudes about dialogue and inclusiveness that made them ineffectual and impotent. Liberals, he said, did not understand the power and allure of evil, nor the cold reality of how the world worked. Like Bonhoeffer, he did not believe that those who would fight effectively in coming times of turmoil (a fight that, for him, was a fundamental part of the Biblical call) would come from the Church or the liberal secular elite. Adams told us to watch closely what the Christian Right did to ethnic and religious minorities, as well as those who did not adhere to rigid sexual stereotypes. He watched the Nazis use "moral" values to launch state repression of opponents. Hitler, days after he took power in 1933, imposed a ban on all homosexual and lesbian organizations. He ordered raids on places where homosexuals gathered, culminating with the ransacking of the Institute for Sexual Science in Berlin. Thousands of volumes from the Institute's libraries were tossed into a bonfire. The assault was cheered by the German churches. Adams said that the GBLTQ community, Muslims, immigrants, and poor people of color would be the first deviants singled out by the Christian Right, but we would be the next. I remember thinking his warning was perhaps too apocalyptic. But nearly four decades later, the power brokers in the Christian Right have moved from the fringes of society to the floor of the House of Representatives and the Senate, the White House, the judiciary, and major government departments. FRC Action, the legislative affiliate of the Family Research Council, gave 245 members of congress a perfect 100% for votes that support the agenda of the Christian Right. The Family Research Council, which called on its followers to pray for God to "vanquish the demonic," that's their quotes, "forces behind Trump's impeachment," is identified by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a hate group because of its campaigns to discriminate against the LGBTQ community. Trump has elevated members of the Christian Right to prominent positions of power, including Mike Pence to the Vice Presidency, Mike Pompeo as Secretary of State, Betsy DeVos as Secretary of Education, Ben Carson as Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, William Barr as Attorney General, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court, and the tele-evangelist Paula White, who promises her donors their own personal angel, to his Faith and Opportunities Initiative. Frank Amedia, the Trump campaign's Liaison for Christian Policy, claims to have raised an aunt from the dead. And the Christian Right, which makes up as much of a quarter of the country, or close to 80 million people, has its own version of the Brownshirts: the four higher mercenary armies and private contractors amassed by people such as Erik Prince, the brother of Betsy DeVos. Reason, science, facts, and verifiable truth are useless weapons against this belief system. I think the Christian Right is best understood as what anthropologists will call a crisis cult. Crisis Cults arise in most collapsing societies. They promise, through magic, to recover the lost grandeur of a mythologized past. This magical thinking banishes doubt, anxiety, and feelings of dis-empowerment. Traditional social hierarchies and rules, including white, male supremacy, will be restored. Those blamed for our decline: intellectuals, artists, liberals, immigrants, undocumented workers, poor people of color, feminists, will be dis-empowered. America, freed from the contamination of these "degenerate forces," will be restored. The Christian Right propagates its magical thinking through a selective Biblical literalism. They hold up as sacrosanct Biblical passages that buttress their ideology and ignore or grossly misinterpret the ones that do not. They live in a binary universe. They see themselves as eternal victims, oppressed by dark and sinister groups seeking their annihilation. They alone know the will of God. They alone can fulfill God's will. They seek total cultural and political domination. The secular reality-based world, one where Satan, miracles, divine edicts, angels, and magic do not exist, destroyed their lives and their communities. This secular world took away their jobs and their futures. It destroyed the social bonds that gave them purpose, dignity, and hope. In their despair, they often succumbed to alcoholism, drug, gambling, and pornography addictions. They endured familial breakdowns, divorce, jail, evictions, unemployment, and domestic and sexual abuse. And then from the depths of suicidal despair, they suddenly discovered that God has a plan for them; God will save them; God will intervene in their lives to promote and protect them. God has called them to carry out His holy mission in the world, and to be rich, powerful, and happy. The only thing that saved them was their conversion, the realization that God had a plan for them, and would protect them. These believers were pushed by the wreckage caused by neoliberalism into the arms of charlatans. All who attempt to reach them through the rational language of fact and evidence are hated and ultimately feared, for they seek to force believers back into what they call the "culture of death" that nearly destroyed them. Trump has handed veto and appointment power over key positions in government, especially in the federal courts, to the Christian Right. He has installed 133 district court judges out of 677 total, 50 appeals court judges out of 179 total, and two U.S. Supreme Court justices out of nine. Almost all of these justices were vetted by The Federalist Society and the Christian Right. Many have been rated as unqualified by the American Bar Association, the country's largest non-partisan coalition of lawyers. Trump has moved to ban Muslim immigrants. He has rolled back Civil Rights legislation. He has made war on reproductive rights by restricting abortion and defunding Planned Parenthood. Trump was the first president to address the radical anti-choice March For Life event in person. He permits discrimination against LGBTQ community people in the name of "religious liberty." He has ripped down the firewall between church and state by revoking the Johnson Amendment, which prohibits churches which are tax exempt, from endorsing political candidates. His appointees routinely use Biblical strictures to justify an array of policy decisions including: environmental deregulation, endless war against Muslims in the Middle East, tax cuts, and the replacement of public schools with charter schools, an action that permits the transfer of federal education funds to private "Christian" schools. The iconography and language and symbols of American Nationalism are intertwined with the iconography, language and symbols of the Christian faith. Megapastors will often share Trump's narcissism, rule despotic, cult-like fiefdoms. They make millions of dollars by using this heretical belief system to prey on the despair and desperation of their congregations. They distort the Bible to champion unfettered capitalism, the cult of masculinity, the belief that violence can purge the world of evil, white supremacy, bigotry, American chauvinism, religious intolerance, anger, racism, and conspiracy theories. Those within the evangelical movement, such as the editors of the magazine Christianity Today, who have attempted to state the obvious about Trump, that he is corrupt, inept, and immoral, and should be removed from office, are brutally attacked. Nearly 200 evangelical leaders, including former Arkansas governor Mike Huckabee, former representative Michelle Bachman, Jerry Falwell Jr., and Ralph Reed, signed a joint letter denouncing the Christianity Today editorial. Evangelical Christians who criticize Trump are as swiftly disappeared as Republican politicians who criticize Trump. Trump received 80% of the white, evangelical vote in the 2016 presidential election, and in a poll during the House impeachment proceedings, 90% of evangelicals said they opposed the impeachment and ouster of the president. Among Republicans who identified as white evangelical protestants, that number rises to 99%.”

