#india china galwan clash

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Activist calls for border march in Ladakh to mark land lost to China

The march would be taken out in the north and south banks of Pangong Tso lake, Demchok, Chushul among others along the Line of Actual Control with China; two dates are shortlisted — March 27 and April 7

Around 10,000 people from Ladakh will march to the border along China this month to showcase how much land has been lost to the neighbouring country, climate activist and education reformer Sonam Wangchuk said on Tuesday.

Mr. Wangchuk has been protesting in open in sub-zero temperature in Leh, surviving only on salt and water for the past 14 days, to demand constitutional safeguards for the Union Territory.

“We know from the shepherds that they are not allowed [anymore] to go to the places that they always used to go. In particular areas, they are stopped kilometres before where they used to go earlier. We will go and show whether land has been lost or not,” Mr. Wangchuk said.

The march would be taken out in Finger area (north and south bank of Pangong Tso), Demchok, Chushul among others along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China.

He said two dates have been shortlisted for the march — March 27 and April 7.

“The march will also highlight the areas, prime pasture lands, that are being turned into solar parks. On one hand, nomads are losing their land to corporates who are coming to set up their plants, maybe mining in future. Nomads will lose 150,000 sq km of prime pasture land, on the other hand they are losing pasture land to China which is encroaching from the north, the Chinese have captured huge chunks of land in the last few years,” he said.

After the June 15, 2020 incident in Galwan where 20 Indian soldiers were killed in violent clashes with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army, several rounds of talks between the two armies have taken place leading to disengagement and creation of buffer zones or no-go areas. These areas in eastern Ladakh were regularly patrolled before April 2020 when China started amassing troops close to the LAC. At least 26 patrolling points out of total 65 PPs in Eastern Ladakh are not being patrolled due to the border dispute.

At the centre of Mr. Wangchuk’s protest that has received huge support from the locals is the failure of talks between Ladakh civil society leaders and Union Home Minister Amit Shah on March 4.

The members of Leh Apex Body (LAB) and Kargil Democratic Alliance (KDA) representing the Buddhist majority and Shia Muslim dominated regions respectively in Ladakh, are jointly protesting for Statehood for Ladakh, inclusion of Ladakh in the sixth schedule of the constitution thus giving it a tribal status, job reservation for locals and a parliamentary seat each for Leh and Kargil.

Though ministry officials had in previous rounds of meetings agreed to examine how the provisions of the Sixth Schedule of the Constitution can be implemented in Ladakh’s context, the meeting with Mr. Shah “did not result in any positive outcome”.

“Government has been declining to keep their promise on Sixth Schedule. The Home Minister said we cannot give this but we will give you some constitutional safeguard,” Mr. Wangchuk said adding that he wants to awaken the people of India to this “breach of trust”.

“People are disillusioned, disenchanted and angry. There is no chance BJP will win a seat here in the upcoming elections. But this is not only for Ladakh, am trying to awaken the nation, if this is how election promises are honoured, then elections are a joke. Why did we vote this party to power twice?” he said. Ladakh’s only parliamentary seat was won by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014 and 2019.

After the special status of Jammu and Kashmir under Article 370 of the Constitution was revoked by the Parliament on August 5, 2019, Ladakh was turned into a Union Territory without any legislative assembly.

[beardedmrbean]

India says it has lodged a "strong protest" with China over a new map that lays claim to its territory.

Indian media have reported that the map shows the north-eastern state of Arunachal Pradesh and the disputed Aksai Chin plateau as China's territory.

It was released by China's ministry of natural resources on Monday.

"We reject these claims as they have no basis," India's foreign ministry spokesperson Arindam Bagchi said.

He added that such steps by China "only complicate the resolution of the boundary question".

Beijing has not officially responded yet.

India's Foreign Minister S Jaishankar also called China's claim "absurd".

"China has even in the past put out maps which claim the territories which are not China's, which belong to other countries. This is an old habit of theirs," he told TV channel NDTV on Tuesday.

India's protest comes days after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Chinese President Xi Jinping spoke on the sidelines of the Brics summit in South Africa. An Indian official said afterwards that the two countries had agreed to "intensify efforts at expeditious disengagement and de-escalation" along the disputed border.

Shadow of 60-year-old war at India-China flashpoint

The Indian monastery town coveted by China

India has often reacted angrily to China's attempts to stake claim to its territory.

The source of the tension between the neighbours is a disputed 3,440km (2,100 mile)-long de facto border along the Himalayas - called the Line of Actual Control, or LAC - which is poorly demarcated. The presence of rivers, lakes and snowcaps means the line can shift in places.

Soldiers on either side come face to face at many points, which can spark tensions - the last time being in December when Indian and Chinese troops clashed along the border in the town of Tawang.

China says it considers the whole of Arunachal Pradesh its territory, calling it "South Tibet" - a claim India firmly rejects. India claims the Aksai Chin plateau in the Himalayas, which is controlled by China.

In April, Delhi reacted sharply to China's attempts to rename 11 places in Arunachal Pradesh, saying the state would always be "an "integral and inalienable part of India".

