#polygamy in egypt

[brookstonalmanac]

Holidays 8.29

Holidays

According To Hoyle Day

Arbor Day (Argentina)

Bill & Frank Day

Black Book Clubs Day

Celestial Marriage Day (a.k.a. Polygamy; Mormons)

Clean Your Keyboard Day

Day of Loose Talk

Day of Remembrance of the Defenders of Ukraine (Ukraine)

Fennel Day (French Republic)

Flag Day (Spain)

Galatea Asteroid Day

Gamer’s Day (Mexico, Spain)

Happy Housewives Holiday

Head Day (Iceland)

Hurricane Katrina Anniversary Day (New Orleans)

Individual Rights Day

International Day Against Nuclear Tests (UN)

Judgment Day (in the film “The Terminator”)

Marine Corps Reserve Day

Michael Jackson Day

Miners’ Day (Ukraine)

Municipal Police Day (Poland)

National Caretaker Appreciation Day (Canada)

National College Colors Day

National Day of Lesbian Visibility (Brazil)

National Monterey County Fair Day

National Police’s Day (Poland)

National Sarcoidosis Awareness Day

National Sport Sampling Day

National Sports Day (India)

Nut Spas (Russia)

Potteries Bottle Oven Day (UK)

Targeted Individual Day

Telugu Language Day (India)

World Day of Video Games

Zipper Clasp Locker Day

Food & Drink Celebrations

Chop Suey Day

Gnocchi Day (Argentina)

International Peppercorn Day

Lemon Juice Day

More Herbs, Less Salt Day

National Swiss Winegrowers Day

Independence & Related Days

Hjalvik (Declared; 2020) [unrecognized]

Mivland (Declared; 2018) [unrecognized]

Popular Consultation Anniversary Day (East Timor)

Slovak National Uprising Anniversary Day (Slovakia)

Veyshnoria (Declared; 2017) [unrecognized]

New Year’s Days

First Day of Thoth (Ancient Egypt)

5th & Last Thursday in August

Cabernet Day [Thursday before Labor Day]

Daffodil Day (Australia) [Last Thursday]

National Banana Pudding Day [Last Thursday]

National Cabernet Sauvignon Day [Last Thursday]

Thirsty Thursday [Every Thursday]

Thoughtful Thursday [Thursday of Be Kind to Humankind Week]

Three-Bean Thursday [Last Thursday of Each Month]

Three for Thursday [Every Thursday]

Thrift Store Thursday [Every Thursday]

Throw Away Thursday [Last Thursday of Each Month]

Throwback Thursday [Every Thursday]

Weekly Holidays beginning August 29 (4th Full Week of August)

National Sweet Corn Week (thru 9.2)

Festivals Beginning August 29, 2024

The Blue Hill Fair (Blue Hill, Maine) [thru 9.2]

Chicago Jazz Festival (Chicago, Illinois) [thru 9.1]

Dragon Con (Atlanta, Georgia) [thru 9.2]

Epcot International Food & Wine Festival (Lake Buena Vista, Florida) [thru 11.23]

Gatineau Hot Air Balloon Festival (Gatineau, Canada) [thru 9.2]

Hopkinton State Fair (Contoocook, New Hampshire) [thru 9.2]

Kamiah BBQ Days (Kamiah, Idaho) [thru 8.31]

Key West BrewFest (Key West, Florida) [thru 9.2]

Lindisfarne Festival (Berwick-upon-Tweed, United Kingdom) [thru 9.1]

Louisiana Shrimp & Petroleum Festival (Morgan City, Louisiana) [thru 9.2]

National Championship Chuckwagon Races (Clinton, Arkansas) [thru 9.1]

Peach Days (Hurricane City, Utah) [thru 8.31]

Rocklahoma (Pryor, Oklahoma) [thru 9.1]

Taste to Remember (Dublin, Ohio)

Volksfeest and Bloemencorso Winterswijk (Winterswijk, Netherlands) [thr 9.1]

Feast Days

Adelphus of Metz (Christian; Saint)

Beheading of St. John the Baptist (Christian)

Blobfish Day (Pastafarian)

Day of Loose Talk (Shamanism)

Dr. Lily Rosenbloom (Muppetism)

Eadwold of Cerne (Christian; Saint)

Euphrasia Eluvathingal (Syro-Malabar Catholic Church)

Feast of Agios Ioannis (Halki, Hittitie God of Grain)

First Day of Thoth (Egyptian New Year)

Gahan Wilson Day (Church of the SubGenius; Saint)

Gelede (Mask-Wearing Ritual; Yoruba People of Nigeria)

The Great Visitation to Guaire (Celtic Book of Days)

Hajime Isayama (Artology)

Hathor’s Day (Pagan)

Jean Auguste Dominique Ingres (Artology)

John Bunyan (Episcopal Church)

John Leech (Artology)

Maurice Maeterlinck (Writerism)

Medericus (a.k.a. St. Merry; Christian; Saint)

Midnight Muffins Day (Starza Pagan Book of Days)

Nativity of Hathor (Egyptian Goddess of Joy & Drunkenness)

Oliver Wendell Holmes (Writerism)

Papin (Positivist; Saint)

Pardon of the Sea (Festival to Ahes, Pagan Goddess of the Sea; Brittany; Everyday Wicca)

René Depestre (Writerism)

Sabina (Christian; Martyr)

Sebbi (a.k.a. Sebba), King of Essex (Christian; Saint)

Sorel Etrog (Artology)

Thiruvonam (Rice Harvest Festival, Day 2; Kerala, India)

Thom Gunn (Writerism)

Vitalis, Sator and Repositus (Christian; Saints)

Lucky & Unlucky Days

Prime Number Day: 241 [53 of 72]

Sakimake (先負 Japan) [Bad luck in the morning, good luck in the afternoon.]

Unlucky Day (Grafton’s Manual of 1565) [38 of 60]

Urda (The Oldest Fate)

Premieres

At Your Service Madame (WB MM Cartoon; 1936)

Balls of Fury (Film; 2007)

Butcher's Crossing, by John Williams (Novel; 1960)

Cat-Tails for Two (WB MM Cartoon; 1953)

A Date for Dinner (Mighty Mouse Cartoon; 1947)

Definitely Maybe, by Oasis (Album; 1994)

The Early Bird Dood It! (Tex Avery MGM Cartoon; 1942)

4’33”, by John Cage (Modernist Composition; 1952)

The Fugitive final episode (Most Watched TV Show; 1967)

The Full Monty (Film; 1987)

Here Today, Gone Tamale (WB LT Cartoon; 1959)

Independent Women, by Destiny’s Child (Song; 2000)

It’s A Pity To Say Goodnight, recorded by Ella Fitzgerald (Song; 1946)

Kid Galahad (Elvis Presley Film; 1962)

Mary Poppins (Film; 1964)

Movie Mad (Ub Iwerks MGM Cartoon; 1931)

Move It, by Cliff Richard and the Drifters (Song; 1958)

One of Our States Is Missing (Super Chicken Cartoon; 1967) [#2]

Popalong Popeye (Fleischer/Famous Popeye Cartoon; 1952)

Pretty Woman, by Roy Orbison (Song; 1964)

Ridiculousness (TV Series; 2011)

Runaway, by Janet Jackson (Song; 1995)

Saint Errant, by Leslie Charteris (Short Stories 1948) [Saint #29]

Shanghai Surprise (Film; 1986)

Signing Off, by UB40 (Album; 1980)

The Skeleton Dance (Ub Iwerks Silly Symphony Disney Cartoon; 1929) [1st SS]

Twinkletoes in Hat Stuff (Animated Antics Cartoon; 1941)

Today’s Name Days

Beatrix, Johannes, Sabine (Austria)

Anastas, Anastasi, Anastasiya (Bulgaria)

Bazila, Ivan, Sabina, Sebo, Verona (Croatia)

Evelína (Czech Republic)

Johannes (Denmark)

Õnne, Õnnela (Estonia)

Iina, Iines, Inari, Inna (Finland)

Médéric, Sabine (France)

Beatrice, Johannes, Sabine (Germany)

Arkadios (Greece)

Beatrix, Erna (Hungary)

Battista, Giovanni, Sabina (Italy)

Aiga, Aigars, Armīns, Vismants (Latvia)

Barvydas, Beatričė, Gaudvydė, Sabina (Lithuania)

Jo, Johan, Jone (Norway)

Flora, Jan, Racibor, Sabina (Poland)

Nikola (Slovakia)

Juan (Spain)

Hampus, Hans (Sweden)

Candace, Candice, Poppy, Sabina, Sabra, Sabrina (USA)

Today is Also…

Day of Year: Day 242 of 2024; 124 days remaining in the year

ISO: Day 4 of Week 35 of 2024

Celtic Tree Calendar: Coll (Hazel) [Day 27 of 28]

Chinese: Month 7 (Ren-Shen), Day 26 (Yi-Chou)

Chinese Year of the: Dragon 4722 (until January 29, 2025) [Wu-Chen]

Hebrew: 25 Av 5784

Islamic: 23 Safar 1446

J Cal: 2 Gold; Oneday [1 of 30]

Julian: 16 August 2024

Moon: 18%: Waning Crescent

Positivist: 18 Gutenberg (9th Month) [Black]

Runic Half Month: Rad (Motion) [Day 7 of 15]

Season: Summer (Day 71 of 94)

Week: 4th Full Week of August

Zodiac: Virgo (Day 8 of 32)

[funkyglassmonkey]

song of the day : aug 28

Pyramids by Frank Ocean - channel ORANGE

this song is meant torepresents the affects of slavery, sexism, and the tremendous change in treatment of said minority groups throughout the history of time

from minutes 0:00 - 3:53, Frank is setting us in 50BC, around 2000 years ago, during Cleopatras reign over Ancient Egypt, as assumed through the repetition of “Our Queen” and “Cleopatra”. This is a story of The singers unrequited love affair with Queen Cleopatra .The singer is supposedly one of Cleopatra many lovers, however the singer is blind sighted and denied her unfaithfulness. He assumed her absence equates to her kidnapping, going as far as “setting the cheetahs on the loose” which can also be a double meaning for a “cheater”. The second verse of the first half is meant to describe how royal Egyptians lived and their treatment, they, Cleopatra in specific, is a diamond in a rocky world, her skins is a beautiful shade of bronze, and her hair is a rich cashmere shade. This is also a recollection on the singers part of meeting his queen, and how it felt for him. their bodies “march to the rhythm” and noise fills up the grand pyramids. Now, in our third verse, the singer has realized that his love was not taken from him, but chose to leave. Where was was once the “Jewel of Africa” she is has “lost her value” and is no longer “precious”. The singer catches Cleopatra sleeping with a man, ‘Samson’. The singer seems to hold Samson in a higher light, claiming jealousy of his “full head of hair”. However, everything takes a turn after a ‘serpent’ has killed Cleopatra. Frank choose very wisely to say “He” after the servant struck the Queen of Egypt. He does this to show that Cleopatras desperation for more attention got her killed. The man who she cheated on the singer with killed her, putting an abrupt end on the Queen life and legacy.