-Chris Hedges, 24 Feb 2020 

[confrontingbabble-on]

���It stood by as the core Gospel message—concern for the poor and the oppressed—was perverted into a magical world where God and Jesus showered believers with material wealth and power. The white race, especially in the United States, became God’s chosen agent.

Imperialism and war became divine instruments for purging the world of infidels and barbarians, evil itself. Capitalism, because God blessed the righteous with wealth and power and condemned the immoral to poverty and suffering, became shorn of its inherent cruelty and exploitation.

The iconography and symbols of American nationalism became intertwined with the iconography and symbols of the Christian faith. The mega-pastors, narcissists who rule despotic, cult-like fiefdoms, make millions of dollars by using this heretical belief system to prey on the mounting despair and desperation of their congregations, victims of neoliberalism and deindustrialization.

These believers find in Donald Trump a reflection of themselves, a champion of the unfettered greed, cult of masculinity, lust for violence, white supremacy, bigotry, American chauvinism, religious intolerance, anger, racism and conspiracy theories that define the central beliefs of the Christian right.

Trump has filled his own ideological void with Christian fascism. He has elevated members of the Christian right to prominent positions, including Mike Pence to the vice presidency, Mike Pompeo to secretary of state, Betsy DeVos to secretary of education, Ben Carson to secretary of housing and urban development, William Barr to attorney general, Neil Gorsuch and Brett Kavanaugh to the Supreme Court and the televangelist Paula White to his Faith and Opportunities Initiative. More importantly, Trump has handed the Christian right veto and appointment power over key positions in government, especially in the federal courts. He has installed 133 district court judges out of 677 total, 50 appeals court judges out of 179 total, and two U.S. Supreme Court justices out of nine. Almost all of these judges were, in effect, selected by the Federalist Society and the Christian right. Many of the extremists who make up the judicial appointees have been rated as unqualified by the American Bar Association, the country’s largest nonpartisan coalition of lawyers.