Relations between India and China have worsened since 2020, when their troops were involved in a deadly clash at the Galwan valley in Ladakh - it was the first fatal confrontation between the two sides since 1975.

[mariacallous]

During the recent G-20 summit in Bali, Indonesia, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi got up from the banquet table to shake hands with Chinese President Xi Jinping and have a brief conversation—their first in-person exchange in three years. Although both sides remain tight-lipped about the interaction, it nonetheless raised hopes among observers of a breakthrough in their 30-month border crisis, which began with a deadly clash in Ladakh in 2020. But any resolution that might emerge will not dispel the challenge posed by massive changes at the border undertaken by China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA).

This marks the third straight winter that around 50,000 Indian reinforcements will spend in Ladakh’s inhospitable terrain in the northern Himalayas, warding off an equal number of Chinese troops stationed a few miles away. Despite intermittent dialogue between the two militaries, Indian Army Chief Gen. Manoj Pande recently confirmed that China has not reduced its forces at the Line of Actual Control (LAC). Chinese infrastructure construction along the border is “going on unabated,” he said—confirmed by independent satellite imagery and echoed by the latest U.S. Defense Department report on China. Pande said the situation is “stable but unpredictable.” That unpredictability has become structural.

India and China have so far held 16 rounds of border talks between senior military commanders as well as numerous diplomatic and political engagements, but an agreement on actions to reduce the tensions in Ladakh has been slow to materialize. Of the seven areas in Ladakh where Indian and Chinese soldiers have faced one another since 2020, two have seen no change while the rest have seen each side take a limited step back. The challenge for India is becoming more concerning on the eastern part of the LAC—between the state of Arunachal Pradesh and Tibet—where China has an infrastructure and military advantage, putting New Delhi on the defensive.

The widening power gap between India and China—military, technological, economic, and diplomatic—now constrains New Delhi’s options on the border. It also raises tough questions for India’s geopolitical partnerships, such as the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (known as the Quad), and its aggressive approach toward Pakistan. The border crisis will hang over India’s decision-making for the foreseeable future.

In October, the Chinese Communist Party held its 20th National Congress, and Xi assumed an unprecedented third term as leader. Among the images broadcasted at the Great Hall of the People minutes before Xi ascended the stage was a video from the Galwan Valley in Ladakh, where at least 20 Indian soldiers and 4 PLA soldiers died in a clash in June 2020. The videos showed PLA regiment commander Qi Fabao standing with his arms outstretched to stop Indian soldiers from advancing. Qi was selected to be a delegate to the Party Congress, underlining the importance of the border crisis to the Chinese Communist Party’s narrative. Harnessing nationalism, the party wants to convey that it will protect what it considers Chinese territory at all costs.

India’s military and political leaders now confront a reality at the border that should have jolted them into serious action: China has a distinct advantage over India, which it has consolidated since 2020. By investing in a long-term military presence in one of the most remote places on Earth, the PLA has considerably reduced the time it would need to launch a military operation against India. New military garrisons, roads, and bridges would allow for rapid deployment and make clear that Beijing is not considering a broader retreat. The Indian military has responded by diverting certain forces intended for the border with Pakistan toward its disputed border with China. It has deployed additional ground forces to prevent further PLA ingress in Ladakh and constructed supporting infrastructure. Meanwhile, New Delhi’s political leadership is conspicuous in its silence, projecting a sense of normalcy.

Beijing refuses to discuss two of the areas in Ladakh, where its forces have blocked Indian patrols since 2020. In five other areas, Chinese troops have stepped back by a few miles but asked India to do the same and create a no-patrolling zone. This move denies India its right to patrol areas as planned before the border crisis began. The PLA has flatly refused to discuss de-escalation, in which both armies would pull back by a substantive distance. The question of each side withdrawing its additional troops from Ladakh is not even on the agenda. A Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson rejected any demand to restore the situation along the LAC as it existed before May 2020. The PLA continues to downplay the severity of the situation, instead emphasizing stability in its ties with India.

If the situation in Ladakh is “stable but unpredictable,” Indian military leaders have told Foreign Policy that major stretches of the LAC’s eastern sector—2,500 kilometers (or 1,553 miles) away—are an even bigger cause of concern. In 1962, this area was the site of a humiliating defeat of the Indian Army at the hands of the PLA. Today, massive Chinese infrastructure development and troop buildup closer to the LAC has placed India at a military disadvantage. In September, Pande said when it comes to infrastructure in the area, “there is lots to be desired to be done.” Recent reports suggest at least three additional PLA brigades remain deployed in the area even after the Party Congress, further worrying Indian military planners.

China officially claims the entire state of Arunachal Pradesh, which includes the Tawang Monastery where the sixth Dalai Lama was born in 1683. Tawang was historically a part of Tibet; Chinese officials, such as Dai Bingguo, who served as China’s boundary negotiator with India from 2003 to 2013, have publicly stated that it would be nonnegotiable in a permanent settlement of the disputed border. As questions arise over the succession of the current Dalai Lama, who is 87 years old, Chinese sensitivities about Tawang will intensify—even more so when linked to its internal security problems in Tibet. In the coming years, it is likely to become a higher priority for China.