As we enter a beautiful musical interlude, the notes presented create a perfect music pyramid, going up by half steps and back down the scale repeatedly.

This transitions us to the second half of our song, 3:54- end. We are now in current times. Although it’s unclear where geographically the time is set, I’d like to think he sets these verses in Las Vegas, Nevada, he and cleopatra “hit the strip”, the term used when describing Las Vegas Blvd. Now our story starts in a dingy motel room instead of a glorious pyramids of Egypt. The singer, having to have once been powerful enough to work his way into the pyramids, is now a street pimp prostituting girls. And Cleopatra, our famed and beloved Queen of Egypt, is a prostitute selling her body for the attention she once never needed to captivate. Cleopatra and the singer are in this motel room together, mostly likely after a one night stand or hook-up. Cleopatra leaves this one night stand to go “work at the pyramids”, but interestingly enough, the singer reveals that Cleopatra works for him, as implied in the line “got your girl working for me” and “hit the strip and my bills paid.” She is a prostitute, he is her pimp. Their relationship is similar to that of their previous lives. Cleopatra is a woman of polygamy, she is never set on one man, and the singer wants her loyalties. However, In this time line, the singer is not naive and knows of Cleopatras other endeavors, but he implies disparity over this since he knows she doesn’t truly love him; “But you’re love ain’t free, no.” The only time Cleopatra will ever “love” him is in a paid, intimate setting.

Overall, this 10 minute song shows the flow of time and how the centuries changes humans. Where Cleopatra was once a furious Queen who was highly respected and influential, she is now nothing more than a street prostitute, living in and out of motels which were once grand pyramids. The singer continues a life of unrequited love throughout his different lives, and how Cleopatra will never change.

[papirouge]

I’m so scared for the girls and women of Gambia right now, Muslim scrotes continue to prove themselves to be the worst, if you didn’t know their government are working to over turn their ban on FGM believing that banning it means that they can’t fully practice their religion (Islam) and since a big majority of the population is muslim they want to change the law so girls can be mutilated for men.

Fair enough anon, FGM is not the fault of Islam. It's an ancestral practice that tracks as back as to pharaonic Egypt - so waaay before Islam was a thing. Even today, FGM is highly practized in Egypt, even in the Christian copt community. So this tradition clearly transcends religions.

If FGM was an islamic tradition, it would be widespread on the whole Islamic zone, but FGM is mainly in Africa - not really a thing in middle east. So yeah it's an African thing. (Hotep can stay mad lol)

It's so funny to see Hotep seethe about it and blame arabs for importing the practice into Africa lol. Hotep are delulu weirdos fantasizing about an ancestral Africa, glorify & myth-ify the continent's past to a ridiculous extent, and refuse to be remotely critical of our traditions (they constantly complain about the white man erasing our "tradition" while never questioning whether said traditions where good or not - sorry but I'm grateful for Christianity for calling out (blood) ritual sacrifices and witchcraft ��🏾‍���️)

So when we explain to them that FGM is *from* Africa (Egypt) they freak out. Which is weird because they usually LOOOOOVE claiming Egypt and how pharaohs were Black.... but suddenly they refuse to claim this Egyptian tradition 👀

THAT BEING SAID I'm absolutely not surprised to see FGM being upheld mostly in Muslim African countries. Male will always find ways to abuse and oppress women. Especially Muslim men. As much as I said that FGM transcends religions, I'm not surprised to see it's Muslim men fighting to get it unbanned.

I'm glad I'm from a heavily Christian country (Republic of Congo) and that we uphold the Christian value of respecting one's body integrity. We still struggle with polygamy but Glory to God it's getting more and more uncommon. Thank you Jesus for monogamy 💜

[yooo-gehn]

What are your thoughts on polygamy and open relationships?

I once read a beautiful article, in English of course, about someone exploring polygamy for the first time, and telling the story about how the biggest two reasons that makes it too hard for people are 1) peer pressure, and 2) the belief that it's our partner's job to manage our insecurities. She wept the first time her boyfriend slept with someone else, cause she couldn't help but to compare herself to the other girl, and feeling like she's losing him to her. But then she kept thinking that it's all really about her, not him. He's not cheating. They agreed on it. And it sucks for her, but it's her job to know which parts of her were bothered, and why, and how can she get her feelings aligned with her belief in polygamy. It was a wild ride, it required her to make peace with her body, her self worth, her co dependency, and her old notions about monogamy being the only valid form of relationships. Long story short, I think polygamy is valid for those who can handle it, but I personally don't think it's for me. I wouldn't be able to joggle more than one partner, and I'd struggle too much with my insecurities. And god oh god I can't even think of how can people pull it off in Egypt, unless they make sure they live in their own bubble.

[ben-the-hyena]

FINALLY

AFTER 3-4 DAYS OF SEARCHING AND COMPARING SOURCES FROM BOOKS AND WEBSITES

I COULD FINISH MY ANCIENT EGYPT PANTHEON FAMILY TREE

So one must know it is not gospel truth either since I am an amateur, since I have done shortcuts (example : nothing says Meretseger is Thot's daughter but thr same way everybody imagines Makaria daughter of Hades to be Persephone's too why no), since polygamy existed in Ancient Egyptians and one must know myths and family ties change from one period and town to another (Meretseger as an example again: here I followed tge version in which she is Maat's daughter, but in others she is Ra's and in others older than him), I allowed myself to to make a sort of overall average taking elements from this and that and mix them up with my tastes. So not to take as a general truth but as a sort of global sumup!

Web version https://www.zupimages.net/up/23/14/wix5.jpg

[brookston]

Holidays 8.29

Holidays

According To Hoyle Day

Arbor Day (Argentina)

Bill & Frank Day

Black Book Clubs Day

Celestial Marriage Day (a.k.a. Polygamy; Mormons)

Clean Your Keyboard Day

Day of Loose Talk

Day of Remembrance of the Defenders of Ukraine (Ukraine)

Fennel Day (French Republic)

Flag Day (Spain)

Galatea Asteroid Day

Gamer’s Day (Mexico, Spain)

Happy Housewives Holiday

Head Day (Iceland)

Hurricane Katrina Anniversary Day (New Orleans)

Individual Rights Day

International Day Against Nuclear Tests (UN)

Judgment Day (in the film “The Terminator”)

Marine Corps Reserve Day

Michael Jackson Day

Miners’ Day (Ukraine)

Municipal Police Day (Poland)

National Caretaker Appreciation Day (Canada)

National College Colors Day

National Day of Lesbian Visibility (Brazil)

National Monterey County Fair Day

National Police’s Day (Poland)

National Sarcoidosis Awareness Day

National Sport Sampling Day

National Sports Day (India)

Nut Spas (Russia)

Potteries Bottle Oven Day (UK)

Targeted Individual Day

Telugu Language Day (India)

World Day of Video Games

Zipper Clasp Locker Day

Food & Drink Celebrations

Chop Suey Day

Gnocchi Day (Argentina)

International Peppercorn Day

Lemon Juice Day

More Herbs, Less Salt Day

National Swiss Winegrowers Day

Independence & Related Days

Hjalvik (Declared; 2020) [unrecognized]

Mivland (Declared; 2018) [unrecognized]

Popular Consultation Anniversary Day (East Timor)

Slovak National Uprising Anniversary Day (Slovakia)

Veyshnoria (Declared; 2017) [unrecognized]

New Year’s Days

First Day of Thoth (Ancient Egypt)

5th & Last Thursday in August

Cabernet Day [Thursday before Labor Day]

Daffodil Day (Australia) [Last Thursday]

National Banana Pudding Day [Last Thursday]

National Cabernet Sauvignon Day [Last Thursday]

Thirsty Thursday [Every Thursday]

Thoughtful Thursday [Thursday of Be Kind to Humankind Week]

Three-Bean Thursday [Last Thursday of Each Month]

Three for Thursday [Every Thursday]

Thrift Store Thursday [Every Thursday]

Throw Away Thursday [Last Thursday of Each Month]

Throwback Thursday [Every Thursday]

Weekly Holidays beginning August 29 (4th Full Week of August)

National Sweet Corn Week (thru 9.2)

Festivals Beginning August 29, 2024

The Blue Hill Fair (Blue Hill, Maine) [thru 9.2]

Chicago Jazz Festival (Chicago, Illinois) [thru 9.1]

Dragon Con (Atlanta, Georgia) [thru 9.2]

Epcot International Food & Wine Festival (Lake Buena Vista, Florida) [thru 11.23]

