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Events In The History And Of The Life Of Elvis Presley Today On The 21st Of May In 1977.
Elvis Presley Plays A Show A Concert At The Freedom Hall The Exposition Centre In Louisville In Kentucky Rare Live Ep Fans and Audience Members Candid Photo Of Elvis Presley Taken Here Arriving At This Venue And At This Show And Concert Wearing The Aztec Mexican Sundial Jumpsuit And The Matching Belt.
Elvis Presley setlist and song 🎵 list recorded here at this show with the TCB Band.
Play YouTube Playlist
Play Spotify Playlist
See See Rider Blues
I've Got a Woman
Amen
That's All Right
Love Me
If You Love Me (Let Me Know)
You Gave Me a Mountain
Jailhouse Rock
'O sole mio
It's Now or Never
Little Sister
(Let Me Be Your) Teddy Bear
Don't Be Cruel
My Way
Heartbreak Hotel
Funny How Time Slips Away
Early Morning Rain
What'd I Say
Johnny B. Goode
School Day (Ring Ring Goes the Bell)
Hurt
Hound Dog
Can't Help Falling in Love
End Theme.


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Without Booze Or Ballyhoo, The Fall Festival Thrilled Cincinnati A Century Ago
Way back in 1976, Cincinnati’s Downtown Council announced a brand-new event. With less than a month’s notice, the Council decreed that Oktoberfest would occupy Fountain Square and Government Square for a weekend that October. The Enquirer editorialized support for the idea but noted that the proposal was “overdue.” Northern Kentucky, the Germania Society, and Kings Island had all entered the gemütlichkeit market years earlier. Today, of course, we know that Zinzinnati now hosts America’s largest Oktoberfest with attendance surpassing 700,000 revelers annually.
Hardly mentioned at the time, in fact, not mentioned at all, is that Oktoberfest filled a gap in the Queen City calendar that was once occupied by a major annual celebration known as the Fall Festival. Long ago, when Cincinnati was still warily warming up to its Teutonic inhabitants, autumn was capped each year by the city’s largest extravaganza, the annual Fall Festival, which filled Washington Park for a couple of weeks at the end of September and beginning of October.
Cincinnati’s Fall Festival grew out of a tradition of autumnal celebrations. The Saengerbund, one of the choral organizations that helped create the May Festival, sponsored a Fall Festival as early as the 1870s and annual events to benefit the Catholic and Protestant orphanages emerged about the same time, but these were all confined to a single day or single evening. The Ohio Mechanics Institute sponsored a number of very successful industrial expositions from the 1870s through the 1890s to highlight the city’s manufacturing prowess.
Community spirit really ramped up in 1900 when the Cincinnati Chamber of Commerce got involved. In January of that year, the Chamber announced plans for a fall festival and exposition of several weeks duration. The word “exposition” maintained a link to the previous industrial showcases, but the emphasis was on festival and festivities. Every year from 1900 to 1906, grander and more spectacular carnivals blossomed at Washington Park and Music Hall, drawing visitors numbering in the hundreds of thousands. The financial panic of 1907 placed those celebrations on hold until 1910 when a brief revival of the old industrial galas, the Ohio Valley Exposition, entertained the region for most of September and featured the premier of a specially commissioned opera, “Paoletta,” by Pietro Floridia.
One hundred years ago, Cincinnati again endeavored to revive the autumn celebrations of the past by staging an elaborate Fall Festival, again centered on Music Hall and encompassing the old City Hospital grounds across Central Parkway and the entirety of Washington Park. According to the Cincinnati Enquirer [6 January 1923], a major emphasis for the revitalized festival would be electricity:
“Superb electrical illuminations and ornamentation of the jewel and flood light types will be among the features of the display. Washington Park will be devoted in great part to this electrical display and multicolored beams will be thrown into the heavens at that point.”
The Cincinnati Post [27 August 1923] echoed this theme in its coverage of the first day of the Fall Festival:
“The children who visit the electrical display in Electric Hall will be fortunate. Electricity has just begun to make great strides in everything. The fact that these boys and girls will be able to see how electrical appliances are manufactured, how to operate them and to keep them in working order, will be of great benefit.”
At the center of the exposition was a $50,000 “Tower of Jewels” erected in Washington Park, bathed in colored floodlights throughout the evening hours and surrounded by miles of tinted party lights in celebration of the electrical age.

There was one huge component missing from the 1923 Fall Festival – beer. This was the dawn of Prohibition and the newspapers were full of breathless reports of raids on scofflaw saloons, including a Cincinnati establishment that had converted one of its gas fixtures into a moonshine dispensing spigot. Previous Cincinnati fall festivals trumpeted their selection of fine local brews, served up in booths decorated to look like British pubs or German Bierhäuser. Also absent were any of the unsavory sideshows associated with prior festivals:
“There will be no ballyhoo or carnival shows or other objectionable features of a festival, according to W.C. Culkins, who is Secretary of the organization.”
Despite Mr. Culkins’ assurances, the Law and Order Committee of the Cincinnati Federation of Churches announced that they would lodge official complaints against any sort of entertainments on Sundays during the two-week run of the Fall Festival because, well, this was Cincinnati and of course someone had to object if anyone was having fun.
The 1923 Fall Festival kicked off inauspiciously when a major storm blew through the city on opening day, with hail “the size of walnuts” reported. Nasty weather plagued the two-week run of the exposition. In spite of the almost daily rain showers, the crowds were good-sized and appreciative, even folks who were deaf and blind. Samuel Dean, of 1228 Vine Street, was, in fact, both sightless and hearing impaired, but reportedly enjoyed the exhibits described to him by his wife tapping details onto the palm of his hand.
Crowds thrilled to high-wire and trapeze acts at the hippodrome built on the vacant lot left by the demolition of the old City Hospital across Central Parkway from Music Hall. The formal garden planted by nurseryman William Natorp got a lot of traffic, as did the electrical train system set up by the Southern Railway to illustrate the 3,000 miles of track served by that system. The Cincinnati and Suburban Telephone Company presented a series of “playlets,” starring actual operators demonstrating how to make telephone calls. Concerts by local singers and musicians including Helen Kessing, Helen Nugent, Richard Pavey and Herbert O. Schatz filled the Music Hall auditorium and the Hippodrome theater.
The Cincinnati Post, while dutifully promoting the Fall Festival along with all the other Cincinnati daily newspapers, managed to deflect most of its coverage to its own entrant in the new Miss America competition. The Post selected Olga Emrick, age 22, of 913 Vine Street, as Miss Cincinnati. Miss Emrick spent most of her time before traveling to Atlantic City at the Fall Festival, giving the Post the opportunity to promote her and the exposition in the same articles. (Miss Emrick lost to Mary Katherine Campbell, the only Miss America to win the title twice.)