Still, it is in Ladakh that the Chinese have built up infrastructure at a frenetic pace, with only military operations in mind: roads, bridges, airfields, heliports, accommodations for troops, and storage and communication infrastructure. Pande noted that one of the biggest developments is the G695 highway, which runs parallel to the LAC and gives the PLA the ability to quickly move from one valley to another. Flatter terrain on the Chinese side already gives Beijing an advantage, now further bolstered by infrastructure—an extensive network of new roads, bridges, and heliports.

In the 1960s, the PLA needed one full summer season to mobilize and launch military operations in Ladakh for the next summer. Now, it would need a couple of weeks to undertake the same operation. Indian military planners must live with this scenario, even if the current border crisis is resolved.

Modi approaching Xi in Bali recalled a short exchange between the two leaders on the sidelines of the G-20 summit in Hamburg, Germany, in 2017. Then, their conversation sparked diplomatic communications between New Delhi and Beijing that aimed to resolve a standoff between Indian and Chinese troops at Doklam in Bhutan, which China claims as its territory. The talks led to disengagement, but the Chinese only stepped back a few hundred yards. They have since consolidated their military deployment and undertaken massive infrastructure development in Doklam, such as roads, helipads, and a military garrison. Even if an immediate crisis was averted, the status quo was permanently altered in China’s favor in Doklam.

A similar resolution of the Ladakh border crisis would carry bigger risks for India. Unlike in Doklam, China has entered areas in Ladakh that Indian troops regularly patrolled until 2020. Reinforcing the LAC over the vast span of Ladakh would require enhanced deployment of Indian ground forces. This permanent instability would put the Indian military under further pressure. With an already limited defense budget—China’s is more than four times as large—shifting more troops to the border would also divert resources from the Indian Navy, where multilateral cooperation with Quad partners to contest China’s influence in the Indian Ocean region is an absolute imperative.

Fearing escalation, India is forsaking even limited offensive options, such as launching a quid pro quo military operation to capture some territory in Tibet to arrive at the negotiating table with a strong hand. New Delhi’s defensive position instead seems to acknowledge its widening gap with Beijing; due to this power differential, it is unable to even use economic or diplomatic instruments to target China. After all, India���s bilateral trade with China—its biggest trading partner—reached record levels this year, with an all-time high trade deficit in Beijing’s favor. The U.S. Defense Department report on China reveals that Beijing has warned U.S. officials not to interfere with its relationship with New Delhi; Kenneth Juster, a former U.S. ambassador to India, said New Delhi doesn’t want Washington to mention Beijing’s border aggression.

India’s defensive posture plays out in its approach to diplomatic engagement and security cooperation. Unlike its Quad partners, India abstained from voting against China on the Xinjiang issue at the United Nations Human Rights Council meeting in October, and its comments on China’s crackdown in Hong Kong or aggression toward Taiwan have been guarded. Modi participated in both the BRICS summit and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit this year, along with Xi; Chinese delegations are still regularly invited to New Delhi for multilateral events. And an Indian military contingent participated with a PLA contingent in a military exercise in Russia this year.

The current situation along the LAC, both in Ladakh and Arunachal Pradesh, as well as China’s refusal to discuss issues on India’s agenda for resolving the crisis have added to the structural instability in their relationship. Chinese infrastructure development and the widening gap in power means that this instability will become permanent, even with a solution to the immediate crisis. India’s military will remain under pressure and on guard. Pande made this implicit when discussing future Indian plans on the border in November. “We need to very carefully calibrate our actions on the LAC [so as] to be able to safeguard both our interests and sensitivities … and be prepared to deal with all types of contingencies,” he said.

The risk of an accidental military escalation between Asia’s most populous countries—both nuclear powers—has increased significantly since 2020. This will continue unless Modi and Xi find a new modus vivendi. Establishing guardrails in the relationship will require political imagination and an honest appraisal of relative strengths; failing that, New Delhi faces tough geopolitical choices. It has so far eschewed any security-centric step with the Quad that could provoke Beijing, but murmurs from its partners about reticent Indian policy are bound to get louder. Meanwhile, India’s reliance on Russia for military equipment and ammunition now falls under a cloud of suspicion. And an unstable border with China prevents India from targeting Pakistan, a tactic that has proved politically rewarding for Modi.

The fundamentals of Indian foreign policy that have held steady since the years of former Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru—namely, strategic autonomy and ensuring territorial integrity and sovereignty—will come under greater stress as the border crisis looms over New Delhi. Modi boasts of great ambitions for India as a “Vishwa Guru,” or master to the world—a euphemism for a global superpower. But questions raised by the situation at the border with China continue to limit him.