Gatineau Hot Air Balloon Festival (Gatineau, Canada) [thru 9.2]

Hopkinton State Fair (Contoocook, New Hampshire) [thru 9.2]

Kamiah BBQ Days (Kamiah, Idaho) [thru 8.31]

Key West BrewFest (Key West, Florida) [thru 9.2]

Lindisfarne Festival (Berwick-upon-Tweed, United Kingdom) [thru 9.1]

Louisiana Shrimp & Petroleum Festival (Morgan City, Louisiana) [thru 9.2]

National Championship Chuckwagon Races (Clinton, Arkansas) [thru 9.1]

Peach Days (Hurricane City, Utah) [thru 8.31]

Rocklahoma (Pryor, Oklahoma) [thru 9.1]

Taste to Remember (Dublin, Ohio)

Volksfeest and Bloemencorso Winterswijk (Winterswijk, Netherlands) [thr 9.1]

Feast Days

Adelphus of Metz (Christian; Saint)

Beheading of St. John the Baptist (Christian)

Blobfish Day (Pastafarian)

Day of Loose Talk (Shamanism)

Dr. Lily Rosenbloom (Muppetism)

Eadwold of Cerne (Christian; Saint)

Euphrasia Eluvathingal (Syro-Malabar Catholic Church)

Feast of Agios Ioannis (Halki, Hittitie God of Grain)

First Day of Thoth (Egyptian New Year)

Gahan Wilson Day (Church of the SubGenius; Saint)

Gelede (Mask-Wearing Ritual; Yoruba People of Nigeria)

The Great Visitation to Guaire (Celtic Book of Days)

Hajime Isayama (Artology)

Hathor’s Day (Pagan)

Jean Auguste Dominique Ingres (Artology)

John Bunyan (Episcopal Church)

John Leech (Artology)

Maurice Maeterlinck (Writerism)

Medericus (a.k.a. St. Merry; Christian; Saint)

Midnight Muffins Day (Starza Pagan Book of Days)

Nativity of Hathor (Egyptian Goddess of Joy & Drunkenness)

Oliver Wendell Holmes (Writerism)

Papin (Positivist; Saint)

Pardon of the Sea (Festival to Ahes, Pagan Goddess of the Sea; Brittany; Everyday Wicca)

René Depestre (Writerism)

Sabina (Christian; Martyr)

Sebbi (a.k.a. Sebba), King of Essex (Christian; Saint)

Sorel Etrog (Artology)

Thiruvonam (Rice Harvest Festival, Day 2; Kerala, India)

Thom Gunn (Writerism)

Vitalis, Sator and Repositus (Christian; Saints)

Lucky & Unlucky Days

Prime Number Day: 241 [53 of 72]

Sakimake (先負 Japan) [Bad luck in the morning, good luck in the afternoon.]

Unlucky Day (Grafton’s Manual of 1565) [38 of 60]

Urda (The Oldest Fate)

Premieres

At Your Service Madame (WB MM Cartoon; 1936)

Balls of Fury (Film; 2007)

Butcher's Crossing, by John Williams (Novel; 1960)

Cat-Tails for Two (WB MM Cartoon; 1953)

A Date for Dinner (Mighty Mouse Cartoon; 1947)

Definitely Maybe, by Oasis (Album; 1994)

The Early Bird Dood It! (Tex Avery MGM Cartoon; 1942)

4’33”, by John Cage (Modernist Composition; 1952)

The Fugitive final episode (Most Watched TV Show; 1967)

The Full Monty (Film; 1987)

Here Today, Gone Tamale (WB LT Cartoon; 1959)

Independent Women, by Destiny’s Child (Song; 2000)

It’s A Pity To Say Goodnight, recorded by Ella Fitzgerald (Song; 1946)

Kid Galahad (Elvis Presley Film; 1962)

Mary Poppins (Film; 1964)

Movie Mad (Ub Iwerks MGM Cartoon; 1931)

Move It, by Cliff Richard and the Drifters (Song; 1958)

One of Our States Is Missing (Super Chicken Cartoon; 1967) [#2]

Popalong Popeye (Fleischer/Famous Popeye Cartoon; 1952)

Pretty Woman, by Roy Orbison (Song; 1964)

Ridiculousness (TV Series; 2011)

Runaway, by Janet Jackson (Song; 1995)

Saint Errant, by Leslie Charteris (Short Stories 1948) [Saint #29]

Shanghai Surprise (Film; 1986)

Signing Off, by UB40 (Album; 1980)

The Skeleton Dance (Ub Iwerks Silly Symphony Disney Cartoon; 1929) [1st SS]

Twinkletoes in Hat Stuff (Animated Antics Cartoon; 1941)

Today’s Name Days

Beatrix, Johannes, Sabine (Austria)

Anastas, Anastasi, Anastasiya (Bulgaria)

Bazila, Ivan, Sabina, Sebo, Verona (Croatia)

Evelína (Czech Republic)

Johannes (Denmark)

Õnne, Õnnela (Estonia)

Iina, Iines, Inari, Inna (Finland)

Médéric, Sabine (France)

Beatrice, Johannes, Sabine (Germany)

Arkadios (Greece)

Beatrix, Erna (Hungary)

Battista, Giovanni, Sabina (Italy)

Aiga, Aigars, Armīns, Vismants (Latvia)

Barvydas, Beatričė, Gaudvydė, Sabina (Lithuania)

Jo, Johan, Jone (Norway)

Flora, Jan, Racibor, Sabina (Poland)

Nikola (Slovakia)

Juan (Spain)

Hampus, Hans (Sweden)

Candace, Candice, Poppy, Sabina, Sabra, Sabrina (USA)

Today is Also…

Day of Year: Day 242 of 2024; 124 days remaining in the year

ISO: Day 4 of Week 35 of 2024

Celtic Tree Calendar: Coll (Hazel) [Day 27 of 28]

Chinese: Month 7 (Ren-Shen), Day 26 (Yi-Chou)

Chinese Year of the: Dragon 4722 (until January 29, 2025) [Wu-Chen]

Hebrew: 25 Av 5784

Islamic: 23 Safar 1446

J Cal: 2 Gold; Oneday [1 of 30]

Julian: 16 August 2024

Moon: 18%: Waning Crescent

Positivist: 18 Gutenberg (9th Month) [Black]

Runic Half Month: Rad (Motion) [Day 7 of 15]

Season: Summer (Day 71 of 94)

Week: 4th Full Week of August

Zodiac: Virgo (Day 8 of 32)

[2thinktalk]

The Polygamous Family

Polygamy or Polygyny What kind of Family is it? The Polygamous Family involve one individual having multiple spouses simultaneously. The most common form is the man marrying multiple wives. This form is called polygyny. The other form, though rare, is termed polyandry, where the woman is married to more than one husband. The family code in Egypt is one of the worst family codes in the Arab…

[anushkaraman2323]

WHAT IS MARRIAGE AND TYPES OF MARRIAGE

Marriage is a socially approved relationship between a man and a woman that binds them in a permanent relationship. Which not only binds them physically but mentally and emotionally too. Marriage is a social institution that helps you to fulfill the needs of a man and woman physically, mentally, culturally, and economically. According to spirituality, it is a social duty that helps to form a society.

We all know that humans are social animals who need someone's love, care, and support. The era of the beginning of this world. In every civilization, we noticed that everyone wants support.

Hunter-gatherer time(ancient time)-

There is some evidence that we noticed that individual in this society wants love, care, and support. Opposites attract each other and form a family and a society. However, these relationships mainly based on love rather than ritual practices.

Ancient Civilization Marriage -

As civilization developed, they performed more structured forms of marriage. Their marriage was mainly recorded on clay tablets. They also explain the rights and responsibilities of each partner. During Ancient times, polygamy and polyandry were performed. In Egypt, marriage was often a legal contract and the ceremonies were conducted to symbolize the union.

Greco-Roman Influence-

During Greece and Rome, marriage was performed in both religious and legal dimensions. The Romans, in particular, formalized the legal aspects of marriage, and Roman law greatly influenced the development of marriage customs in Western cultures. They perform the marriage and form a family.

Religious Influence-

With the rise of diversity of religions like Judaism, Christianity, Islam, and Hinduism. Marriage became increasingly associated with religious ceremonies. These religions often played a central role in defining the moral and social aspects of marriage. Different religion performs their rituals for marriage.

Medieval Europe

In medieval Europe, the Catholic Church played a significant role in regulating and formalizing marriages. They form marriage in the church The marriage was considered a physical and emotional bond, and the church had authority over the laws.

Renaissance and Reformation-

During the Renaissance, there was a shift in attitudes toward marriage. The people had the right to choose whom they love, care and feel romantic

18th and 19th Centuries-

The concept of marriage continued to evolve and form an evolution in society. The idea of companionate marriage, based on love and emotional connection, gained prominence. However, social and economic factors continued to influence marital unions.

20th Century-

There were significant changes in marriage patterns, influenced by social, economic, and cultural shifts. The women's movements were also started because of several wrong activities like sati practice, girls' child marriage, domestic violence for dowry, etc.

Contemporary Times-

Now during contemporary times, there are diverse types of rituals that are practiced to perform marriages. There are different types of marriage in modern times like-

Exogamy- In this the people outside the community marry each other.

Endogamy- The custom of the Same community marriage.

Love marriage- In which both man and woman love each other before the marriage.

Arrange marriage- In which the family and society help to choose your life partner.

Now, People also perform same-sex marriage in society. This also occurs because of some hormonal problem in which an individual loves the same gender. Our society has also named it LGBTQ+.

It's important to note that the history of marriage is complex and multifaceted, and the institution has been shaped by a variety of cultural, religious, and social factors over millennia. Different cultures and societies have their unique traditions and customs surrounding marriage.