With no beer or booze for sale, there were no arrests for public drunkenness, but the pickpockets were out in force. A special detail of plain-clothes detectives led by Cincinnati’s celebrity sleuth Cal Crim escorted a dozen or so to the hoosegow almost every day.
When the Fall Festival ended, attendance topped 300,000 and included the governors of Ohio, West Virginia, Kentucky and Tennessee. Plans were announced for a repeat of the Fall Festival at some future date, which never arrived, with or without ballyhoo.

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Louder Than Life 2023
Highland Festival Grounds at Kentucky Exposition Center
September 24, 2023
Photos by Steve Thrasher
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Garba Night in Kentucky with Santvani Trivedi, Umesh Barot, and Palak Rao | Kentucky's Biggest Garba Night - 2023
Get ready to immerse yourself in the vibrant and energetic world of Garba, as Endless Event, a renowned event organiser, brings you a mesmerising Garba event in the heart of Kentucky. With the backdrop of colourful attire and energetic beats, this event promises to be a night to remember!
Date: 28th Oct 2023 to 29th Oct 2023
Location: Kentucky Exposition Center East Hall A & B Louisville, 937, Phillips Lane, Louisville, Kentucky 40209
Garba, a traditional folk dance form originating from Gujarat, India, has exceed borders and captured the hearts of people worldwide. Kentucky is about to witness an unforgettable Garba night, featuring three immensely talented Gujarati folk singers: Santvani Trivedi, Umesh Barot, and Palak Rao.
Santvani Trivedi, known for her soulful performances of Garba classics, will grace the stage with her melodious voice. Her ability to infuse traditional Garba songs with a modern twist is sure to get the crowd on their feet and dancing the night away.
Umesh Barot, a name identified with Garba celebrations, is set to bring his exceptional performance to Kentucky. His powerful vocals and charismatic stage presence have made him a favorite among Garba fans across the globe.
Adding a touch of grace and elegance to the evening will be Palak Rao, a talented Garba singer known for her soothing and melodious voice. Her Garba songs will transport you to the heart of Gujarat, where this beautiful dance form originated.
Endless Event has gone above and above to create a true Garba experience. The location will be decorated in a traditional manner, and mouthwatering food will be served to tempt your taste buds. Dandiya raas, a well-known Garba dance that involves dancing with sticks, will also be performed at the occasion, adding still another level of excitement to the evening.
This event is open to everyone, whether you're an experienced Garba dancer or someone who's hoping to discover the charm of this folk dance for the first time. This event celebrates diversity, culture, and the universal joy of dance.
Don't miss this unique cultural opportunity. Make a note of the date in your calendars and get ready to celebrate Gujarati culture here in Kentucky!
Book your tickets
#garba in kentucky#kentucky garba night#navratri festival in kentucky#dandiya night in kentucky#santvani trivedi garba#umesh barot garba#palak rao garba#garba night in kentucky
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Heather Cox Richardson
May 17, 2025 Heather Cox Richardson May 18 This weekend there are two major anniversaries for the history of civil rights in the United States. Seventy-one years ago today, on May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court decided Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. That landmark decision declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional. It overturned the Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Ferguson decision handed down 129 years ago tomorrow. On that day, May 18, 1896, the Supreme Court declared that the Fourteenth Amendment allowed segregation within states so long as accommodations were “equal.”
The journey from Plessy to Brown was the story of ordinary people creating change with the tools they had at hand.
Recently, scholars have shown how, after the Plessy decision, Black Americans in the South used state civil law to advance their civil rights. Insisting on their rights in the South’s complicated system of credits and debts, they hammered out a legal identity. Denied justice under criminal law, they sued companies, primarily railroad companies, for denying them equal protection against harassment. And, according to historian Myisha S. Eatmon, they often won these civil suits, even at the hands of all-white juries.
It was on these grounds that Black lawyers won discrimination suits over public schools early in the twentieth century. They relied on the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision that allowed “separate” accommodations for Black and white Americans so long as they were “equal.” They would point out how much poorer the conditions in Black schools were than those in white schools, proving those conditions violated the “separate but equal” requirement in the decision condoning racial segregation.
Legal challenges to segregation were only one tool in the workshop of those trying to dismantle the system. After the organizers of the Pan-American Exposition of 1901 caricatured Black Americans, Black educator and suffragist Mary Burnett Talbert reached out to sociologist and writer W.E.B. DuBois to call for a movement to advance equal treatment.
In 1905, thirty-two Black leaders met in Fort Erie, Ontario, and launched the Niagara Movement to call for equal justice before the law and economic opportunities, including the right to an education, equal to those enjoyed by white men. A year later, journalist William English Walling joined the group. Walling was a well-educated descendant of a wealthy enslaving family from Kentucky who had become a social reformer. Another well-educated social reformer, Mary White Ovington, also joined. And so did their friend Henry Moskowitz, a Jewish immigrant from Romania who was well connected in New York Democratic politics.
A race riot in Springfield, Illinois, on August 14 and 15, 1908, sparked a wider organization. The violence broke out after the sheriff transferred two Black prisoners, one accused of murder and another of rape, to a different town out of concern for their safety.
Furious that they had been prevented from vengeance against the accused, a mob of white townspeople looted businesses and burned homes in Springfield’s Black neighborhood. They lynched two Black men and ran most of the Black population out of town. At least eight people died, more than 70 were injured, and at least $3 million of damage in today’s money was done before 3,700 state militia troops quelled the riot.
Walling and his wife visited Springfield days later. He was horrified to find white citizens complaining that their Black neighbors had forgotten “their place.”
Walling reached back to the principles on which the nation was founded. He warned that either the North must revive the spirit of Lincoln—who, after all, was associated with Springfield—and commit to “absolute political and social equality” or the white supremacist violence of the South would spread across the whole nation. “The day these methods become general in the North,” he wrote, “every hope of political democracy will be dead, other weaker races and classes will be persecuted in the North as in the South, public education will undergo an eclipse, and American civilization will await either a rapid degeneration or another profounder and more revolutionary civil war….”
In January 1909, leaders from the Niagara Movement met in the Wallings’ apartment in New York City to create a new civil rights organization. Sixty prominent reformers, Black and white, signed their call, and the next year an interracial group of 300 men and women met to create a permanent organization. After a second meeting in May 1910, they adopted a formal name, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was born, although they settled on the centennial of Lincoln’s birth as their actual beginning.
It was no accident that supporters of the project included muckraking journalists Ray Stannard Baker and Ida B. Wells, as well as Du Bois, for a vibrant Black newspaper culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was central to spreading knowledge of the atrocities committed against Black Americans, especially in the South, and of how to sue over them. In 1910, Du Bois would choose to leave his professorship at Atlanta University to become the NAACP’s director of publicity and research. For the next 14 years, he would edit the organization’s flagship journal The Crisis.