Trump has moved to ban Muslim immigrants and rolled back civil rights legislation. He has made war on reproductive rights by restricting abortion and defunding Planned Parenthood. He has stripped away LGBTQ rights. He has ripped down the firewall between church and state by revoking the Johnson Amendment, which prohibits churches, which are tax-exempt, from endorsing political candidates. His appointees throughout the government routinely use biblical strictures to justify an array of policy decisions including environmental deregulation, war, tax cuts and the replacement of public schools with charter schools, an action that permits the transfer of federal education funds to private “Christian” schools. 

I studied ethics at Harvard Divinity School with James Luther Adams, who had been in Germany in 1935 and 1936. Adams witnessed the rise there of the so-called Christian Church, which was pro-Nazi. He warned us about the disturbing parallels between the German Christian Church and the Christian right. Adolf Hitler was in the eyes of the German Christian Church a volk messiah and an instrument of God—a view similar to the one held today about Trump by many of his white evangelical supporters. Those demonized for Germany’s economic collapse, especially Jews and communists, were agents of Satan. Fascism, Adams told us, always cloaked itself in a nation’s most cherished symbols and rhetoric. Fascism would come to America not in the guise of stiff-armed, marching brownshirts and Nazi swastikas but in mass recitations of the Pledge of Allegiance, the biblical sanctification of the state and the sacralization of American militarism. Adams was the first person I heard label the extremists of the Christian right as fascists. Liberals, he warned, as in Nazi Germany, were blind to the tragic dimension of history and radical evil. They would not react until it was too late.

Trump’s legacy will be the empowerment of the Christian fascists. They are what comes next. For decades they have been organizing to take power. They have built infrastructures and organizations, including lobbying groups, schools and universities as well as media platforms, to prepare. They have seeded their cadre into the political system. We on the left, meanwhile, have seen our institutions and organizations destroyed or corrupted by corporate power.

The Christian fascists, as in all totalitarian movements, need a crisis, manufactured or real, in order to seize power. This crisis may be financial. It could be triggered by a catastrophic terrorist attack. Or it could be the result of a societal breakdown from our climate emergency. The Christian fascists are poised to take advantage of the chaos, or perceived chaos. They have their own version of the brownshirts, the for-hire mercenary armies and private contractors amassed by Christian fascists such as Erik Prince, the brother of Betsy DeVos. The Christian fascists have seized control of significant portions of the judiciary and legislative branches of government. FRC Action, the legislative affiliate of the Family Research Council, gives 245 members of Congress a perfect 100% for votes that support the agenda of the Christian right. The Family Research Council, which has called on its followers to pray that God will vanquish the “demonic forces” behind Trump’s impeachment, is identified by the Southern Poverty Law Center as a hate group because of its campaigns to discriminate against the LGBTQ community.

The ideology of the Christian fascists panders in our decline to the primitive yearnings for the vengeance, new glory and moral renewal that are found among those pushed aside by deindustrialization and austerity. Reason, facts and verifiable truth are impotent weapons against this belief system. The Christian right is a “crisis cult.” Crisis cults arise in most collapsing societies. They promise, through magic, to recover the lost grandeur and power of a mythologized past. This magical thinking banishes doubt, anxiety and feelings of disempowerment. Traditional social hierarchies and rules, including an unapologetic white, male supremacy, will be restored. Rituals and behaviors including an unquestioning submission to authority and acts of violence to cleanse the society of evil will vanquish malevolent forces.

The Christian fascists propagate their magical thinking through a selective literalism in addressing the Bible. They hold up as sacrosanct biblical passages that buttress their ideology and ignore, or grossly misinterpret, the ones that do not. They live in a binary universe. They see themselves as eternal victims, oppressed by dark and sinister groups seeking their annihilation. They alone know the will of God. They alone can fulfill God’s will. They seek total cultural and political domination. The secular, reality-based world, one where Satan, miracles, destiny, angels and magic do not exist, destroyed their lives and communities. That world took away their jobs and their futures. It ripped apart the social bonds that once gave them purpose, dignity and hope. In their despair they often struggled with alcohol, drug and gambling addictions. They endured familial breakdown, divorce, evictions, unemployment and domestic and sexual violence. The only thing that saved them was their conversion, the realization that God had a plan for them and would protect them. These believers were pushed by a callous, heartless corporate society and rapacious oligarchy into the arms of charlatans. All who speak to them in the calm, rational language of fact and evidence are hated and ultimately feared, for they seek to force believers back into “the culture of death” that nearly destroyed them.