[egyptian-digital-feminism]

The History of Feminism in Egypt

Egyptian Feminism emerged in the late 19th and early 20th centuries as a part of many other political conversations happening at the time. These included tensions between islamic modernism and traditional islamic ideologies 

Islamic modernism served as a catalyst for feminist consciousness. In this fight for Islamic reform, feminist writing gradually developed. There were arguments for gender reform issues like veiling, seclusion, divorce and polygamy. 

The first feminist movements were first expressed by upper and middle class women in Egypt. They advocated for more female roles in the workplace, women’s education, challenged domestic labor and advocated for unveiling. 

Women’s rights were further proliferated after Egypt won independence from Britain in 1922 with the help of various women’s organizations. In 1924, Egypt became the first Islamic country to de-veil women without government intervention. The Egyptian feminist party was founded in 1923 and the Egyptians Women’s political party was established in 1942 with the objective to fight for gender equality. 

The feminist agenda in Egypt has been regenerated by recent Islamic attacks on women’s rights. 

[edward-sonbati]

The Emergence of the Modern Coptic Papacy - A Review

In this work, Magdi Guirguis and Nelly Van Doorn-Harder present us with one of the first scholarly works on the modern Egyptian Church in English. This volume details the history of the Coptic Church from the Ottoman era (1517-1798) to the modern day through the lives of its patriarchs. In this review, we will be paying particular attention to the conflict between the Coptic popes and the Coptic lay notables (arakhina) in their struggle for hegemony over the wider Coptic Church and community.

Before we begin our review, it is worth mentioning the historical documents used by Magdi Guirguis, who authored part one of the book, titled: The Coptic Papacy under Ottoman Rule. These sources included:

1. Records of the shari’a courts found in Dar al-Watha’iq al-Qawmiya in Cairo; these document aspects of everyday life in Egypt from the 16th to 19th centuries.

2. Diwan al-Ruznama records, also found in Dar al-Watha’iq al-Qawmiya in Cairo; these provide a record of the history of the monasteries, their restoration and destruction dates, as well as their financial endowments by the state

3. Archives of the Coptic Orthodox patriarchate in Cairo

Guirguis’ meticulousness in his research is impressive, and he successfully sheds light on what many historians consider to be a very stagnant and impenetrable period in Egyptian history.

When talking about the relations between the Copts and the Ottoman state, it is important to contextualize this relationship in light of the ‘aqd al-dhimma (or “covenant of protection”), which had been in place since the time of the Caliphate of Umar in the 7th century. This “fundamental legal reference point” (as the author calls it) basically rendered the Copts second-class citizens in their own country and in the eyes of the Islamic state. Throughout the Coptic community’s time under their Islamic hegemons, the authority of the Coptic patriarch would fluctuate. The extent of his power would vary depending on the whims of the state. At times, the Islamic government would support the patriarch and would enact measures to ensure his absolute control over his church. At other times, the state would seek to limit his authority, sometimes even siding with the Coptic laity over their own pope. This is a recurring theme throughout this period of Coptic Church history: with both lay elites and the patriarch vying for power over the Coptic community. To tease this theme out, we will discuss some interesting events during the reigns of popes John XIII, John XIV, and Mathew III. 

During the tenure of John XIII, the Coptic patriarch enjoyed extensive jurisdiction over souls as far as Ethiopia, Nubia, and even Jerusalem. The Coptic Church also lost several crucial dioceses during this time, including the Pentapolis, Rhodes, and Cyprus. During his time in office the patriarch was solely responsible for collecting the jizya and representing the Coptic community before the state. John XIII took it upon himself to battle changing sexual mores. Many Copts and Muslims alike during this period were practicing polygamy, concubinage, and even prostitution. John XIII showed no hesitation in wielding his religious authority to combat this moral threat festering in his community. This patriarch would enact excommunications and urge the wider community to ostracize those who engaged in deviant behaviors. Primary source documents show that this campaign was an overwhelming success.

Under John XIV and Gabriel VIII, the Coptic Church came very close to union with Rome. In response to the Turkish threat and the Protestant revolt, the Roman Church undertook efforts to unite all of Christendom. We know that the reigning Coptic patriarch during the council of Ferrara-Florence sent representatives to the council and that a bull of union with the Copts was issued by Eugene IV of Rome. The rapprochement efforts ultimately proved unsuccessful, however. Nevertheless, reconciliation attempts with the Coptic Church continued well into the 16th century. John XIV (1571-85) warmly welcomed a Roman delegation to Cairo to discuss the reestablishment of communion between the two sees. Pope John and most of his bishops were initially onboard, but many ultimately defected from the reunion agreement. John XIV died before being able to unilaterally sign a declaration of union with the Roman Church. 

John XIV’s successor, Gabriel VIII, is said to have signed a reunion agreement with Rome in January 1597. Gabriel is even said to have implemented the Gregorian calendar into the liturgical cycle of the Egyptian Church. This caused quite an uproar amongst the Coptic laity who opened a case against their patriarch with the Muslim judge in Cairo. The Islamic jurist ruled against the patriarch and in favor of the Coptic gentry. According to the ruling, the Coptic pope had no right to change the church calendar and that it was a violation of Shar’ia for him to force the Coptic faithful to follow the newly implemented calendar. In another incident, the patriarch tried to implement a new way of calculating the date of easter. The Coptic gentry again appealed to a Shar’ia court, this time in Alexandria. The jurists deemed the new calculation inaccurate and ruled that the patriarch had to follow the calculation of the Muslim astronomers. Despite these tensions, reunion efforts with Rome would continue until the mid-18th century, when a Coptic bishop by the name of Antonious of Jirja converted to Catholicism.

Gabriel VIII’s successor, Mark V, suffered a tempestuous papacy. Mark raised the ire of many of the Coptic gentry for his opposition to polygamy. The Coptic laity, with the support of the bishop of Damietta, lodged a complaint against their patriarch to the Islamic authorities. Mark was deposed and an anti-pope John née Girgis Ibn Butrus was installed in his place. Mark V was eventually reinstated after the reign of the then Pasha ended in August 1611. This episode in ecclesiastical history highlights the lengths the Coptic elites were willing to secure their polygamous and polyamorous practices. We even have a story of one Coptic patriarch, John XV, being poisoned by a Coptic archon after the former rebuked him for practicing concubinage. 

About halfway through the 17th century, control over the Coptic community shifted from the patriarch and bishops to the Coptic notables or arakhina. This came at a time where the state institutions of the Ottoman empire were beginning to weaken, and power began to decentralize to various local authorities. Thus, in transferring power from her patriarch to the Coptic lay notables, it can be said that Coptic Church at this time acted as a microcosm of the wider Ottoman empire. This transfer of power eventually reached a point where the notables would appoint both the Coptic patriarch as well archbishops for jurisdictions as far as Ethiopia. The head of the arakhina was appointed by the wider community, and followed a very clear and traceable line of succession. 

The Coptic archon class maintained good relations with state authorities, Islamic religious leaders, and became the primary patrons of the Coptic clergy and faithful. So extensive was the power of this elite lay class, that the hierarchy often had to turn a blind eye to polygamy and concubinage so as to avoid clashing with them. By far the most remarkable Coptic archon of this period is Mu’allam Ibrahim El Gawhiri, who rose to become Egypt’s chief scribe during the latter half of the 18th century. His statesmanship and high ethics were praised even by the Islamic historian Abd al-Rahman al-Jabarti. Mu’allam Ibrahim’s brother Girgis assumed the former’s duties upon his passing. The brothers are generally considered the last of the Coptic archons to exercise strong leadership over the community. As Egypt moved into the 19th century, the control of the Coptic Church shifted from the gentry back to the hierarchy.

For the remainder of this review, we will discuss the patriarchs who can rightly be described as the architects of the modern Coptic Orthodox Church. Following Napoleon’s invasion of Egypt in 1798, massive transformations in law, administration, trade, and education ensued. In the wake of this great change, arose those whom Nelly van Doorn-Harder calls the “great reformers” of the contemporary Coptic Church. These include: Cyril IV (1854-1861), Cyril VI (1959-1971), and Shenouda III (1971-2012).

Cyril IV pushed for Coptic participation in the army and government. He also enacted many educational reforms, in an age where many Copts were still captivated by magic and superstition. Clergy were often ignorant and had to sell their religious services to make ends meet. To combat this, Cyril IV provided salaries for priests, summoned them to weekly meetings to engage in theological reading and discussion, and imported a printing press from Austria which he used to print and distribute books to local parishes free of charge. He also opened a school called Madrasat al-Aqbat al-Kubra which drew Muslims and Copts alike, as well as the first Egyptian school for girls. During his ecclesiastical career, Cyril IV also made several trips to Ethiopia to mediate administrative disputes with the local hierarchy. He also worked to improve inter-ecumenical relations with other Christian denominations in the Middle East.

Reformer, saint, leader, and mystic, Pope Cyril VI is one of the most well-known Copts in history. His visage is found in Coptic homes, churches, books all over the world. He is referred to in this volume as “the last of the traditional popes” in that he traveled only seldomly, making only two trips to Ethiopia during his entire papacy. He also allowed people to see him as needed without an appointment. Cyril VI assumed the Markan throne in the wake of a radically changing country. There was often tension between the ecclesiastical hierarchy and the community council (or majlis al-mili), which had lost much of its power following Nasser’s reforms. For that matter, Nasser’s policies led to the increasing marginalization of Copts in political and public life at large.