While The Crisis was a newspaper, a literary magazine, and a cultural showcase, its key function reflected the journalistic sensibilities of those like Baker, Wells, and especially Du Bois: it constantly called attention to atrocities, discrimination, and the ways in which the United States was not living up to its stated principles. At a time when violence and suppression were mounting against Black Americans, Wells, Du Bois, and their colleagues relentlessly spread knowledge of what was happening and demanded that officials treat all people equally before the law.
That use of information to rally people to the cause of equality became a hallmark of the NAACP. It took advantage of the skills of women like Rosa Parks, who after 1944 was the secretary of the NAACP’s Montgomery, Alabama, chapter. Parks investigated sexual violence against Black women and compiled statistics about those assaults, making a record of the reality of Black Americans’ lives.
It was NAACP leader Walter Francis White who in 1946 brought the story of World War II veteran Isaac Woodard, blinded by a police officer and his deputy in South Carolina after talking back to a bus driver, to President Harry S. Truman.
Truman had been a racist southern Democrat, but after hearing about Woodard, he convened the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, directly asking its members to find ways to use the federal government to strengthen the civil rights of racial and religious minorities in the country. Truman later said, “When a Mayor and City Marshal can take a…Sergeant off a bus in South Carolina, beat him up and put out…his eyes, and nothing is done about it by the State authorities, something is radically wrong with the system.”
The committee’s final report, written in the wake of a world war against the hierarchical societies of fascism, recommended new federal laws to address police brutality, end lynching, protect voting—including for Indigenous Americans—and promote equal rights, accounting for the internment of Japanese Americans as well as discrimination against Black Americans. It called for “[t]he elimination of segregation, based on race, color, creed, or national origin, from American life” and for a public campaign to explain to white Americans why ending segregation was important.
The NAACP had highlighted that the inequalities in American society were systemic rather than the work of a few bad apples, bearing witness until “the believers in democracy” could no longer remain silent.
Meanwhile, in South Carolina, an all-white jury acquitted the police officers who blinded Woodward. Presiding judge Julius Waties Waring, the son of a Confederate veteran, was disgusted at the jury’s decision and at the crowd that cheered when it heard the verdict. He began to stew on how to challenge racial discrimination legally when white juries at the state level could simply decide to nullify the law.
In 1940, Black NAACP lawyer Thurgood Marshall had founded the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., in New York City. Six years later, civil rights lawyer Constance Baker Motley joined him. He would go on to become the first Black justice on the U.S. Supreme Court. She would become the first Black woman to argue before the Supreme Court and the first Black woman to become a federal judge. They were a powerhouse team.
In 1952, with the support of Judge Waring, Marshall and Motley and their collaborators took a new tack to oppose segregation in public schools. Rather than resting on the idea that poorly funded Black schools were not equal to white schools as Plessy required, they argued outright that racial segregation violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the same argument the Supreme Court had rejected in Plessy. This formula would enable the federal government to restrain white juries at the state level.
Truman had desegregated the military but had not been able to move civil rights through Congress because of the segregationist southern Democrats. After he took office in 1953, Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower took up the cause. He appointed former California governor Earl Warren, a Republican known as a consensus builder, as chief justice of the Supreme Court. Warren took his seat in October 1953, as Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, a group of cases from Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware, was before the court.
The court’s decision, handed down on May 17, 1954, explicitly overturned Plessy, saying that segregated schools denied Black children “the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.”
The decision was a long time coming, even though Justice John Marshall Harlan had anticipated it almost 60 years before. Harlan wrote a dissenting opinion in Plessy harking back to the infamous 1857 Dred Scott v. Sandford decision in which the Supreme Court denied that Black Americans could be citizens and said they had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” The American people had emphatically overruled that decision by adding the Fourteenth Amendment—on which Brown v. Board was based—to the U.S. Constitution.
“In my opinion,” Harlan wrote in 1896, “the judgment this day rendered will, in time, prove to be quite as pernicious as the decision made by this tribunal in the Dred Scott case.”
—
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Heather Cox Richardson
May 17, 2025 (Saturday)
This weekend there are two major anniversaries for the history of civil rights in the United States. Seventy-one years ago today, on May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court decided Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. That landmark decision declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional. It overturned the Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Ferguson decision handed down 129 years ago tomorrow. On that day, May 18, 1896, the Supreme Court declared that the Fourteenth Amendment allowed segregation within states so long as accommodations were “equal.”
The journey from Plessy to Brown was the story of ordinary people creating change with the tools they had at hand.
Recently, scholars have shown how, after the Plessy decision, Black Americans in the South used state civil law to advance their civil rights. Insisting on their rights in the South’s complicated system of credits and debts, they hammered out a legal identity. Denied justice under criminal law, they sued companies, primarily railroad companies, for denying them equal protection against harassment. And, according to historian Myisha S. Eatmon, they often won these civil suits, even at the hands of all-white juries.
It was on these grounds that Black lawyers won discrimination suits over public schools early in the twentieth century. They relied on the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision that allowed “separate” accommodations for Black and white Americans so long as they were “equal.” They would point out how much poorer the conditions in Black schools were than those in white schools, proving those conditions violated the “separate but equal” requirement in the decision condoning racial segregation.
Legal challenges to segregation were only one tool in the workshop of those trying to dismantle the system. After the organizers of the Pan-American Exposition of 1901 caricatured Black Americans, Black educator and suffragist Mary Burnett Talbert reached out to sociologist and writer W.E.B. DuBois to call for a movement to advance equal treatment.
In 1905, thirty-two Black leaders met in Fort Erie, Ontario, and launched the Niagara Movement to call for equal justice before the law and economic opportunities, including the right to an education, equal to those enjoyed by white men. A year later, journalist William English Walling joined the group. Walling was a well-educated descendant of a wealthy enslaving family from Kentucky who had become a social reformer. Another well-educated social reformer, Mary White Ovington, also joined. And so did their friend Henry Moskowitz, a Jewish immigrant from Romania who was well connected in New York Democratic politics.
A race riot in Springfield, Illinois, on August 14 and 15, 1908, sparked a wider organization. The violence broke out after the sheriff transferred two Black prisoners, one accused of murder and another of rape, to a different town out of concern for their safety.
Furious that they had been prevented from vengeance against the accused, a mob of white townspeople looted businesses and burned homes in Springfield’s Black neighborhood. They lynched two Black men and ran most of the Black population out of town. At least eight people died, more than 70 were injured, and at least $3 million of damage in today’s money was done before 3,700 state militia troops quelled the riot.