We can blunt the rise of this Christian fascism only by reintegrating exploited and abused Americans into society, giving them jobs with stable, sustainable incomes, relieving their crushing personal debts, rebuilding their communities and transforming our failed democracy into one in which everyone has agency and a voice. We must impart to them hope, not only for themselves but for their children.

Christian fascism is an emotional life raft for tens of millions. It is impervious to the education, dialogue and discourse the liberal class naively believes can blunt or domesticate the movement. The Christian fascists, by choice, have severed themselves from rational thought. We will not placate or disarm this movement, bent on our destruction, by attempting to claim that we too have Christian “values.” This appeal only strengthens the legitimacy of the Christian fascists and weakens our own. We will transform American society to a socialist* system that provides meaning, dignity and hope to all citizens, that cares and nurtures the most vulnerable among us, or we will become the victims of the Christian fascists we created.”

Chris Hedges is a Truthdig columnist, a Pulitzer Prize-winning journalist, a New York Times best-selling author, a professor in the college degree program offered to New Jersey state prisoners by Rutgers…

https://www.truthdig.com/articles/onward-christian-fascists/

* “There are many varieties of socialism and there is no single definition encapsulating all of them...” https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Socialism

..."democratic socialism" is really social democracy, as found in much of Europe and especially in the Nordic countries.[19] In 2018, The Week suggested that there was a trend towards social democracy in the United States and highlighted elements of its implementation in the Nordic countries, suggesting that Sanders’ popularity was an element in favor of its possible growth in acceptance.”... https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Political_positions_of_Bernie_Sanders

[woodsfae]

Before contacting a clinic in Illinois or any where else, check to see if it’s an anti-choice pregnancy crisis center first. They use deceptive and often outright-false messaging to trick people into contacting them. They do not keep your medical information private. Their goal is to coerce you into keeping your pregnancy.

ACLU info on Illinois reproductive rights

In Illinois you have the fundamental right to make decisions about your reproductive health care. You have that right regardless of age, gender identity, gender expression, sexual orientation, sexual behavior, class, immigration status, race, ethnicity, language ability, or disability status. You also have that fundamental right even if you are in State custody, control, or supervision including in jail, prison or under DCFS custody.

Medical providers are not required to offer abortions, and some hospitals and clinics associated with religious groups refuse to do them. Under Illinois law, groups that have religious objections to providing a service are required to offer information for you to get that service. If you think your rights were violated fill out this form.

Abortion providers in Illinois will not force you to go through many of the obstacles seen in other states. You will not need to endure a waiting period, view an ultrasound or listen to a state-sponsored lecture filled with misinformation.

National Abortion Federation (800-772-9100)

Chicago Abortion Fund (312-663-0338)

Midwest Access Coalition (847-750-6224)

National Abortion Federation (877-257-0012)

Planned Parenthood of Illinois (877-200-PPIL)

Click through to the ACLU website for further resources. If you are in a state where abortion is banned, use a VPN.

*Bullet points are quoted from the ACLU, emphasis mine.

btw if you live in the midwest (a region where a lot of the states are going to have trigger laws or ban abortion completely it looks like) and if it’s possible that you can leave ur state, get to illinois. Illinois isn’t just a state where abortion is permitted, in illinois abortion is strictly a protected right. illinois’ right to abortion is permanent and isn’t going to be changed anytime soon. in illinois your abortion rights are completely confidential. illinois is one of the easiest states to access abortion in and the process is fairly simple, and it’s going to always be legal to do so even as the right to abortion is overturned in other states. it’s very much a safe haven to anyone who needs to flee their state right now. if anyone can provide any resources and links that would be greatly appreciated.