Cyril VI was born to well-to-do parents in Menofia. At the age of 25, he entered the monastery of Baramus, taking the name Father Mina. Father Mina led a very austere and ascetic life, despising praise and recognition and fleeing positions of power. Fr. Mina eventually left to inhabit the ruins of the monastery of his patron saint. He later would rent out a windmill in the middle of the Egyptian desert, becoming increasingly ascetic and praying the liturgy daily. In 1944, he was appointed head of the Monastery of St. Samuel of Kalamun, which would later attract the eminent Coptic theologian Matta Al Maskin to its ranks. Becoming patriarch in 1959, some of the highlights of Cyril VI’s papacy includes building close relations with Gamal Abdel Nasser and his nationalist government, the building of new churches and monasteries, particularly a new patriarchal cathedral in Cairo, as well as the foundation of Coptic emigre communities in the west. While famous for his peaceability, asceticism, and spirituality, Cyril VI did not shy away from wielding his ecclesiastical authority to discipline clergy when necessary; as in the case of Matta Al Maskin, when the latter countermanded Cyril VI’s papal order to renovate the Monastery of the Syrians by going to live as a hermit in the desert.

Cyril VI’s successor, Shenouda III, has cemented a reputation for himself as among the most beloved and dynamic popes in Coptic Church history. The beginning of Shenouda’s papacy was marked by increased sectarian tensions in Egypt as well as a direct head-to-head conflict between the head of the Coptic Church and the leader of the Egyptian state, Anwar Al Sadat, who is credited with creating much of the existing sectarian climate in contemporary Egypt. Shenouda had a distinctly autocratic style of Church governance, divesting all authority over the Coptic community from the lay leaders and concentrating it into the papacy and the holy synod. Laymen were discouraged from “doing theology.” Instead, prominent laypeople who were active in Church ministry were ordained into the ranks of the clergy. Shenouda’s conflicts with Matta Al Maskin and the lay scholar George Bebawi became public scandals, and created a rift in Coptic theological discourse which still exists to this day. 

Controversies aside, Shenouda was an absolute giant of a churchman and could very well be called the founder of the contemporary Coptic Church. He fostered ecumenical dialogues and signed theological agreements with the Byzantine Orthodox, Roman Catholics, and Protestants alike. A staunch patriot, he was keen to promote national unity between Copts and Muslims and worked towards increased cooperation and cohesion between both communities. Shenouda ordained dozens of bishops and oversaw the establishment of Coptic parishes all over Egypt, Africa, Europe, and the Americas. Shenouda was also remarkable at engaging with and commanding the love of Copts of all walks of life; the wealthy, the poor, the elderly, and especially the youth. Over 10 years after his passing, his presence, his legacy, and his staunch conservatism still loom large. He almost single handedly transformed the Church from a once obscure national Church into a global communion.

In all, I recommend this volume and indeed the entire “Popes of Egypt” series to anyone interested in the Coptic Church or in Arabic-speaking Christianity in general. Both Guirguis and Doorn-Harder are respected scholars in their fields. Guirguis is an expert in Ottoman era documents and author of An Armenian Artist in Ottoman Egypt: Yuhanna al-Armani and His Coptic Icons, while Doorn-Harder is a professor of Islamic studies at Wake Forest University in North Carolina. 

What I found particularly fascinating was just how close the Coptic Church came to reunion with Rome in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. Especially telling is how the Coptic laity were willing to take recourse to the Islamic authorities when they felt their patriarch was violating church law. I do, however, wish Guirguis had elaborated more on the Coptic Church’s role in the council of Florence in the 15th century, for the sake of providing additional historical context. 

While I enjoyed part one more than part two, I thought Doorn-Harder did a good job of describing how the changes in an increasingly modernizing Egypt provided the backdrop for the modernization of the Coptic Church. The conflict between Pope Shenouda and Dr. George Bebawi hearkens the reader back to the dispute between Pope Demetrius and the scholar Origen in the third century. In both cases, we see a charismatic and powerful ecclesiastical authority figure trying to rein in the power and influence of a prominent lay scholar. This, in an attempt to consolidate all theological authority in the hands of the Church’s divinely appointed bishops.

[brookstonalmanac]

Events 7.26 (after 1940)

1941 – World War II: Battle of Grand Harbour, British forces on Malta destroy an attack by the Italian Decima Flottiglia MAS. Fort St Elmo Bridge covering the harbour is demolished in the process. 1941 – World War II: In response to the Japanese occupation of French Indochina, the United States, Britain and the Netherlands freeze all Japanese assets and cut off oil shipments. 1944 – World War II: The Red Army enters Lviv, a major city in western Ukraine, capturing it from the Nazis. Only 300 Jews survive out of 160,000 living in Lviv prior to occupation. 1945 – The Labour Party wins the United Kingdom general election of July 5 by a landslide, removing Winston Churchill from power. 1945 – World War II: The Potsdam Declaration is signed in Potsdam, Germany. 1945 – World War II: The USS Indianapolis arrives at Tinian with components and enriched uranium for the Little Boy nuclear bomb. 1946 – Aloha Airlines begins service from Honolulu International Airport. 1947 – Cold War: U.S. President Harry S. Truman signs the National Security Act of 1947 into United States law creating the Central Intelligence Agency, United States Department of Defense, United States Air Force, Joint Chiefs of Staff, and the United States National Security Council. 1948 – U.S. President Harry S. Truman signs Executive Order 9981, desegregating the military of the United States. 1951 – Walt Disney's 13th animated film, Alice in Wonderland, premieres in London, England, United Kingdom. 1952 – King Farouk of Egypt abdicates in favor of his son Fuad. 1953 – Cold War: Fidel Castro leads an unsuccessful attack on the Moncada Barracks, thus beginning the Cuban Revolution. The movement took the name of the date: 26th of July Movement 1953 – Arizona Governor John Howard Pyle orders an anti-polygamy law enforcement crackdown on residents of Short Creek, Arizona, which becomes known as the Short Creek raid. 1953 – Soldiers from the 2nd Battalion, Royal Australian Regiment repel a number of Chinese assaults against a key position known as The Hook during the Battle of the Samichon River, just hours before the Armistice Agreement is signed, ending the Korean War. 1957 – Carlos Castillo Armas, dictator of Guatemala, is assassinated. 1958 – Explorer program: Explorer 4 is launched. 1963 – Syncom 2, the world's first geosynchronous satellite, is launched from Cape Canaveral on a Delta B booster. 1963 – An earthquake in Skopje, Yugoslavia (present-day North Macedonia) leaves 1,100 dead. 1963 – The Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development votes to admit Japan. 1968 – Vietnam War: South Vietnamese opposition leader Trương Đình Dzu is sentenced to five years hard labor for advocating the formation of a coalition government as a way to move toward an end to the war. 1971 – Apollo program: Launch of Apollo 15 on the first Apollo "J-Mission", and first use of a Lunar Roving Vehicle. 1974 – Greek Prime Minister Konstantinos Karamanlis forms the country's first civil government after seven years of military rule. 1977 – The National Assembly of Quebec imposes the use of French as the official language of the provincial government. 1989 – A federal grand jury indicts Cornell University student Robert T. Morris, Jr. for releasing the Morris worm, thus becoming the first person to be prosecuted under the 1986 Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. 1990 – The Americans with Disabilities Act of 1990 is signed into law by President George H. W. Bush. 1993 – Asiana Airlines Flight 733 crashes into a ridge on Mt. Ungeo on its third attempt to land at Mokpo Airport, South Korea. Sixty-eight of the 116 people on board are killed. 2005 – Space Shuttle program: STS-114 Mission: Launch of Discovery, NASA's first scheduled flight mission after the Columbia Disaster in 2003. 2016 – Hillary Clinton becomes the first female nominee for President of the United States by a major political party at the Democratic National Convention in Philadelphia. 2016 – Solar Impulse 2 becomes the first solar-powered aircraft to circumnavigate the Earth.

[athenawasamerf]

Feminism In Egypt, Part 1

@fernstream​ suggested I speak about feminist organisation and work here in Egypt, and I’ll probably do another mini-series on feminist movements in Saudi Arabia as well. 

Let’s start with Egypt, because that’s where I’m from, and where I’m currently living.

Most feminist work in Egypt is currently concentrated on a few, specific causes. Polygamy and divorce laws, FGM, child and domestic abuse (and the ways laws, customs and societal norms are contributing to this), femicide, sexual harassment as it relates to laws, religious men, customs and the attitude of law enforcement and society at large, enforcement of minimum marriage age for girls, and women’s right to education and work.

I’ll try to summarise each of these issues as they currently stand in Egyptian society, and why they are of interest to feminist, as well as the general reception of the feminist movement in general and the feminist push against these issues in particular. I’d like you to keep in mind that most, if not all, of these issues are shaped by Islam and Arab traditions, which are not super easy to summarise in a single post.

When talking about polygamy and divorce laws, I’ll be talking almost exclusively about muslims as the christian population in Egypt is almost entirely orthodox, and neither divorce nor polygamy is allowed.

Polygamy and Divorce Laws

Polygamy in Islam is confined to men, who are allowed to have 4 wives each. Currently, the only MENA country that has outlawed this is Tunis, to huge backlash from the rest of the region. Men’s ‘right’ to several wives is seen as something sacred, because it’s God’s will that men should have that ability. Some scholars even subscribe to the view that the original concept in marriage is multiple wives, and that this is how God intended for marriage to be, and only weak (in body, in mind, or in faith) men are satisfied with one woman. Men in Egypt (and much of MENA) have the legal right to marry multiple women without informing any of them, they can also divorce their wives without the wives’ presence or knowledge, and they can also ‘take back’ divorced wives without their presence or knowledge. In sharia, only men have the right to end a marriage, a woman can only request a divorce from her husband.

In January of 2000, feminists managed to pass the khol’e law, against opposition from the state, the public and Al Azhar. This law allows a woman to file for divorce in family court, and if she can prove enough harm is being done to her by her husband, he will be forced to divorce her. This law has a catch, however, and that in the case of the wife filing for divorce, she effectively gives up all her post-divorce rights, both Islamic and lawful. This includes child support and the right to stay in the marital home until the children are 15. The divorce will also not go through if she can’t prove in a court of law that she is being harmed enough to necessitate one.