Walling and his wife visited Springfield days later. He was horrified to find white citizens complaining that their Black neighbors had forgotten “their place.”
Walling reached back to the principles on which the nation was founded. He warned that either the North must revive the spirit of Lincoln—who, after all, was associated with Springfield—and commit to “absolute political and social equality” or the white supremacist violence of the South would spread across the whole nation. “The day these methods become general in the North,” he wrote, “every hope of political democracy will be dead, other weaker races and classes will be persecuted in the North as in the South, public education will undergo an eclipse, and American civilization will await either a rapid degeneration or another profounder and more revolutionary civil war….”
In January 1909, leaders from the Niagara Movement met in the Wallings’ apartment in New York City to create a new civil rights organization. Sixty prominent reformers, Black and white, signed their call, and the next year an interracial group of 300 men and women met to create a permanent organization. After a second meeting in May 1910, they adopted a formal name, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was born, although they settled on the centennial of Lincoln’s birth as their actual beginning.
It was no accident that supporters of the project included muckraking journalists Ray Stannard Baker and Ida B. Wells, as well as Du Bois, for a vibrant Black newspaper culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was central to spreading knowledge of the atrocities committed against Black Americans, especially in the South, and of how to sue over them. In 1910, Du Bois would choose to leave his professorship at Atlanta University to become the NAACP’s director of publicity and research. For the next 14 years, he would edit the organization’s flagship journal The Crisis.
While The Crisis was a newspaper, a literary magazine, and a cultural showcase, its key function reflected the journalistic sensibilities of those like Baker, Wells, and especially Du Bois: it constantly called attention to atrocities, discrimination, and the ways in which the United States was not living up to its stated principles. At a time when violence and suppression were mounting against Black Americans, Wells, Du Bois, and their colleagues relentlessly spread knowledge of what was happening and demanded that officials treat all people equally before the law.
That use of information to rally people to the cause of equality became a hallmark of the NAACP. It took advantage of the skills of women like Rosa Parks, who after 1944 was the secretary of the NAACP’s Montgomery, Alabama, chapter. Parks investigated sexual violence against Black women and compiled statistics about those assaults, making a record of the reality of Black Americans’ lives.
It was NAACP leader Walter Francis White who in 1946 brought the story of World War II veteran Isaac Woodard, blinded by a police officer and his deputy in South Carolina after talking back to a bus driver, to President Harry S. Truman.
Truman had been a racist southern Democrat, but after hearing about Woodard, he convened the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, directly asking its members to find ways to use the federal government to strengthen the civil rights of racial and religious minorities in the country. Truman later said, “When a Mayor and City Marshal can take a…Sergeant off a bus in South Carolina, beat him up and put out…his eyes, and nothing is done about it by the State authorities, something is radically wrong with the system.”
The committee’s final report, written in the wake of a world war against the hierarchical societies of fascism, recommended new federal laws to address police brutality, end lynching, protect voting—including for Indigenous Americans—and promote equal rights, accounting for the internment of Japanese Americans as well as discrimination against Black Americans. It called for “[t]he elimination of segregation, based on race, color, creed, or national origin, from American life” and for a public campaign to explain to white Americans why ending segregation was important.
The NAACP had highlighted that the inequalities in American society were systemic rather than the work of a few bad apples, bearing witness until “the believers in democracy” could no longer remain silent.
Meanwhile, in South Carolina, an all-white jury acquitted the police officers who blinded Woodard. Presiding judge Julius Waties Waring, the son of a Confederate veteran, was disgusted at the jury’s decision and at the crowd that cheered when it heard the verdict. He began to stew on how to challenge racial discrimination legally when white juries at the state level could simply decide to nullify the law.
In 1940, Black NAACP lawyer Thurgood Marshall had founded the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., in New York City. Six years later, civil rights lawyer Constance Baker Motley joined him. He would go on to become the first Black justice on the U.S. Supreme Court. She would become the first Black woman to argue before the Supreme Court and the first Black woman to become a federal judge. They were a powerhouse team.
In 1952, with the support of Judge Waring, Marshall and Motley and their collaborators took a new tack to oppose segregation in public schools. Rather than resting on the idea that poorly funded Black schools were not equal to white schools as Plessy required, they argued outright that racial segregation violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the same argument the Supreme Court had rejected in Plessy. This formula would enable the federal government to restrain white juries at the state level.
Truman had desegregated the military but had not been able to move civil rights through Congress because of the segregationist southern Democrats. After he took office in 1953, Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower took up the cause. He appointed former California governor Earl Warren, a Republican known as a consensus builder, as chief justice of the Supreme Court. Warren took his seat in October 1953, as Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, a group of cases from Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware, was before the court.
The court’s decision, handed down on May 17, 1954, explicitly overturned Plessy, saying that segregated schools denied Black children “the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.”
The decision was a long time coming, even though Justice John Marshall Harlan had anticipated it almost 60 years before. Harlan wrote a dissenting opinion in Plessy harking back to the infamous 1857 Dred Scott v. Sandford decision in which the Supreme Court denied that Black Americans could be citizens and said they had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” The American people had emphatically overruled that decision by adding the Fourteenth Amendment—on which Brown v. Board was based—to the U.S. Constitution.
“In my opinion,” Harlan wrote in 1896, “the judgment this day rendered will, in time, prove to be quite as pernicious as the decision made by this tribunal in the Dred Scott case.”
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May 17, 2025
HEATHER COX RICHARDSON
MAY 18
READ IN APP
This weekend there are two major anniversaries for the history of civil rights in the United States. Seventy-one years ago today, on May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court decided Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. That landmark decision declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional. It overturned the Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Fergusondecision handed down 129 years ago tomorrow. On that day, May 18, 1896, the Supreme Court declared that the Fourteenth Amendment allowed segregation within states so long as accommodations were “equal.”
The journey from Plessy to Brown was the story of ordinary people creating change with the tools they had at hand.
Recently, scholars have shown how, after the Plessy decision, Black Americans in the South used state civil law to advance their civil rights. Insisting on their rights in the South’s complicated system of credits and debts, they hammered out a legal identity. Denied justice under criminal law, they sued companies, primarily railroad companies, for denying them equal protection against harassment. And, according to historian Myisha S. Eatmon, they often won these civil suits, even at the hands of all-white juries.
It was on these grounds that Black lawyers won discrimination suits over public schools early in the twentieth century. They relied on the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision that allowed “separate” accommodations for Black and white Americans so long as they were “equal.” They would point out how much poorer the conditions in Black schools were than those in white schools, proving those conditions violated the “separate but equal” requirement in the decision condoning racial segregation.
Legal challenges to segregation were only one tool in the workshop of those trying to dismantle the system. After the organizers of the Pan-American Exposition of 1901 caricatured Black Americans, Black educator and suffragist Mary Burnett Talbert reached out to sociologist and writer W.E.B. DuBois to call for a movement to advance equal treatment.