[lacommunarde]

#Repost @plannedparenthood (@get_repost) ・・・ In 1989, 16 Black women published the first collective statement advocating for equal access to abortion. It was called “We Remember: African-American Women are for Reproductive Freedom.” Read more from @nbcnews at the link in our bio. #StandWithBlackWomen #ReproductiveJustice #TBT #throwback * Image: Clyde Gilliam / Women of Color Partnership of the Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice https://www.instagram.com/p/B2YHB2BAWv_/?igshid=jhjkht4ix225

[abortionpoliticsoflatinamerica]

Critical Review #3

The Abortion Politics of Latin America: Public Debates, Private Lives

For this portion of my project, I decided to research more in depth in how abortion politics intersects with a person’s private life and the public discourse that surrounds the issue of abortion. The current political reality of abortion in Latin America is complicated and tends to hurts those most marginalized in society (low-income, POC, rural individuals). At its core, this is also an economic issue. The issue of abortion can also directly affect an individuals participation in public life.

One of the general findings I found out from reading this book was the intersection between morality and political reality. This portion of the book examines the complexity of political leadership in abortion politics. For example, in 2017, Chile enacted new legislation that decriminalized the procedure. This was a turning point in Chile’s history since it became one of the first nations in Latin America to decriminalize abortion, despite heavy opposition from the Catholic Church and conservative activists.

This also brings another question: “under what circumstances and types of leadership will abortion rights reform occur?” According to the book, some of the attributes that makes it difficult for reform in abortion laws is a “a leader’s personal religious convictions, the presence of a strong right-wing opposition, and membership in a political party or movement that hinders a politician’s ability to tackle controversial social issues” (Delgado, 28, 2019).

In the case of Chile, the passage of this legislation passed through legal and political obstacles in order for it to become a reality. At the time, President Michelle Bachalet was open to legalizing abortion in her country. However, members of her party, Partido Socialista (Socialist Party) threatened to pull out of her coalition and heavily opposed her plan.

However, after negotiations, the bill was approved by Chile’s Parliament and signed into law in 2017. However, a request was sent to the Supreme Court by opposition groups to declare the law unconstitutional. Their request was rejected by the country’s Constitutional Court in a 6–4 decision in late summer of 2017. The reason I mentioned the opposition aspect is that it relates to how there is a strong right-wing political presence in Latin American countries. Often than not, pro-life movements are often tied to socially conservative religious groups.  

One of the questions that came up on my research was “why is abortion a public debate and why is the state involved with the issue? According to the book the state has a role of “[being] a guarantor of equal protection under the law [and]“basic human rights…especially as safeguards for the most vulnerable members of society” (Delgado, 150, 2019). The state has a “role” in balancing the interest of the people and their own. However, if the state is “guarantor of equal protection”, this is where personhood becomes an issue.

In most Latin American nations, there is a system of “double discourse”. Under this system, the state maintains a discriminatory prohibition in its public services (no one can be denied access to care) but privately tolerates the illegal mechanisms that hinder reproductive choice. It is no surprise that the people who get hurt the most under these restrictive laws are low-income and POC. The theory is that the state then can continue to espouse “moralistic” anti-abortion rhetoric, while staying out of the debate surrounding abortion.

In conclusion, the issue of abortion has a direct impact on a person’s private life and since the issue is very much on the public spotlight, this can cause either support for the issue or opposition towards it. Latin America as a whole has done progress to guarantee basic human rights to those who wish to seek the procedure. However, there is much to be done.

Work Cited:

Delgado, Marcus-Jane. 2019. The Politics of Abortion in Latin America: Public Debates, Private Lives. New York: Lynne Rienner Publishers

Link to Chile’s legal challenges in its abortion reform law: https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-41006338

“Chile court lifts total ban on abortion”

[moralan16]

Critical Review #3

The Abortion Politics of Latin America: Public Debates, Private Lives

For this portion of my project, I decided to research more in depth in how abortion politics intersects with a person's private life and the public discourse that surrounds the issue of abortion. The current political reality of abortion in Latin America is complicated and tends to hurts those most marginalized in society (low-income, POC, rural individuals). The political reality of this issue can make or break political careers and at its core, this is also an economic issue. The issue of abortion can directly affect an individuals participation in public life. 

One of the general findings I found out from reading this book was the intersection between morality and political reality. This portion of the book examines the complexity of political leadership in abortion politics. For example, in 2017, Chile enacted new legislation that decriminalized the procedure. This was a turning point in Chile’s history since it became one of the first nations in Latin America to decriminalize abortion, despite heavy opposition from the Catholic Church and conservative activists. 