Divorced women in Egypt, and especially women who asked for divorce or those who went through the courts to get one, are very much seen as evil harlots, or failed women. If divorce happens too soon after the marriage, the woman could be murdered by her family on suspicion of not being a virgin at the time of her marriage. Women are also still forced to stay at home to do all the domestic labour and raise the children, meaning not only will they be shunned by society (and not uncommonly, by their own families), for being divorced, they might also be stuck trying to provide for several children with no income.

Egyptian men use not only the actual act of a second (or third, or fourth) marriage to spite and hurt their wives, they also love using the threat of it to keep them in their place. An abused woman could be quiet and completely unable to rebel in fear that her husband would take a second wife and completely throw her to the wolves. It’s used as a fear tactic, and as punishment, and as a form of abuse.

Islamic scholars have, for years and years, justified the ‘need’ for polygamy in many ways, including but not limited to: there are more men on earth than women (false), men’s sexual appetite is stronger than women’s and can’t be satisfied by a single woman (false, for this specifically feel free to look up how much Egypt spends on viagra annually), what if a woman turns out to be infertile, should her husband just divorce her and throw her to the wolves where she’ll never ever find another man instead of just taking on a second wife? (somehow this never applies the other way around), what if a woman gets sick and therefore becomes ‘unable to perform her wifely duties’, should the man in this scenario just ABANDON her instead of taking on a second wife? (somehow supporting your life’s partner is... not an option), and what about widows and divorcees? Of course, no single man could ever want them! Must we deprive them of the joys of marriage and motherhood? Of course, when faced with any valid criticisms, these scholars will default to one of two standard responses. 1) Men don’t need any reasons or justifications for wanting what God made halal for them, and 2) Our mortal minds are too small and insignificant to understand the cosmic benefits in polygamy.

I could start explaining all the ways that these laws and customs, in conjunction with other factors I’ll hopefully manage to explain throughout the next few weeks, help men abuse and control women, but you can probably infer that pretty easily. It’s difficult to explain how entrenched these things are in our society, and how many people just take them as facts of life, unchangeable and unchallengeable. The feminist push to end polygamy in Egypt is met with a lot of infantilising humour, we’re laughed at - how could we hope to change the laws of God in our religious society? To them, this is inconceivable. Those who take us seriously are mostly quick to claim that feminists are insane, corrupted women, who go against the demure and submissive nature that God gave us. They say, these are women, ‘lacking in mind and faith’ as the prophet said, listening to them undermines your mental capabilities. More vicious men will scream about how feminists are kuffar, how we go against God’s rule, how we are of loose morals and want to spread depravity among women. 

This is pretty much the same reception feminists got when they fought for the khol’e law, and it’s going to be the same reception we expect as we fight for every little shred of rights and dignity we are owed.

I’m hoping that this mini series can act as a starting point for people to understand our struggles and our fights as MENA feminists and feminists in the muslim world.

As always, suggestions, clarification requests and critique are welcome.

[sourbakerrboiii808]

⭐️Duality⭐️

[champvictor]

A lot of rejections or why is Douglas unlucky in polygamy ?! (LoopLand Egypt)

We all know that there are other countries where polygamy is still allowed, but we decided to challenge Douglas in Egypt. Our film crew has long watched the attempts of a traveler to get to know the opposite sex, but successful attempts were so rare that it could be called a miracle. Moreover, all these girls were his fans, who already had nothing to lose.

In general, we argued with Douglas that no sane girl would agree to marry him, given that she would not be the only one. Our wanderer roamed the markets, souvenir shops, 3-star hotels (he was simply not allowed into 5-star hotels). A couple of days later, Douglas came with a girl who agreed to marry him. We asked her why it turned out that she was hard of hearing and she thought that she was offered a free massage.

This is how this adventure ended, don't worry, we comforted Douglas, but he will learn the lesson that you need perseverance with women.

And remember that sometimes you need to build a new capital in order to unload the old one (the capital of Egypt is Cyprus, though for now)!

[mariacallous]

The pantheon of autocratic leaders includes a great many sexists, from Napoléon Bonaparte, who decriminalized the murder of unfaithful wives, to Benito Mussolini, who claimed that women “never created anything.” And while the twentieth century saw improvements in women’s equality in most parts of the world, the twenty-first is demonstrating that misogyny and authoritarianism are not just common comorbidities but mutually reinforcing ills. Throughout the last century, women’s movements won the right to vote for women; expanded women’s access to reproductive health care, education, and economic opportunity; and began to enshrine gender equality in domestic and international law—victories that corresponded with unprecedented waves of democratization in the postwar period. Yet in recent years, authoritarian leaders have launched a simultaneous assault on women’s rights and democracy that threatens to roll back decades of progress on both fronts. 

The patriarchal backlash has played out across the full spectrum of authoritarian regimes, from totalitarian dictatorships to party-led autocracies to illiberal democracies headed by aspiring strongmen. In China, Xi Jinping has crushed feminist movements, silenced women who have accused powerful men of sexual assault, and excluded women from the Politburo’s powerful Standing Committee. In Russia, Vladimir Putin is rolling back reproductive rights and promoting traditional gender roles that limit women’s participation in public life. In North Korea, Kim Jong Un has spurred women to seek refuge abroad at roughly three times the rate of men, and in Egypt, President Abdel Fatah el-Sisi recently introduced a bill reasserting men’s paternity rights, their right to practice polygamy, and their right to influence whom their female relatives marry. In Saudi Arabia, women still cannot marry or obtain health care without a man’s approval. And in Afghanistan, the Taliban’s victory has erased 20 years of progress on women’s access to education and representation in public office and the workforce.

The wave of patriarchal authoritarianism is also pushing some established democracies in an illiberal direction. Countries with authoritarian-leaning leaders, such as Brazil, Hungary, and Poland, have seen the rise of far-right movements that promote traditional gender roles as patriotic while railing against “gender ideology”—a boogeyman term that Human Rights Watch describes as meaning “nothing and everything.” Even the United States has experienced a slowdown in progress toward gender equity and a rollback of reproductive rights, which had been improving since the 1970s. During his presidency, Donald Trump worked with antifeminist stalwarts, including Bahrain and Saudi Arabia, to halt the expansion of women’s rights around the world. And despite the Biden administration’s commitment to gender equity at the national level, Republican-controlled states are attempting to reverse the constitutional right to abortion, which is now more vulnerable than it has been in decades. 

Not surprisingly, women’s political and economic empowerment is now stalling or declining around the world. According to Georgetown University’s Women, Peace, and Security Index, the implementation of gender equality laws has slowed in recent years, as have gains in women’s educational attainment and representation in national parliaments. At the same time, intimate partner violence has increased, and Honduras, Mexico, and Turkey have seen significant increases in femicide. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated these trends worldwide, forcing millions of women to leave the workforce and take on additional unpaid care, restricting their access to health care and education, and limiting their options for escaping abuse. 

The assault on women’s rights has coincided with a broader assault on democracy. According to Freedom House and the Varieties of Democracy Project at the University of Gothenburg, the last 15 years have seen a sustained authoritarian resurgence. Relatively new democracies, such as Brazil, Hungary, India, Poland, and Turkey, have slid back into autocracy or are trending in that direction. Countries that were considered partially authoritarian a decade ago, such as Russia, have become full-fledged autocracies. And in some of the world’s oldest democracies—France, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, and the United States—antidemocratic sentiment is rising in established political parties. 

It is not a coincidence that women’s equality is being rolled back at the same time that authoritarianism is on the rise. Political scientists have long noted that women’s civil rights and democracy go hand in hand, but they have been slower to recognize that the former is a precondition for the latter. Aspiring autocrats and patriarchal authoritarians have good reason to fear women’s political participation: when women participate in mass movements, those movements are both more likely to succeed and more likely to lead to more egalitarian democracy. In other words, fully free, politically active women are a threat to authoritarian and authoritarian-leaning leaders—and so those leaders have a strategic reason to be sexist. 

Understanding the relationship between sexism and democratic backsliding is vital for those who wish to fight back against both. Established autocrats and right-wing nationalist leaders in contested democracies are united in their use of hierarchical gender relations to shore up nationalist, top-down, male-dominated rule. Having long fought against social hierarchies that consolidate power in the hands of the few, feminist movements are a powerful weapon against authoritarianism. Those who wish to reverse the global democratic decline cannot afford to ignore them.

WOMEN ON THE FRONTLINES

Scholars of democracy have often framed women’s empowerment as an outcome of democratization or even a function of modernization and economic development. Yet women demanded inclusion and fought for their own representation and interests through contentious suffrage movements and rights campaigns that ultimately strengthened democracy in general. The feminist project remains unfinished, and the expansion of women’s rights that occurred over the last hundred-plus years has not been shared equally among women. As intersectional and anticolonial feminists have long argued, the greatest feminist gains have accrued to elite women, often white and Western ones. Yet women’s political activism has clearly expanded and fortified democracy—a fact that autocrats and illiberal democrats intuitively understand and that explains their fear of women’s empowerment. 

In the past seven decades, women’s demands for political and economic inclusion have helped catalyze democratic transitions, especially when those women were on the frontlines of mass movements. Democratic transitions in Eastern Europe, Latin America, and Southeast Asia during the 1980s and 1990s were driven in part by mass popular movements in which women played key roles. Our research shows that all the major resistance movements during the postwar period—those seeking to topple national governments or to win national independence—featured women in support roles, such as providing food, shelter, intelligence, funds, or other supplies. But these movements differed in the degree to which they had women as frontline participants—those who took part directly in demonstrations, confrontations with authorities, strikes, boycotts, and other forms of noncooperation. Some, such as Brazil’s pro-democracy movement in the mid-1980s, featured extensive women’s participation: at least half of the frontline participants were women. Others, such as the 2006 uprising against the Nepalese monarchy, featured more modest frontline participation of women. Only one nonviolent campaign during this period seems to have excluded women altogether: the civilian uprising that ousted Mahendra Chaudhry from power in Fiji in 2000. 