[thedhananjayaparkhe]

Geopolitical newslinks shared by a friend on Whatsapp

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=B_FMeErjXbw Galwan And After: Reality Check On India-China Relations | #galwan #india #china #indiachina StratNewsGlobal 13 MAY 2024 Four years after the Galwan clash and the military standoff between India and China that continues to this day, what lessons can one draw from it? Is there a way forward?  Will China continue its belligerent course or does a recent…

[shahananasrin-blog]

[ad_1] Ties between India and China nosedived significantly following the Galwan clash.New Delhi: Over 68,000 Army soldiers, around 90 tanks and other weapon systems were airlifted by the Indian Air Force to eastern Ladakh from across the country for rapid deployment along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) after the deadly clashes in the Galwan Valley, top sources in defence and security establishment said.The IAF deployed its Su-30 MKI and Jaguar jets in the region for round-the-clock surveillance and intelligence gathering on the enemy build-up, apart from putting several squadrons of combat aircraft in "offensive posturing" in the wake of the clashes on June 15, 2020, that marked the most serious military conflict between the two sides in decades, they said.The troops and weapons were ferried by the transport fleet of the IAF within a "very short period of time" for quick deployment in various inhospitable areas along the LAC under a special operation, the sources said while highlighting how the force's strategic airlift capability has increased over the years.In view of the escalating tensions, the IAF had also deployed a sizeable number of remotely piloted aircraft (RPAs) in the region to keep a hawk-eye vigil on Chinese activities, they said.The IAF aircraft airlifted multiple divisions of the Indian Army, totalling over 68,000 troops, more than 90 tanks, nearly 330 BMP infantry combat vehicles, radar systems, artillery guns and many other equipments, they said.The total load carried by the transport fleet of the IAF, which included C-130J Super Hercules and C-17 Globemaster aircraft, was 9,000 tonnes and displayed the IAF's increasing strategic airlift capabilities, they added.Following the clashes, a plethora of fighter jets, including Rafale and Mig-29 aircraft, were deployed for combat air patrol while various helicopters of the IAF were pressed into service for the transport of prefabricated structures, ammunition and spares of military equipment to mountainous bases.The sources said the range of surveillance by Su-30 MKI and Jaguar fighter jets was around 50 km and they ensured that the positions and movements of Chinese troops were accurately monitored.The IAF also quickly enhanced its air defence capabilities and combat readiness by installing various radars and bringing a range of surface-to-air guided weapons to frontline bases along the LAC in the region, they said.The strategy was to strengthen military posture, maintain credible forces and monitor the enemy build-up to effectively deal with any situation, the sources said, referring to India's overall approach.The IAF platforms operated in extremely difficult circumstances and accomplished all their mission goals, said a source without sharing further details.The overall operation demonstrated the IAF's growing airlift capability compared to what it was during 'Operation Parakram', said another source.Following the terrorist attack on Parliament in December 2001, India had launched the 'Operation Parakram' under which it mobilised a huge number of troops along the Line of Control.The government has been giving a major push to infrastructure development along the nearly 3,500 km long LAC following the eastern Ladakh faceoff.The Army has also taken a series of measures since the Galwan Valley clashes to enhance its combat capabilities. It has already deployed a significant number of easily transportable M-777 ultra-light howitzers in mountainous regions along the LAC in Arunachal Pradesh.The M-777 can be transported quickly in Chinook helicopters and the Army now has the flexibility of quickly moving them from one place to another based on operational requirements.The Army has also powered its units in Arunachal Pradesh with a sizeable number of US-manufactured all-terrain vehicles, 7.62MM Negev Light Machine Guns from Israel and various other lethal weapons.The Indian and Chinese troops are still locked in the over three-year confrontation in certain friction points in eastern Ladakh even as the two sides completed disengagement from several areas following extensive diplomatic and military talks.The ties between India and China nosedived significantly following the fierce confrontation in the Galwan Valley.Each side currently has around 50,000 to 60,000 troops along the LAC in the region.A fresh round of high-level military talks between the two sides is scheduled to take place on Monday.In the dialogue, India is set to press for early disengagement of troops from the remaining friction points.On July 24, National Security Advisor Ajit Doval met top Chinese diplomat Wang Yi on the sidelines of a meeting of the five-nation grouping BRICS in Johannesburg.The eastern Ladakh border standoff erupted on May 5, 2020, following a violent clash in the Pangong Lake area.(Except for the headline, this story has not been edited by NDTV staff and is published from a syndicated feed.)Featured Video Of The DayChatGPT Maker May Go Bankrupt In 2024: Report [ad_2]

[todaynowreport]

China’s cultural, admin footprint in border areas growing

Last week marked three years since the Galwan clash but when viewed along with the critical reporting on India by China’s official media, there appears little likelihood of a change in China’s attitude towards India. Look at how, over the past year, the leadership of the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) has been sensitising the population settled in border areas and taking steps to strengthen…

[news-venue]

LAC situation 'generally stable', take long-term view: Chinese defence minister to Rajnath

China's defence ministry on Friday said the situation at the border is “generally stable” amid border row with India. The two sides should take a long-term view, China's Defence Minister General Li Shangfu told his Indian counterpart Rajnath Singh.