In 1905, thirty-two Black leaders met in Fort Erie, Ontario, and launched the Niagara Movement to call for equal justice before the law and economic opportunities, including the right to an education, equal to those enjoyed by white men. A year later, journalist William English Walling joined the group. Walling was a well-educated descendant of a wealthy enslaving family from Kentucky who had become a social reformer. Another well-educated social reformer, Mary White Ovington, also joined. And so did their friend Henry Moskowitz, a Jewish immigrant from Romania who was well connected in New York Democratic politics.
A race riot in Springfield, Illinois, on August 14 and 15, 1908, sparked a wider organization. The violence broke out after the sheriff transferred two Black prisoners, one accused of murder and another of rape, to a different town out of concern for their safety. Furious that they had been prevented from vengeance against the accused, a mob of white townspeople looted businesses and burned homes in Springfield’s Black neighborhood. They lynched two Black men and ran most of the Black population out of town. At least eight people died, more than 70 were injured, and at least $3 million of damage in today’s money was done before 3,700 state militia troops quelled the riot. Walling and his wife visited Springfield days later. He was horrified to find white citizens complaining that their Black neighbors had forgotten “their place.” Walling reached back to the principles on which the nation was founded. He warned that either the North must revive the spirit of Lincoln—who, after all, was associated with Springfield—and commit to “absolute political and social equality” or the white supremacist violence of the South would spread across the whole nation. “The day these methods become general in the North,” he wrote, “every hope of political democracy will be dead, other weaker races and classes will be persecuted in the North as in the South, public education will undergo an eclipse, and American civilization will await either a rapid degeneration or another profounder and more revolutionary civil war….” In January 1909, leaders from the Niagara Movement met in the Wallings’ apartment in New York City to create a new civil rights organization. Sixty prominent reformers, Black and white, signed their call, and the next year an interracial group of 300 men and women met to create a permanent organization. After a second meeting in May 1910, they adopted a formal name, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was born, although they settled on the centennial of Lincoln’s birth as their actual beginning. It was no accident that supporters of the project included muckraking journalists Ray Stannard Baker and Ida B. Wells, as well as Du Bois, for a vibrant Black newspaper culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was central to spreading knowledge of the atrocities committed against Black Americans, especially in the South, and of how to sue over them. In 1910, Du Bois would choose to leave his professorship at Atlanta University to become the NAACP’s director of publicity and research. For the next 14 years, he would edit the organization’s flagship journal The Crisis. While The Crisis was a newspaper, a literary magazine, and a cultural showcase, its key function reflected the journalistic sensibilities of those like Baker, Wells, and especially Du Bois: it constantly called attention to atrocities, discrimination, and the ways in which the United States was not living up to its stated principles. At a time when violence and suppression were mounting against Black Americans, Wells, Du Bois, and their colleagues relentlessly spread knowledge of what was happening and demanded that officials treat all people equally before the law. That use of information to rally people to the cause of equality became a hallmark of the NAACP. It took advantage of the skills of women like Rosa Parks, who after 1944 was the secretary of the NAACP’s Montgomery, Alabama, chapter. Parks investigated sexual violence against Black women and compiled statistics about those assaults, making a record of the reality of Black Americans’ lives.
It was NAACP leader Walter Francis White who in 1946 brought the story of World War II veteran Isaac Woodard, blinded by a police officer and his deputy in South Carolina after talking back to a bus driver, to President Harry S. Truman.
Truman had been a racist southern Democrat, but after hearing about Woodard, he convened the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, directly asking its members to find ways to use the federal government to strengthen the civil rights of racial and religious minorities in the country. Truman later said, “When a Mayor and City Marshal can take a…Sergeant off a bus in South Carolina, beat him up and put out…his eyes, and nothing is done about it by the State authorities, something is radically wrong with the system.”
The committee’s final report, written in the wake of a world war against the hierarchical societies of fascism, recommended new federal laws to address police brutality, end lynching, protect voting—including for Indigenous Americans—and promote equal rights, accounting for the internment of Japanese Americans as well as discrimination against Black Americans. It called for “[t]he elimination of segregation, based on race, color, creed, or national origin, from American life” and for a public campaign to explain to white Americans why ending segregation was important.
The NAACP had highlighted that the inequalities in American society were systemic rather than the work of a few bad apples, bearing witness until “the believers in democracy” could no longer remain silent.
Meanwhile, in South Carolina, an all-white jury acquitted the police officers who blinded Woodward. Presiding judge Julius Waties Waring, the son of a Confederate veteran, was disgusted at the jury’s decision and at the crowd that cheered when it heard the verdict. He began to stew on how to challenge racial discrimination legally when white juries at the state level could simply decide to nullify the law.
In 1940, Black NAACP lawyer Thurgood Marshall had founded the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., in New York City. Six years later, civil rights lawyer Constance Baker Motley joined him. He would go on to become the first Black justice on the U.S. Supreme Court. She would become the first Black woman to argue before the Supreme Court and the first Black woman to become a federal judge. They were a powerhouse team.
In 1952, with the support of Judge Waring, Marshall and Motley and their collaborators took a new tack to oppose segregation in public schools. Rather than resting on the idea that poorly funded Black schools were not equal to white schools as Plessy required, they argued outright that racial segregation violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the same argument the Supreme Court had rejected in Plessy. This formula would enable the federal government to restrain white juries at the state level.
Truman had desegregated the military but had not been able to move civil rights through Congress because of the segregationist southern Democrats. After he took office in 1953, Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower took up the cause. He appointed former California governor Earl Warren, a Republican known as a consensus builder, as chief justice of the Supreme Court. Warren took his seat in October 1953, as Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, a group of cases from Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware, was before the court.
The court’s decision, handed down on May 17, 1954, explicitly overturned Plessy, saying that segregated schools denied Black children “the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.”
The decision was a long time coming, even though Justice John Marshall Harlan had anticipated it almost 60 years before. Harlan wrote a dissenting opinion in Plessy harking back to the infamous 1857 Dred Scott v. Sandford decision in which the Supreme Court denied that Black Americans could be citizens and said they had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” The American people had emphatically overruled that decision by adding the Fourteenth Amendment—on which Brown v. Board was based—to the U.S. Constitution.
“In my opinion,” Harlan wrote in 1896, “the judgment this day rendered will, in time, prove to be quite as pernicious as the decision made by this tribunal in the Dred Scott case.”
—
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This weekend there are two major anniversaries for the history of civil rights in the United States. Seventy-one years ago today, on May 17, 1954, the Supreme Court decided Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas. That landmark decision declared racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional. It overturned the Supreme Court’s Plessy v. Ferguson decision handed down 129 years ago tomorrow. On that day, May 18, 1896, the Supreme Court declared that the Fourteenth Amendment allowed segregation within states so long as accommodations were “equal.”