Misogyny and authoritarianism are not just common comorbidities but mutually reinforcing ills.

In the first half of the twentieth century, women played active roles in anticolonial liberation struggles across Africa and in leftist revolutions in Europe and Latin America. Later, pro-democracy movements in Myanmar and the Philippines saw nuns positioning their bodies between members of the security forces and civilian activists. During the first intifada, Palestinian women played a key role in the nonviolent resistance against Israeli occupation of the West Bank and Gaza, organizing strikes, protests, and dialogues alongside Israeli women. In the United States, Black women have launched and continue to lead the Black Lives Matter movement, which is now a global phenomenon. Their organizing echoes the activism of forebears such as Ella Baker, Rosa Parks, Fannie Lou Hamer, and other Black American women who planned, mobilized, and coordinated key aspects of the U.S. civil rights movement. Two women revolutionaries, Wided Bouchamaoui and Tawakkol Karman, helped lead the Arab Spring uprisings in Tunisia and Yemen, respectively, later winning the Nobel Peace Prize for their efforts to bring about peaceful democratic transitions through nonviolent resistance, coalition building, and negotiation. Millions more like them have worked to sustain movements against some of the world’s most repressive dictatorships, from tea sellers and singers in Sudan to grandmothers in Algeria to sisters and wives in Chile demanding the return of their disappeared loved ones outside Augusto Pinochet’s presidential palace.

It turns out that frontline participation by women is a significant advantage, both in terms of a movement’s immediate success and in terms of securing longer-term democratic change. Mass movements in which women participated extensively on the frontlines have been much more likely to succeed than campaigns that marginalized or excluded women. Women have been much more likely to participate in nonviolent mass movements than in violent ones, and they have participated in much greater numbers in nonviolent than in violent campaigns. To explain why women’s frontline participation increases the chances that a movement will succeed, therefore, one must first understand what makes nonviolent movements fail or succeed. 

Generally, movements seeking to topple autocratic regimes or win national independence are more likely to prevail when they mobilize large numbers of people; shift the loyalties of at least some the regime’s pillars of support; use creative tactics, such as rolling strikes, in addition to street protests; and maintain discipline and resilience in the face of state repression and countermobilization by the regime’s supporters. Large-scale participation by women helps movements achieve all these things. 

On the first point, power in numbers, the advantage of women’s participation is obvious. Movements that exclude or sideline women reduce their potential pool of participants by at least half. Resistance movements must achieve broad-based support to be perceived as legitimate. And the larger the mobilization, the more likely the movement is to disrupt the status quo. General strikes and other mass actions can bring a city, state, or country to a standstill, imposing immediate economic and political costs on a regime. Mass mobilization can also generate a sense of inevitability that persuades holdouts and fence sitters to join the resistance. People want to join the winning team, and when there are large numbers of diverse participants, that can help encourage tacit or overt support from political and business elites and members of security forces.

Frontline participation by women is a significant advantage for mass movements.

Second, popular movements improve their chances of success when they persuade or coerce their opponents to defect. In research on public attitudes toward armed groups, scholars have found that female fighters increase the legitimacy of their movements in the eyes of observers. The same is likely true for nonviolent mass uprisings. Significant participation by women and other diverse actors also increases the social, moral, and financial capital that a movement can use to erode its opponent’s support system. When security forces, business elites, civil servants, state media, organized labor, foreign donors, or other supporters or enablers of a regime begin to question the status quo, they signal to others that it may be possible to defy that regime. For example, during the People Power Revolution in the Philippines in 1986, President Ferdinand Marcos ordered the security forces to attack large crowds of demonstrators who were demanding his ouster. But nuns who were participating in the protests put themselves between the tanks and other demonstrators. The security forces could not bring themselves to follow through with the assault, averting a massacre that could have altered the course of the revolution. High-level defections followed, and Marcos eventually fled the country, leading to a democratic transition. 

A third way women’s participation makes mass movements more effective is by expanding the range of tactics and modes of protest available to them. Everywhere it has been studied, diversity has been found to improve teamwork, innovation, and performance, and mass movements are no exception. In particular, diversity enhances creativity and collaboration, both of which help movements tap into broader information networks and maintain momentum in the face of state crackdowns. Women’s participation also makes possible culturally gendered tactics, such as marching in full beauty queen regalia, as women did in Myanmar’s pro-democracy protests in 2021; cooking food at the frontlines of demonstrations, as women did during an uprising of farmers in 2020 and 2021 in India; or protesting naked, as women in Kenya, Nigeria, and many other countries have done in order to stigmatize or disarm their opponents. Some protest movements have relied on social shaming. For example, during antigovernment protests in Algeria in 2019, grandmothers told riot police to go home, threatening to report the officers’ bad behavior to their mothers. In Sudan that same year, a women’s Facebook group named and shamed plainclothes policemen: its members outed their own brothers, cousins, and sons as members of the shadowy militias that were trying to terrorize the opposition into submission. 

Women have also developed other forms of gendered noncooperation that can benefit mass movements. Consider the origins of the term “boycott.” In the late nineteenth century, women cooks, maids, and laundresses in County Mayo, Ireland, refused to provide services and labor to an absentee British landlord named Captain Charles Boycott. They encouraged others to join them, making it impossible for Boycott to remain in Ireland and inspiring a new name for their tactic. Women have pioneered other forms of social noncooperation, as well. Although the antiwar sex strike in Lysistrata was fictional, it is likely that Aristophanes had some historical precedent in mind when he wrote the comedic play. Women activists have organized sex strikes over the millennia: Iroquois women used this method, among others, to secure a veto over war-making decisions in the seventeenth century; Liberian women used it to demand an end to civil war in the early years of this century; Colombian women used it to urge an end to gang violence; and on and on. 

Power in numbers, the persuasion of opponents, and tactical innovation all help facilitate a fourth key factor in the success of nonviolent people power movements: discipline. When movements maintain nonviolent resistance in the face of violence or other provocations by security forces, they are more likely to mobilize additional support and, ultimately, to succeed. And movements with women on the frontlines, it turns out, are less likely to fully embrace violence or develop violent flanks in response to regime crackdowns. At least in part, that is likely because having large numbers of women on the frontlines moderates the behavior of other protesters, as well as the police. Gendered taboos against public violence against women and against violent confrontations in the presence of women and girls may explain part of this phenomenon. So might the higher political costs of violently repressing women who are participating in sit-ins and strikes.

Women from different backgrounds face different risks of violent repression, however. The women on the frontlines of movements demanding and expanding democracy often come from oppressed castes, classes, and minority groups. They are students and young people, widows and grandmothers. Women from marginalized backgrounds have often been ignored or subjected to greater violence during mass mobilizations than have wealthy or otherwise privileged women who benefit from patriarchal authoritarianism. This is why, for example, “Aryan” German women succeeded in securing the release of their Jewish husbands during the Rosenstrasse protest in Berlin in 1943, whereas Jewish women would have been arrested or executed for such a protest. Black Americans who powered the U.S. civil rights movement similarly faced much greater risks than did the white people who participated as allies. Only sustained cross-class, multiracial, or multiethnic coalitions can overcome these dynamics of privilege and power, which is why such coalitions are crucial for facing down violent authoritarian repression and pushing societies toward egalitarianism and democracy for all. 

A RISING TIDE

Women who participate on the frontlines of mass movements don’t just make those movements more likely to achieve their short-term objectives—for instance, removing an oppressive dictator. They also make those movements more likely to secure lasting democratic change. Controlling for a variety of other factors that might make a democratic transition more likely—such as a country’s previous experience with democracy—our analysis shows that extensive frontline participation by women is positively associated with increases in egalitarian democracy, as defined by the Varieties of Democracy Project. 

In other words, women’s participation in mass movements is like a rising tide, lifting all boats. Researchers have found that inclusive transition processes lead to more sustainable negotiated settlements and more durable democracy after civil wars. Although there is little research on settlements that come out of nonviolent mobilizations, the presence of women likely translates into increased demands for electoral participation, economic opportunity, and access to education and health care—all of which make democratic transitions more likely to endure. 

Women’s participation in mass movements is like a rising tide, lifting all boats.

What happens when inclusive popular mobilizations are defeated and no transitions take place? Incumbent regimes that stamp out inclusive mass movements tend to indulge in a state-sponsored patriarchal backlash. The greater the proportion of women in the defeated movement, the higher the degree of a patriarchal backlash—a dynamic that has ominous implications for Afghanistan, Belarus, Colombia, Hong Kong, Lebanon, Myanmar, Russia, Sudan, and Venezuela, all of which currently have inclusive people power movements whose outcomes are uncertain. Our research shows that countries with failed popular movements tend to experience major backsliding in both egalitarian democracy and gender equality, making them worse off than before the movements began. In other words, the impressive impact of women’s frontline participation on the probability of democratization is contingent on the movement’s victory; women’s participation leads to democratic change and women’s empowerment only when the broader movement succeeds.

THE AUTOCRAT’S PLAYBOOK

Authoritarian leaders and illiberal democrats have responded to the threat of women’s political mobilization by reversing progress on gender equality and women’s rights. Their motivation is not all strategic—many probably believe in sexist ideas—but their worldview is self-serving.

In fully authoritarian states, the mechanisms of sexist repression can be uncompromising and brutal. Often, they take the form of policies that exert direct state control over women’s reproduction, including through forced pregnancies or forced abortions, misogynistic rhetoric that normalizes or even encourages violence against women, and laws and practices that reduce or eliminate women’s representation in government and discourage women from entering or advancing in the workforce. 