A day after India gave a strong response to China saying that the violation of the border pacts has "eroded" the entire basis of bilateral ties, China's defence ministry on Friday said the situation at the border is “generally stable”. Both sides should put the boundary issue in an “appropriate position” and promote its transition to “normalised management”, China's defence ministry said.

China's defence minister told his Indian counterpart Rajnath Singh that "it is hoped that the two sides will work together to continuously enhance mutual trust between the two militaries".

The statement of the Chinese defence minister, General Li Shangfu, came a day after he held a meeting with his Indian counterpart, Rajnath Singh, where the latter reiterated that violation of existing agreements has eroded the entire basis of bilateral relations and disengagement at the border would logically be followed with de-escalation.

A Chinese Defence Ministry statement issued on Friday said that during the meeting the two sides exchanged views on militaries and bilateral relations, PTI reported.

On Thursday, General Li Shangfu held a 45-minute long meeting with Rajnath Singh on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) defence ministers' meeting. This is Chinese Defence Minister Li Shangfu's first visit to Delhi since the Galwan Valley clashes in 2020.

TWO SIDES SHOULD TAKE LONG-TERM VIEW

General Li Shangfu pointed out that “currently, the situation on the China-India border is generally stable and the two sides have maintained communication through military and diplomatic channels”.

“The two sides should take a long-term view, place the border issue in an appropriate position in bilateral relations, and promote the transition of the border situation to normalised management,” he was quoted as saying by the PTI.

“It is hoped that the two sides will work together to continuously enhance mutual trust between the two militaries and make proper contributions to the development of bilateral relations,” Li told his Indian counterpart Rajnath Singh.

WHAT DID INDIA SAY AFTER THE MEETING?

Meanwhile, India, in reference to a 3-year-old standoff along with their disputed border in Ladakh, said China had eroded the “entire basis” of ties between the countries by flouting bilateral agreements.

A communique released after the meeting read: "The Raksha Mantri categorically conveyed that development of relations between India and China is premised on the prevalence of peace and tranquillity at the borders".

"He added that all issues at the LAC need to be resolved in accordance with existing bilateral agreements and commitments. He reiterated that violation of existing agreements has eroded the entire basis of bilateral relations and disengagement at the border will logically be followed with de-escalation," the statement added.

Last week, India and China held the 18th round of Corps Commander-level talks at the Chushul-Moldo meeting point in eastern Ladakh. The two sides discussed confidence-building measures and ways to avoid confrontation at the borders in the coming months.

The SCO is an influential economic and security bloc and has emerged as one of the largest trans regional international organisations. The SCO was founded at a summit in Shanghai in 2001 by the presidents of Russia, China, the Kyrgyz Republic, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. India and Pakistan became permanent members in 2017.

[sequelscreen]

Rajnath Singh, China's Defence Minister Hold Crucial Bilateral Meeting Ahead Of SCO Defence Ministers' Meet

Rajnath Singh, Union Defence Minister, is scheduled to meet with Li Shangfu, his Chinese counterpart, before the SCO Defence Ministers' meeting on Friday.

Li will be visiting Delhi for the first time after the Galwan Valley clashes in 2020.

The SCO Defence Ministers’ meeting will address topics related to regional peace and security, counterterrorism initiatives within the SCO, and promoting effective multilateralism.

Additionally, the meeting between Singh and Li could potentially cover the resolution of issues along the Line of Actual Control, reported The Indian Express.

India and China's 18th high-level military talks took place last week at Chushul-Moldo in eastern Ladakh, focusing on strategies to avoid border confrontations and establish confidence-building measures for the upcoming months.

Singh will meet with defence ministers from participating countries on 27-28 April to discuss defence-related and mutual interest matters.

The SCO comprises India, Russia, China, the Kyrgyz Republic, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan, and Pakistan. Belarus and Iran will attend the SCO Defence Ministers' meeting as observer countries.

Pakistan's Defence Minister Khawaja Asif will attend a meeting with India virtually, as stated by the Defence Ministry on Wednesday.

Defense Minister Rajnath Singh is expected to address the ongoing issues with Russia at the upcoming event, which will also be attended by Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu.

Some of the issues on the table include the conflict that is affecting the scheduled supply of weapons and spares, as well as India's outstanding payments to Russia.

The Defence Ministry has announced that India's chairmanship theme for the SCO in 2023 is 'SECURE-SCO'.

“India attaches special importance to SCO in promoting multilateral, political, security, economic and people-to-people interactions in the region,” the Ministry stated.

[jsbmarketresearch01]

Jaishankar, External Affairs Minister to Meet Qin Gang the Chinese Foreign Minister, and Antony Blinken the U.S. Secretary of the State

S Jaishankar, the External Affairs Minister of India will be in back-to-back bilateral meetings with Qin Gang (Chinese foreign minister) and Antony Blinken (U.S. Secretary of the state) on the note of the G20 meeting between foreign ministers on Thursday. After visiting the Central Asian states at Rashtrapati Bhavan Cultural Centre (G20 meeting venue) at 11:30 AM, Blinken reached New Delhi on Wednesday late at night. Jaishankar will thus meet Blinken first and then follow up with other meetings.