The journey from Plessy to Brown was the story of ordinary people creating change with the tools they had at hand.
Recently, scholars have shown how, after the Plessy decision, Black Americans in the South used state civil law to advance their civil rights. Insisting on their rights in the South’s complicated system of credits and debts, they hammered out a legal identity. Denied justice under criminal law, they sued companies, primarily railroad companies, for denying them equal protection against harassment. And, according to historian Myisha S. Eatmon, they often won these civil suits, even at the hands of all-white juries.
It was on these grounds that Black lawyers won discrimination suits over public schools early in the twentieth century. They relied on the 1896 Plessy v. Ferguson decision that allowed “separate” accommodations for Black and white Americans so long as they were “equal.” They would point out how much poorer the conditions in Black schools were than those in white schools, proving those conditions violated the “separate but equal” requirement in the decision condoning racial segregation.
Legal challenges to segregation were only one tool in the workshop of those trying to dismantle the system. After the organizers of the Pan-American Exposition of 1901 caricatured Black Americans, Black educator and suffragist Mary Burnett Talbert reached out to sociologist and writer W.E.B. DuBois to call for a movement to advance equal treatment.
In 1905, thirty-two Black leaders met in Fort Erie, Ontario, and launched the Niagara Movement to call for equal justice before the law and economic opportunities, including the right to an education, equal to those enjoyed by white men. A year later, journalist William English Walling joined the group. Walling was a well-educated descendant of a wealthy enslaving family from Kentucky who had become a social reformer. Another well-educated social reformer, Mary White Ovington, also joined. And so did their friend Henry Moskowitz, a Jewish immigrant from Romania who was well connected in New York Democratic politics.
A race riot in Springfield, Illinois, on August 14 and 15, 1908, sparked a wider organization. The violence broke out after the sheriff transferred two Black prisoners, one accused of murder and another of rape, to a different town out of concern for their safety.
Furious that they had been prevented from vengeance against the accused, a mob of white townspeople looted businesses and burned homes in Springfield’s Black neighborhood. They lynched two Black men and ran most of the Black population out of town. At least eight people died, more than 70 were injured, and at least $3 million of damage in today’s money was done before 3,700 state militia troops quelled the riot.
Walling and his wife visited Springfield days later. He was horrified to find white citizens complaining that their Black neighbors had forgotten “their place.”
Walling reached back to the principles on which the nation was founded. He warned that either the North must revive the spirit of Lincoln—who, after all, was associated with Springfield—and commit to “absolute political and social equality” or the white supremacist violence of the South would spread across the whole nation. “The day these methods become general in the North,” he wrote, “every hope of political democracy will be dead, other weaker races and classes will be persecuted in the North as in the South, public education will undergo an eclipse, and American civilization will await either a rapid degeneration or another profounder and more revolutionary civil war….”
In January 1909, leaders from the Niagara Movement met in the Wallings’ apartment in New York City to create a new civil rights organization. Sixty prominent reformers, Black and white, signed their call, and the next year an interracial group of 300 men and women met to create a permanent organization. After a second meeting in May 1910, they adopted a formal name, and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People was born, although they settled on the centennial of Lincoln’s birth as their actual beginning.
It was no accident that supporters of the project included muckraking journalists Ray Stannard Baker and Ida B. Wells, as well as Du Bois, for a vibrant Black newspaper culture in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century was central to spreading knowledge of the atrocities committed against Black Americans, especially in the South, and of how to sue over them. In 1910, Du Bois would choose to leave his professorship at Atlanta University to become the NAACP’s director of publicity and research. For the next 14 years, he would edit the organization’s flagship journal The Crisis.
While The Crisis was a newspaper, a literary magazine, and a cultural showcase, its key function reflected the journalistic sensibilities of those like Baker, Wells, and especially Du Bois: it constantly called attention to atrocities, discrimination, and the ways in which the United States was not living up to its stated principles. At a time when violence and suppression were mounting against Black Americans, Wells, Du Bois, and their colleagues relentlessly spread knowledge of what was happening and demanded that officials treat all people equally before the law.
That use of information to rally people to the cause of equality became a hallmark of the NAACP. It took advantage of the skills of women like Rosa Parks, who after 1944 was the secretary of the NAACP’s Montgomery, Alabama, chapter. Parks investigated sexual violence against Black women and compiled statistics about those assaults, making a record of the reality of Black Americans’ lives.
It was NAACP leader Walter Francis White who in 1946 brought the story of World War II veteran Isaac Woodard, blinded by a police officer and his deputy in South Carolina after talking back to a bus driver, to President Harry S. Truman.
Truman had been a racist southern Democrat, but after hearing about Woodard, he convened the President’s Committee on Civil Rights, directly asking its members to find ways to use the federal government to strengthen the civil rights of racial and religious minorities in the country. Truman later said, “When a Mayor and City Marshal can take a…Sergeant off a bus in South Carolina, beat him up and put out…his eyes, and nothing is done about it by the State authorities, something is radically wrong with the system.”
The committee’s final report, written in the wake of a world war against the hierarchical societies of fascism, recommended new federal laws to address police brutality, end lynching, protect voting—including for Indigenous Americans—and promote equal rights, accounting for the internment of Japanese Americans as well as discrimination against Black Americans. It called for “[t]he elimination of segregation, based on race, color, creed, or national origin, from American life” and for a public campaign to explain to white Americans why ending segregation was important.
The NAACP had highlighted that the inequalities in American society were systemic rather than the work of a few bad apples, bearing witness until “the believers in democracy” could no longer remain silent.
Meanwhile, in South Carolina, an all-white jury acquitted the police officers who blinded Woodward. Presiding judge Julius Waties Waring, the son of a Confederate veteran, was disgusted at the jury’s decision and at the crowd that cheered when it heard the verdict. He began to stew on how to challenge racial discrimination legally when white juries at the state level could simply decide to nullify the law.
In 1940, Black NAACP lawyer Thurgood Marshall had founded the NAACP Legal Defense and Educational Fund, Inc., in New York City. Six years later, civil rights lawyer Constance Baker Motley joined him. He would go on to become the first Black justice on the U.S. Supreme Court. She would become the first Black woman to argue before the Supreme Court and the first Black woman to become a federal judge. They were a powerhouse team.
In 1952, with the support of Judge Waring, Marshall and Motley and their collaborators took a new tack to oppose segregation in public schools. Rather than resting on the idea that poorly funded Black schools were not equal to white schools as Plessy required, they argued outright that racial segregation violated the equal protection clause of the Fourteenth Amendment, the same argument the Supreme Court had rejected in Plessy. This formula would enable the federal government to restrain white juries at the state level.