In China, for instance, Xi has launched a population suppression campaign against the Uyghurs and other ethnic and rural minorities, forcing birth control, abortions, and even sterilization on many women. Women from ethnic minorities now face the threat of fines or imprisonment for having what Beijing considers too many children. In Egypt, state control over women’s reproduction is harnessed to the opposite effect: abortion is illegal in any and all circumstances, and women must seek a judge’s permission to divorce, whereas men have no such requirement. In Russia, where abortion has been legal under any circumstance since 1920, Putin’s government has attempted to reverse the country’s declining population by discouraging abortions and reinforcing “traditional” values. In all three countries, despite nominal constitutional commitments to protect women against gender discrimination, women are dismally underrepresented in the workforce and in powerful official roles. 

In less autocratic settings, where overtly sexist policies cannot simply be decreed, authoritarian-leaning leaders and their political parties use sexist rhetoric to whip up popular support for their regressive agendas, often cloaking them in the garb of populism. In doing so, they promote misogynistic narratives of traditionalist “patriotic femininity.” The scholar Nitasha Kaul has described these leaders as pushing “anxious and insecure nationalisms” that punish and dehumanize feminists. Where they can, they pursue policies that assert greater state control over women’s bodies, while reducing support for political and economic gender equality. They encourage—and often legislate—the subjugation of women, demanding that men and women conform to traditional gender roles out of patriotic duty. They also co-opt and distort concepts such as equity and empowerment to their own ends. Although such efforts to reassert a gender hierarchy look different in different right-wing settings and cultures, they share a common tactic: to make the subjugation of women look desirable, even aspirational, not only for men but also for conservative women. 

One way that autocratic and illiberal leaders make a gender hierarchy palatable to women is by politicizing the “traditional family,” which becomes a euphemism for tying women’s value and worth to childbearing, parenting, and homemaking in a nuclear household—and rolling back their claims to public power. Female bodies become targets of social control for male lawmakers, who invoke the ideal of feminine purity and call on mothers, daughters, and wives to reproduce an idealized version of the nation. Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has argued that women are not equal to men and that their prescribed role in society is motherhood and housekeeping. He has called women who pursue careers over motherhood “half persons.” Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban’s government has similarly encouraged women to stop trying to close the pay gap and focus instead on producing Hungarian children.

Across the full range of authoritarian and semiauthoritarian regimes, sexual and gender minorities are often targeted for abuse, as well. Lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer people are seen as undermining the binary gender hierarchy celebrated by many authoritarians. As a result, they are frequently marginalized and stigmatized through homophobic policies: Poland’s “LGBT-free zones,” for instance, or Russia’s bans on “LGBTQ propaganda” and same-sex marriage. Beijing recently went as far as banning men from appearing “too effeminate” on television and social media in a campaign to enforce China’s “revolutionary culture.”

Despite their flagrant misogyny—and, in some cases, because of it—some authoritarians and would-be authoritarians succeed in enlisting women as key players in their political movements. They display their wives and daughters prominently in the domestic sphere and sometimes in official positions to obscure gender unequal policies. Valorizing traditional motherhood, conservative women often play supporting roles to the masculine stars of the show. There is perhaps no better illustration of this dynamic than the dueling women’s movements that supported and opposed Jair Bolsonaro’s 2018 presidential campaign in Brazil. Bolsonaro’s opponents organized one of the largest women-led protests in the country’s history under the banner of Ele Não, or “Not Him.” His female supporters swathed themselves in the Brazilian flag and derided feminism as “sexist.” 

In the patriarchal authoritarian’s view, men are not real men unless they have control over the women in their lives. Trump’s masculine authority was therefore heightened when his wife, Melania Trump, walked behind him onto Air Force One, and it was challenged when she refused to appear with him in public. Sara Duterte-Carpio, the mayor of Davao City, in the Philippines, and a daughter of President Rodrigo Duterte, was a front-runner to succeed her father until he announced that women are “not fit” to be president. Despite the country’s history of female heads of state and Duterte-Carpio’s leading poll numbers, she dutifully filed her candidacy for vice president instead. 

Fully free, politically active women are a threat to authoritarian leaders.

While women are pigeonholed into traditionally feminized roles, patriarchal authoritarian leaders trumpet their power with gratuitous displays of masculinity. Putin posing topless is the viral version of this public peacocking, but casual misogyny, carefully staged photo ops, and boastful, hypermasculine rhetoric also fit the bill. Think of Trump’s oversize red tie, aggressive handshake, and claims that his nuclear button was bigger than Kim’s—or Bolsonaro’s call for Brazilians to face COVID-19 “like a man.” This kind of talk may seem ridiculous, but it is part of a more insidious rhetorical repertoire that feminizes opponents, then projects hypermasculinity by criticizing women’s appearance, joking about rape, threatening sexual violence, and seeking to control women’s bodies, all in order to silence critics of patriarchal authoritarianism. 

The counterpart to this violent rhetoric is paternalistic misogyny. As Kaul writes, “While Trump, Bolsonaro, and Duterte have most explicitly sexualized and objectified women, projecting themselves as profusely virile and predatory, [Indian Prime Minister Narendra] Modi and Erdogan have promoted themselves as protective, and occasionally, even renunciatory, father figures . . . to keep women and minorities in their place. . . . [They] are at times deeply and overtly misogynist, and yet at other times use progressive gender talk to promote regressive gender agendas.” 

As tolerance for misogyny in general increases, other shifts in the political and legal landscape occur: protections for survivors of rape and domestic violence are rolled back, sentences for such crimes are loosened, evidentiary requirements for charging perpetrators are made more stringent, and women are left with fewer tools with which to defend their bodily and political autonomy. For instance, in 2017, Putin signed a law that decriminalized some forms of domestic abuse, despite concerns that Russia has long faced an epidemic of domestic violence. On the campaign trail in 2016, Trump famously minimized a video that surfaced of him bragging about sexual assault, dismissing it as “locker room talk,” despite the fact that numerous women had accused him of sexual assault and misconduct. Once Trump became president, his administration directed the Department of Education to reform Title IX regulations to give more rights to those accused of sexual assault on college campuses.

Finally, many autocrats and would-be autocrats promote a narrative of masculine victimhood designed to gin up popular concern about how men and boys are faring. Invariably, men are portrayed as “losing out” to women and other groups championed by progressives, despite their continued advantages in a male-dominated gender hierarchy. In 2019, for instance, Russia’s Ministry of Justice claimed that reports of domestic violence were overstated in the country and that Russian men faced greater “discrimination” than women in abuse claims. In a similar vein, aspiring autocrats often maintain that masculinity is under threat. Among Trump supporters in the United States, such claims have become commonplace. For instance, Senator Josh Hawley, a Republican from Missouri, recently blamed leftist movements for redefining traditional masculinity as toxic and called for reviving “a strong and healthy manhood in America.” Representative Madison Cawthorn, a Republican from North Carolina, echoed Hawley’s sentiments in a viral speech in which he complained that American society aims to “de-masculate” men and encourages parents to raise “monsters.” 

fight on

As an engine of genuine democratic progress, activism by women and gender minorities threatens authoritarian leaders. Although many autocrats and aspiring autocrats no doubt believe the sexist and misogynistic things they say, their campaigns to restrict women’s empowerment and human rights also seek to undermine potential popular democratic movements that would oust them. 

Those who wish to combat the rising tide of authoritarianism will need to make promoting women’s political participation central to their work. Domestically, democratic governments and their supporters should model and protect the equal inclusion of women, especially from diverse backgrounds, in all places where decisions are being made—from community groups to corporate boards to local, state, and national governments. Democratic governments should also prioritize issues that directly affect women’s ability to play an equal role in public life, such as reproductive autonomy, domestic violence, economic opportunity, and access to health care and childcare. All these issues are central to the broader battle over the future of democracy in the United States and around the world, and they should be treated as such. 

Democratic governments and international institutions must also put defending women’s empowerment and human rights at the center of their fight against authoritarianism worldwide. Violent, misogynistic threats and attacks against women—whether in the home or in public—should be denounced as assaults on both women and democracy, and the perpetrators of such attacks should be held accountable. The “Year of Action” promoted by the Biden administration to renew and bolster democracy should include an uncompromising commitment to stand up for gender equity at home and abroad. Efforts by the U.S. Agency for International Development to support human rights activists and civil society groups could likewise make explicit that women’s empowerment and political participation need to be integrated throughout all democracy renewal efforts. 

If history is any guide, authoritarian strategies will fail in the long run.

Internationally, a multinational coalition is needed to explicitly reject patriarchal authoritarianism and share knowledge and technical skills in the fight against it. Those who are best equipped to build and sustain such a coalition are feminist grassroots and civil society leaders, as they are often the most aware of acute needs in their communities. An ambitious summit or conference convened by a multilateral group of countries or a regional or global organization could help jump-start such an effort by bringing women and their champions from around the world in contact with one another to share their experiences and strategies. One step in the right direction would be to dramatically increase the support and visibility given to the annual meeting of the UN Commission on the Status of Women. 

Finally, organizers and supporters of mass movements for democratic change need a gender-inclusive agenda in order to attract women to the frontlines and to leadership roles. Supporters of democracy at home and abroad should focus on assisting, amplifying, and protecting civil society groups and movements that are pushing for gender equity and work to make sure they are included in any negotiations or transitions that follow mass uprisings or democratic movements. Pro-democracy groups and organizations must understand that truly inclusive movements—those that transcend class, race, gender, and sexual identity—are the most likely to achieve lasting change. 

If history is any guide, authoritarian strategies will fail in the long run. Feminists have always found ways to demand and expand women’s rights and freedoms, powering democratic advancement in the process. But unchecked, patriarchal authoritarians can do great damage in the short run, erasing hard-won gains that have taken generations to achieve.