In the noon, Jaishankar will meet with Qin immediately with Blinken. Qin is on his first visit to India and is a close aide to President Xi Jinping. He is the foreign minister and replaced Wang Yi last year. With continued tensions between U.S. and China, these meetings are important to lessen the chances of a military standoff between the Chinese and Indian troops on the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Ladakh sector.

Considering the last 6 decades, relations between India and China are at the lowest given the clashes in June 2020 at the Galwan valley that caused the death of 20 Indian soldiers brutally, and 4 from the Chinese troops. Blinken has clarified that there are no plans for any meetings on the margins of the G20 meeting between him and his counterparts from China and Russia.

However, Jaishankar and Blinken’s meeting will probably help to review the progress on discussions and bilateral relations regarding international and regional issues such as that prevalent in the Indo-Pacific and Ukraine. In the recent few weeks, several visits have taken place from high-level contacts between the two nations. These include Ajit Doval, the National Security Adviser visiting the U.S. to launch the iCET (Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies).

Considering jaishankar’s meeting with Qin will perhaps focus on normalizing bilateral relations with the country and people by standing firm on India’s position on the withdrawal of frontline troops of China on the LAC. While China and India are considering relations for trade, the Chinese side has also stressed on putting the border tensions in an appropriate place. After several military and diplomatic talks, China and India withdrew troops from the invaded and disputed two banks – Gogra and Hot Springs of Pangong Lake.

But China has prepared military infrastructure, bridges, and roads on its LAC, causing friction for any progress in areas such as Demchok and Depsang. Jaishankar will also oversee other bilateral meetings with 9 guest countries set to attend the meeting for G20 foreign ministers and counterparts from G20 countries on Thursday. There will be meetings that the External Affairs Minister will attend with his counterparts from Germany and France.

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[certainrebelarbiter]

The global military shelter market is set to gain traction from the increasing cross border conflicts and rising terrorism and warfare activities. Fortune Business Insight has published this information in a report titled, “Military Shelter Market, 2021-2028.” As per the report the market size was USD 879.0 million in 2020. It is projected to grow from USD 887.8 million in 2021 to USD 1,015.8 million by 2028, at a CAGR of 1.94% between 2021 to 2028. 

Military tents and shelters are used as protective tents by soldiers to protect them and their equipment. These shelters provide a safe and efficient operational environment for military equipment and personnel. In addition, it also provides increased mobility, great speed for various critical, unfavorable situations and combat operations. Thus, these factors are driving the market growth.

List of Key Players Profiled in Report

AAR (U.S.)

Alaska Structures, Inc. (U.S.)

Big Top Manufacturing (U.S.)

DEW Engineering and Development ULC (Canada)

General Dynamics Corporation (U.S.)

J & J. Carter Limited (U.K.)

Marshall Aerospace and Defence Group (U.K.)

HDT Global (U.S.)

Utilitis SAS (France)

VELDEMAN (Belgium)

Weatherhaven Global Resources Ltd. (Canada)

Browse In-depth Summary of This Research Insight:

Segmentation:

By type, the market is divided into, expandable, personnel, vehicle-mounted, command post, and container.

By material, it is divided into composites, and others. 

By application, it is segmented into, military and homeland security.

Based on type, the expandable segment held the largest market share in 2020. This is attributable to its variable geometry. Its dimensions can be changed as per the requirement and it’s easy and efficient in providing safety to military personnel and their equipment in harsh conditions.

Finally, based on region, the market is categorized into North America, Europe, Asia Pacific, the Middle East & Africa, and Latin America.

Driving Factor

Increasing Defense Expenditure Will Promote Growth

Increasing military expenditure and investment around the world is favoring the military shelter market growth. For instance, according to a report by the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), total global military spending rose to USD 1.98 trillion in 2020. This will increase by 2.6% as compared to 2019. The five biggest defense spenders in 2020 were the U.S., China, India, Russia, and the U.K. These countries accounted for a total of 62% of global defense expenditure. Thus, rising defense spending and rapid expansion of military forces are anticipated to fuel the market during the forecast period.

Regional Insights

North America to Dominate Backed by Increasing Investment on Military Forces

North America is expected to remain at the forefront and hold the highest position market during the forecast period owing to increasing investments on military forces. The adoption of smart shelters in the region is also boosting the market expansion for military shelters. For instance, in June 2019, the U.S. Army made a contract worth USD 44 million with General Dynamics Corporation to provide them with extended rigid wall shelters, which should be expandable at one side and two-side expandable shelters to the U.S. Army. The region’s market stood at USD 309.9 million in 2020.

Asia Pacific is expected to showcase a significant military shelter market share in upcoming years, due to the cross-border issues between India-China, India-Pakistan, and growing terrorism in the region. For instance, in May 2020, Galwan Valley in Ladakh had experienced a violent clash between Indian and Chinese soldiers.