Truman had desegregated the military but had not been able to move civil rights through Congress because of the segregationist southern Democrats. After he took office in 1953, Republican Dwight D. Eisenhower took up the cause. He appointed former California governor Earl Warren, a Republican known as a consensus builder, as chief justice of the Supreme Court. Warren took his seat in October 1953, as Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka, Kansas, a group of cases from Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, and Delaware, was before the court.
The court’s decision, handed down on May 17, 1954, explicitly overturned Plessy, saying that segregated schools denied Black children “the equal protection of the laws guaranteed by the Fourteenth Amendment.”
The decision was a long time coming, even though Justice John Marshall Harlan had anticipated it almost 60 years before. Harlan wrote a dissenting opinion in Plessy harking back to the infamous 1857 Dred Scott v. Sandford decision in which the Supreme Court denied that Black Americans could be citizens and said they had “no rights which the white man was bound to respect.” The American people had emphatically overruled that decision by adding the Fourteenth Amendment—on which Brown v. Board was based—to the U.S. Constitution.
“In my opinion,” Harlan wrote in 1896, “the judgment this day rendered will, in time, prove to be quite as pernicious as the decision made by this tribunal in the Dred Scott case.”
—
Notes:
Myisha S. Eatmon, “Wielding an Unlikely Weapon: Black Americans, White Violence, and Damage Suits during the Early Days of Jim Crow,” Journal of American History, 111 (September 2024): 267–289.
Dylan Penningroth, “How Civil Rights Were Made—and Remade—by Black Communities in the Jim Crow South,” Time, at: https://time.com/6317203/civil-rights-jim-crow-south-credit-essay/
https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep347/usrep347483/usrep347483.pdf
https://tile.loc.gov/storage-services/service/ll/usrep/usrep163/usrep163537/usrep163537.pdf
https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/retropolis/wp/2018/07/26/how-harry-s-truman-went-from-being-a-racist-to-desegregating-the-military/
https://www.trumanlibrary.gov/library/to-secure-these-rights
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Events 5.10 (before 1910)
28 BC – A sunspot is observed by Han dynasty astronomers during the reign of Emperor Cheng of Han, one of the earliest dated sunspot observations in China. 1291 – Scottish nobles recognize the authority of Edward I of England pending the selection of a king. 1294 – Temür, Khagan of the Mongols, is enthroned as Emperor of the Yuan dynasty. 1497 – Amerigo Vespucci allegedly leaves Cádiz for his first voyage to the New World. 1503 – Christopher Columbus visits the Cayman Islands and names them Las Tortugas after the numerous turtles there. 1534 – Jacques Cartier visits Newfoundland. 1688 – King Narai nominates Phetracha as regent, leading to the revolution of 1688 in which Phetracha becomes king of the Ayutthaya Kingdom. 1713 – Great Northern War: The Russian Navy led by Admiral Fyodor Apraksin land both at Katajanokka and Hietalahti during the Battle of Helsinki. 1768 – Rioting occurs in London after John Wilkes is imprisoned for writing an article for The North Briton severely criticizing King George III. 1773 – The Parliament of Great Britain passes the Tea Act, designed to save the British East India Company by reducing taxes on its tea and granting it the right to sell tea directly to North America. The legislation leads to the Boston Tea Party. 1774 – Louis XVI and Marie Antoinette become King and Queen of France. 1775 – American Revolutionary War: A small Colonial militia led by Ethan Allen and Colonel Benedict Arnold captures Fort Ticonderoga. 1775 – American Revolutionary War: The Second Continental Congress takes place in Philadelphia. 1796 – War of the First Coalition: Napoleon wins a victory against Austrian forces at Lodi bridge over the Adda River in Italy. The Austrians lose some 2,000 men. 1801 – First Barbary War: The Barbary pirates of Tripoli declare war on the United States of America. 1824 – The National Gallery in London opens to the public. 1833 – A revolt broke out in southern Vietnam against Emperor Minh Mang, who had desecrated the deceased mandarin Le Van Duyet. 1837 – Panic of 1837: New York City banks suspend the payment of specie, triggering a national banking crisis and an economic depression whose severity was not surpassed until the Great Depression. 1849 – Astor Place Riot: A riot breaks out at the Astor Opera House in Manhattan, New York City over a dispute between actors Edwin Forrest and William Charles Macready, killing at least 22 and injuring over 120. 1857 – Indian Rebellion of 1857: In India, the first war of Independence begins. Sepoys mutiny against their commanding officers at Meerut. 1865 – American Civil War: In Kentucky, Union soldiers ambush and mortally wound Confederate raider William Quantrill, who lingers until his death on June 6. 1869 – The First transcontinental railroad, linking the eastern and western United States, is completed at Promontory Summit, Utah Territory with the golden spike. 1872 – Victoria Woodhull becomes the first woman nominated for President of the United States. 1876 – The Centennial Exposition is opened in Philadelphia. 1881 – Carol I is crowned the King of the Romanian Kingdom. 1899 – Finnish farmworker Karl Emil Malmelin kills seven people with an axe at the Simola croft in the village of Klaukkala. 1904 – The Horch & Cir. Motorwagenwerke AG is founded. It would eventually become the Audi company. 1908 – Mother's Day is observed for the first time in the United States, in Grafton, West Virginia.
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Mary Ann Wright (1848-1924) pintora estadounidense.

Conocida por sus paisajes y sus flores.
Nació en Watertown, Wisconsin, donde creció. Mientras estudiaba en internados de la Eastern School, se convirtió en una pianista consumada. De regreso en Wisconsin, gradualmente se dedicó al arte y estudió localmente.
En 1868, estaba casi completamente involucrada con la pintura. Una de las primeras artistas importantes de Watertown, alcanzó su mayor renombre como pintora mientras estaba en Chicago, particularmente durante la década de 1880.
Expuso allí con frecuencia con el Bohemian Club, un grupo de mujeres que comenzó en 1882. Wright fue miembro fundador.
También expuso en los anuarios de la Inter-State Industrial Exposition, celebrada en Chicago, así como en la American Watercolor Society, Nueva York; Philadelphia Watercolor Show y Louisville Exposition, Kentucky.
En 1868, se casó con Silas F. Wright, un hombre de negocios de Chicago. La artista vivió en Chicago durante la década de 1870 y principios de la de 1880, regresó a Watertown en 1884 y vivió allí hasta 1889, cuando se casó con el juez Alfred Bartow. Se mudó con el juez a su ciudad de Chadron, Nebraska, hasta 1898, cuando se fue a Colorado Springs, Colorado. En 1903 se mudó a South Pasadena, California. Vivió los últimos dos años de su vida en Pasadena, donde murió el 24 de marzo de 1924.