This also brings another question: “under what circumstances and types of leadership will abortion rights reform occur?” According to the book, some of the attributes that makes it difficult for reform in abortion laws is a “a leader’s personal religious convictions, the presence of a strong right-wing opposition, and membership in a political party or movement that hinders a politician’s ability to tackle controversial social issues” (Delgado, 28, 

In the case of Chile, the passage of this legislation passed through legal and political obstacles in order for it to become a reality. At the time, President Michelle Bachalet was open to legalizing abortion in her country. However, members of her party, Partido Socialista (Socialist Party) threatened to pull out of her coalition and heavily opposed her plan. 

However, after negotiations, the bill was approved by Chile’s Parliament and signed into law in 2017. However, a request was sent to the Supreme Court by opposition groups to declare the law unconstitutional. Their request was rejected by the country's Constitutional Court in a 6–4 decision in late summer of 2017. The reason I mentioned the opposition aspect is that it relates to how there is a strong right-wing political presence in Latin American countries. Often than not, pro-life movements are often tied to socially conservative religious groups.  

One of the questions that came up on my research was “why is abortion a public debate and why is the state involved with the issue? According to the book the state has a role of “[being] a guarantor of equal protection under the law [and]“basic human rights...especially as safeguards for the most vulnerable members of society” (Delgado, 150, 2017). The state has a “role” in balancing the interest of the people and their own. However, if the state is “guarantor of equal protection”, this is where personhood becomes an issue. 

In most Latin American nations, there is a system of “double discourse”. Under this system, the state maintains a discriminatory prohibition in its public services (no one can be denied access to care) but privately tolerates the illegal mechanisms that hinder reproductive choice. It is no surprise that the people who get hurt the most under these restrictive laws are low-income and POC. The theory is that the state then can continue to espouse “moralistic” anti-abortion rhetoric, while staying out of the debate surrounding abortion. 

In conclusion, the issue of abortion has a direct impact on a person’s private life and since the issue is very much on the public spotlight, this can cause either support for the issue or opposition towards it. Latin America as a whole has done progress to guarantee basic human rights to those who wish to seek the procedure. However, there is much to be done. 

Works Cited:

Delgado, Marcus-Jane. 2019. The Politics of Abortion in Latin America: Public Debates, Private Lives. New York: Lynne Rienner Publishers

Link to Chile’s legal challenges in its abortion reform law: https://www.bbc.com/mundo/noticias-america-latina-41006338

"Chile court lifts total ban on abortion”

[parentsnevertoldus]

Abortion Funds

An abortion fund is an organization that will help you pay for your abortion when you can’t afford it. Most are small and volunteer-run. Some dispense money for help with travel, lodging, childcare, doula services, and translation services to improve access to abortion services. These organizations also work to enact policy changes that will increase access to necessary abortion care. 

Different funds have different requirements that qualify applicants to use their money. However, none of the abortion funds listed check for immigration status or proof of citizenship--everyone deserves control over their own reproductive options. Each one is different and the best way to find out their expectations is to call. 

If you need an abortion, follow these steps adapted from the National Network of Abortion Funds:

Find out if you have insurance that covers your abortion. Call your insurance company to ask if abortion is a covered benefit, and ask for an in-network clinic. You can often find their phone number on the back of your insurance card. If you know you have Medicaid, check this information to find out if your state covers abortion.

Make an appointment at a clinic for your abortion before searching for funding. Call different clinics to find which one costs the least. Tell the clinic if you can’t afford it and ask if there are any discounts. It’s fine to make an appointment for your abortion even if you’re not sure how you’ll pay for it. Clinics don’t charge you for rescheduling. Find a clinic.

Add up how much you can cover on your own. Abortion funds often don’t have the money to cover the entire cost of your abortion, so any money you can contribute will be important

Read the instructions before you contact an abortion fund on the list. You’ll find out if you qualify for funding and learn the best way to contact them.

Contact lots of places. There may be more than one local or national abortion fund that can help you with your abortion or other things you need on your way to getting an abortion such as transportation and childcare. Find out what to expect when you call abortion funds.

Keep reading for a list of local abortion funds. 