Competitive Landscape

Key Players to Focus on Collaborations and Agreements to Strengthen Market Growth

The market is combined by prime companies striving to preserve their position by emphasizing on procurements. For example, in April 2020, AAR made a deal worth USD 11.9 million with the U.S. Army. This agreement focuses on providing three alternatives of Lightweight Multipurpose Shelters (LMS) to the U.S army. These shelters will be utilized for Command, Control, Computers, Communications, Cyber, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (C5ISR) and other operations while being vehicle mounted. 

Industry Development

May 2021 – Western Metal Supply Co. Inc. made a contract worth USD 9.39 million with the U.S. Army to design and build F-35A aircraft shelters. The agreement provides for the design, manufacture, and installation of F-35A aircraft shelters.

[arun-pratap-singh]

Explained | The escalation on the India-China border

Explained | The escalation on the India-China border

The story so far: On December 9, 2022, Indian and Chinese troops clashed in the Yangtse area in the Tawang region along the India-China border. The confrontation in Tawang was the most serious skirmish between the two sides since the Galwan Valley clash in 2020. The Australian Strategic Policy Institute (ASPI) has found that the skirmish that took place in December was aided by new road…

[theindiareview]

No Guns, Only Fist Fights: The Novelty of Skirmishes on India-China Border  

Guns, grenades, tanks and artillery. This is what comes to one’s mind when trained professional soldiers engage the enemies on the border. Be it undeclared, low-grade war on the Indo-Pak border or full-fledged war like the one in Ukraine between Russian and Ukrainian soldiers, use of arms and ammunitions is sine quo non.   But, not on India -China border.   India’s Defence Minister has recently briefed the Parliament about the incident on the border in Tawang Sector of Arunachal Pradesh on 09 December 2022. He said ‘’ On 09 December 2022, PLA troops tried to transgress the LAC in Yangtse area of Tawang Sector and unilaterally change the status quo.  The Chinese attempt was contested by our troops in a firm and resolute manner.  The ensuing face-off led to a physical scuffle in which the Indian Army bravely prevented the PLA from transgressing into our territory and compelled them to return to their posts. The scuffle led to injuries to a few personnel on both sides. I wish to share with this House that there are no fatalities or serious casualties on our side.’’  No gun fire, no use of bombs, grenades, tanks etc by either side in trying to settle border disputes between two nuclear powered Asian giants. Only physical scuffle that unfortunately have led to injuries on both sides. However, there were loss of lives on both sides in the earlier Galwan clash between Indian and China.   This is quite in contrast to reckless and random firing and shelling on India -Pakistan border that does not spare even the innocent civilians in the adjoining border villages.   Why this kind of ‘’non-violent'’ behaviour by the opposing soldiers on India-China border? Apparently, the credit for this goes to ‘Peace and Tranquillity Treaty’ signed between the two countries in 1993 which stipulates ‘’neither side shall use or threaten to use force against the other by any means.’’   However, there are umpteen number of international peace treaties (such as the famous Shimla Agreement of 1971 between India and Pakistan) which are usually not respected even as much as a promise made by a teenager to his/her friend.   Both India and China are fast growing economies, both are highly ambitious about their place in international comity. With a GDP of $18 trillion, China is already the second largest economy in the world with per capita income of $12,500. India, on the other hand, is the fifth/sixth largest economy with a GDP of $3 trillion and per capita income of $2,300. Peace and stability are prerequisites for upwardly growth.   Perhaps, both countries recognise the fact that power and eminence come from economic growth and strides in science and technology. Russia proves this view more than anything else.   ***  Read the full article

[mariacallous]

The world’s two most populous countries don’t have space for each other’s journalists—at least for now.

Over the past few months, India and China revoked the credentials of each other’s journalists in a tit-for-tat measure, leaving almost no reporters on the ground from both sides. A relationship already fractured by border clashes, India’s ban on Chinese tech, and most recently China renaming places in India that the former claims as its own, have become even more volatile. On Monday, Bloomberg reported that China has asked the last Indian journalist, from the Press Trust of India, to leave the country this month, though the Foreign Ministry said the remaining correspondent was “still working and living normally in China.” The Chinese authorities had already revoked the credentials of three Indian correspondents this year after India rejected visa renewals for two of China’s state media journalists.

“China is responding to what India is doing, and framing this as an issue of reciprocity, while the Indian side hasn’t said much,” Manoj Kewalramani, the chairperson of the Indo-Pacific research program at the Takshashila Institution in India, told Foreign Policy. “Unless India is to clarify why they did this, it’s just a case of using another label to send a message to Beijing that the relationship isn’t normal.”

China has labeled India’s actions against its journalists as “unfair and discriminatory,” with Foreign Ministry spokesperson Mao Ning saying on May 31that her country took “appropriate countermeasures” to safeguard the rights and interests of Chinese media organizations. Two days later, her Indian counterpart, Arindam Bagchi, said all foreign journalists in India, including Chinese reporters, were working “without any limitations or difficulties” and urged China to “facilitate the continued presence of Indian journalists.”