Wright pintó en muchos lugares, incluidas flores y paisajes de la costa norte de Massachusetts, Nebraska, Dakota del Sur y Wisconsin, y, más tarde, Colorado y California. Esta amplitud de temas se reflejó en los casi cien cuadros de su exposición individual en Colorado Springs poco después de su llegada allí en 1898.
Con su segundo marido, el juez Alfred Bartow, vivió en Chadron, Nebraska y Colorado Springs, Colorado, hasta 1903. Luego se estableció en Pasadena, California, donde permaneció hasta su muerte el 24 de marzo de 1924.
Sólo he encontrado una obra de ella.
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John P. Parker (1827 – January 30, 1900) inventor and businessman, was a prominent Underground Railroad conductor before the Civil War. He was reputedly responsible for the rescue of nearly 1,000 enslaved people (1845-65). He repeatedly crossed the Ohio River, often going as far as 20 miles on foot into Kentucky to rescue fugitive enslaved and bring them to freedom.
In the 1850s a reward of $1,000 was placed on his head. When his story was shared in 1886 it wound up as an unpublished manuscript in the Duke University Library Archive and was ignored until 1996, when a historian at Morehead State University, brought it to life with the publication of His Promised Land: The Autobiography of John P. Parker, Former Slave, and Conductor on the Underground Railroad.
He was born enslaved in Norfolk, Virginia. At the age of eight, he was sold and taken to Richmond. He was sold and chain-walked to Mobile, where he was purchased by a physician as a house servant. The physician’s two sons taught him to read and write. The boys smuggled books from their father’s library to give to him to read. He developed a great appreciation for the works of Shakespeare and the English poets.
By the early 1840s, he was apprenticed by the physician to be a foundry worker and learn the iron molder trade. The physician decided to sell him as a farmhand. He persuaded one of the physician’s patients, to purchase him. She allowed him to use his wages to buy his freedom and by 1845 he was living first in Indiana, Cincinnati, and Ripley.
He was the employer of 10 workers at his business, the Phoenix Foundry. The 1870 Census listed him as the 27th wealthiest person in Ripley. He owned one of the city’s largest collections of books. By the 1880s, he became an inventor. In 1884, 1885, and 1890, the US Patent Office approved his patents for an improved tobacco press, a portable tobacco press, and a soil pulverizer. He expanded into the flour milling business and his product was displayed at the New Orleans Exposition in 1884.
He married Miranda Bolden (1848). They were the parents of eight children. #africanhistory365 #africanexcellence
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Bourbon And Beyond Louisville At Kentucky Exposition Center September 2024 Handbill Tee Merchandise Limited Two Sides Classic T-Shirt
Check here: https://balonatee.com/product/bourbon-and-beyond-louisville-at-kentucky-exposition-center-september-2024-handbill-tee-merchandise-limited-two-sides-classic-t-shirt/
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This might be my favorite bit of unnecessary exposition ever.
Both because I'm not sure the READER needs the explanation just because of how. Fucking common Judas as a literary shorthand for traitor is in English literature, if there is any allusion you can assume someone would get culturally, it's that.
But also. The characters don't need that. They're fucking Catholic! Explicitly! Like Tess took her daughter to first Communion and went to a parish school growing up in Kentucky. Danny is her cop partner and was at her daughter's baptism and the other person in the scene is her husband who was, again, at the communion.
All of you know what Judas means, it would be hard not to. You don't need to ask clarification, at least not in this way.
This is breaking my brain a little it's. Such a choice
#if it had been 'iscariot' and the slightly less raised Catholic other people in the room were like 'what?' I could live with that#I'm just.#I'm so#why
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Garrett Morgan House Site
5202 Harlem Ave.
Cleveland, OH
Open land on the southern side of the 5200 block of Harlem Avenue in Cleveland, Ohio, was formerly the location of the Garrett Morgan House, which was listed on the National Register of Historic Places. Garrett Augustus Morgan was an African American businessman and prolific inventor of devices that made people's lives safer and more convenient. Born on March 4, 1877, in Claysville, the Black segregated section of Paris, Kentucky, Morgan migrated north first to Cincinnati and then Cleveland in 1895. He lived and worked in this house at 5204 Harlem Avenue. In 1906, Morgan started the G.A. Morgan Hair Refining Company to market the hair straightener he had invented. The following year he opened a sewing machine repair shop. In 1908, he and his wife Mary opened Morgan's Cut Rate Ladies Clothing Store.
In 1910, Garrett Morgan invented the curve-toothed hair-straightening comb, and four years later patented the safety hood protection device after seeing firefighters struggling from the smoke they encountered in the line of duty. He was able to sell his invention around the country, sometimes using the tactic of having a hired white actor take credit rather than revealing himself as its inventor. It was patented and awarded a gold medal two years later by the International Association of Fire Chiefs. The hood became the forerunner of the gas mask used in the 1916 Lake Erie Crib disaster and further developed and used in World War I. He also invented the traffic signal and sold his patented rights to General Electric Company. He was a founding member of the Cleveland Association of Colored Men and served as treasurer. He continued to invent tools, gadgets, and devices well into his 70s. He died in 1963 while preparing an exhibition of his life's work for an exposition in Chicago.
The Garrett Morgan House was added to the National Register of Historic Places on December 17, 1982; although since destroyed, it has not yet been removed from the Register. A Garrett A. Morgan Marker was located here but has been moved from 5202 Harlem Avenue, to a location just around the corner on East 55th Street near Harlem Avenue, on the right when traveling south, as to be more visible, since the house is no longer there.
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Bourbon & Beyond 2024
Sting To Make Long-Awaited Debut At Bourbon & Beyond Festival World’s Largest Bourbon & Music Festival Features Top Music Artists, Along With Elevated Bourbon & Culinary Experiences September 19-22 At Highland Festival Grounds At Kentucky Exposition Center In Louisville, Kentucky …..PRESS RELEASE….. Bourbon & Beyond 2024 ….. LOUISVILLE, KY — 17-time Grammy Award winning icon Sting is set to make…
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“Bourbon and Beyond” is Bringing More Beyond in Its Sixth Year
“Bourbon and Beyond” is Bringing More Beyond in Its Sixth Year @bourbonandbeyond @americanahighways #americanafestivals
“Bourbon and Beyond” is Bringing More Beyond in Its Sixth Year Kentucky music, bourbon, and culture festival, “Bourbon and Beyond,” is celebrating its sixth year this fall over four days on September 19, 20, 21, and 22. The “World’s Largest Bourbon & Music Festival” is held at the Highland Festival Grounds at Kentucky Exposition Center in Louisville, Kentucky. Danny Wimmer Presents, the…

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