A Fund, Inc. KY View Fund | Donate

Abortion Access Fund NE View Fund

Abortion Fund of Arizona AZ View Fund | Donate

Abortion Fund of Planned Parenthood of NYC NY View Fund

Abortion Rights Fund of Western Massachusetts MA View Fund | Donate

Abortion Support Network View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Access Fund of Aphrodite Medical NY View Fund

Access Reproductive Care – Southeast GA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

ACCESS Women’s Health Justice CA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Baltimore Abortion Fund MD View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Blue Ridge Abortion Fund VA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Broward Women’s Emergency Fund FL View Fund | Donate

Carolina Abortion Fund NC View Fund | Donate

Cascades Abortion Support Collective OR View Fund | Donate

Chelsea’s Fund (Formerly Women for Women) WY View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Chicago Abortion Fund IL View Fund | Donate

Clinic Access Support Network TX View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

DC Abortion Fund DC View Fund

deProsse Access Fund of the Emma Goldman Clinic IA View Fund

Eastern Massachusetts Abortion Fund MA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Emergency Medical Assistance Inc. FL View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Florida Access Network FL View Fund | Donate

Fountain Street Church Choice Fund MI View Fund | Donate

Freedom Fund WI View Fund

Freedom Fund (Colorado) CO View Fund | Donate

Frontera Fund View Fund

Fund Texas Choice TX View Fund | Donate

Holler Health Justice WV View Fund | Donate

Hoosier Abortion Fund IN View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

HOTDISH Militia (Hand Over The Decision It’S Healthcare) MN View Fund

Iowa Abortion Access Fund IA View Fund | Donate

Jane Doe Fund MI View Fund

Jane Fund of Central Massachusetts MA View Fund | Donate

Joan Bechhofer Fund NY View Fund | Donate

Justice Fund CA View Fund | Donate

Justice Fund (DC) DC View Fund | Donate

Kansas Abortion Fund KS View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Kentucky Health Justice Network KY View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Lilith Fund TX View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

MARIA Abortion Fund for Social Justice View Fund | Donate

Mississippi Reproductive Freedom Fund MS View Fund | Donate

Missouri Abortion Fund MO View Fund | Donate

National Abortion Federation Hotline View Fund

New Jersey Abortion Access Fund NJ View Fund | Donate

New Mexico Religious Coalition for Reproductive Choice NM View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

New Orleans Abortion Fund LA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

New York Abortion Access Fund NY View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

North Dakota Women in Need Fund ND View Fund | Donate

North Florida Justice Fund FL View Fund

Northwest Abortion Access Fund – Alaska AK View Fund | Donate

Northwest Abortion Access Fund – Idaho ID View Fund | Donate

Northwest Abortion Access Fund – Oregon OR View Fund | Donate

Northwest Abortion Access Fund – Washington WA View Fund | Donate

Options FundWIView Fund

Our Justice’s Abortion Assistance Fund MN View Fund | Donate

Planned Parenthood Keystone Fund for Choice PA View Fund | Donate

Planned Parenthood of Illinois Reproductive Justice Fund IL View Fund | Donate

Preterm OH View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Reproductive Equality Fund of the Boulder Valley Women’s Health Center CO View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Richmond Reproductive Freedom Project VA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Roe Fund OK View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

South Dakota Access for Every Woman SD View Fund | Donate

Stigma Relief Fund TX View Fund | Donate

Susan Wicklund Fund MT View Fund | Donate

Tennessee Reproductive Action Fund TN View Fund | Donate

Texas Equal Access Fund TX View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Vermont Access to Reproductive Freedom VT View Fund | Donate

West Fund TX View Fund | Donate

Western Pennsylvania Fund for Choice PA View Fund | Donate

Women Have Options OH View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Women Help Women (Does not fund in U.S.) View Fund | Donate

Women in Need Fund WA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Women on Web View Fund | Donate

Women’s Emergency Network FL View Fund | Donate

Women’s Health and Education Fund RI View Fund | Donate

Women’s Health Specialists – Women in Need Fund CA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Women’s Medical Fund PA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

Women’s Medical Fund WI View Fund | Donate

Women’s Reproductive Rights Assistance Project (WRRAP) CA View Fund | Donate | Email Sign Up

WV FREE Choice Fund WV View Fund | Donate

Yellowhammer Fund AL View Fund | Donate