But China’s latest move now entirely erases India’s press corps from Beijing. Four Indian journalists—Ananth Krishnan from the Hindu, Sutirtho Patranobis of the Hindustan Times, KJM Varma of the Press Trust of India, and Anshuman Mishra of the state broadcaster Prasar Bharati—were stationed in Beijing before the visa row. Meanwhile, Zhao Xu from state-run Xinhua News Agency is now the only Chinese journalist in India—he remains in the country even after his four-year placement ended in November 2021, which the outlet’s bureau chief claimed was due to India not facilitating his successor’s visa. During normal times, China had 14 accredited correspondents in India, according to the Foreign Ministry.

For years, both Indian and Chinese correspondents have provided insights from the ground to hundreds of millions of readers. Kewalramani says that while China’s state media “hasn’t necessarily been objective” considering the country’s media ecosystem, Indian journalists from privately owned outlets have provided nuanced reporting and analysis—including on social media—helping many Indians develop an informed understanding of the world’s second-largest economy. With astute knowledge about Chinese politics and society, the Indian correspondents have acted as a counterweight against the country’s media outlets that tend to respond to both governments’ nationalist rhetoric. Even before the border crisis, in 2015, Hu Xijin, then the editor-in-chief of China’s Global Times, had said that the “Indian media is more nationalistic than us.”

The animosity between India and China dates back decades, following a 1962 war over disputed Himalayan territories. The blurred lines of past empires have overlayed the Himalayas with multiple competing territorial claims. China has also been a reliable ally of Pakistan, India’s traditional rival.

But the deadly confrontation in June 2020 that killed 20 Indian and at least four Chinese soldiers in the Galwan Valley, near the de facto border in the high mountains known as the Line of Actual Control, widened the rift. The relationship between the two neighbors further fractured in April after China renamed 11 places in the Indian state of Arunachal Pradesh, which the Chinese claim in its entirety.

Public perception of China in India is at a serious low. A Morning Consult survey conducted in October showed that 43 percent of the 1,000 Indian respondents perceived China as their “greatest military threat,” followed by the United States and Pakistan at 22 percent and 13 percent, respectively. And that message is often amplified by jingoistic, privately owned television channels, where anchors and talk show guests take jabs at China.

“In today’s Indian media discourse, China is the national security threat number one—it’s no longer Pakistan,” said Kewalramani, adding that the absence of reporters on the ground will only make it easier for nationalist media outlets to “pick up the worst narrative.” “And Beijing is facilitating that.”

Meanwhile, in China, views on India are mostly shaped by official narratives pushed by state media in a tightly controlled cyberspace. Newspapers like the Global Times, known for its flavorful nationalist commentaries, often counter attacks from Indian media by amplifying China’s superiority and portraying India as less of a national threat, with any conflict bound to harm the Indian economy.

Beijing-based journalist Mu Chunshan says that many Chinese on social media—which has become a tool to gauge public opinion—also view India as “underdeveloped” and don’t see it as a threat to many countries. He wrote in the Diplomat earlier this year that many Chinese feel superior and self-confident, and “have no malice toward India, with one glaring exception: the border dispute.”

Sometimes Bollywood movies, especially those released before the pandemic and imbued with social messages—particularly Dangal and Secret Superstar, both starring Amir Khan—have helped crack certain preconceptions, making young Chinese more curious about the country and its culture. But racist portrayals of the country and its people still exist in China. Last month a Bollywood-inspired road safety video featuring brown-faced men, posted on a government account and later deleted, was accused of mocking India and Indians. Xinhua released a similar video during the military standoff in Doklam in 2017, when Indian soldiers stopped Chinese troops from constructing a road through the disputed territory claimed by China and Bhutan.

Rajiv Ranjan, who teaches Chinese politics at Delhi University’s Department of East Asian Studies, , said the border issue has unmasked deep mistrust between the two countries. Since 2020, India has banned more than 200 Chinese apps, including TikTok and WeChat, citing security concerns. The South Asian country also barred Chinese telecom giants Huawei and ZTE from its 5G trials in 2021.

“Public opinion is extremely negative about the ‘other,’” Ranjan told Foreign Policy. “By limiting the information flow, public discourse will be further shaped by distorted facts, thereby exacerbating misperception and the tension. If depleting trust is not contained early, it would be difficult for both countries to revive the engagement in any meaningful way.”

Jingdong Yuan, an associate professor specializing in Asia-Pacific security at the University of Sydney, agrees. He said the latest developments will not only affect bilateral relations, but also that the distrust could amplify any actions taken by both countries and elevate them to serious threats.

“There are a lot of stereotypes, and at times unhelpful reporting, that only serves to reinforce negative views of each other,” he told Foreign Policy. “Sometimes effective diplomacy and pragmatism, rather than rhetoric for domestic consumption, may better serve one’s national interests.”

China-based Indian journalists whose credentials were revoked haven’t explicitly commented on their experience. But Xinhua published a first-person account by its New Delhi bureau chief, Hu Xiaoming, who said he was forced to leave after his visa wasn’t renewed. He borrowed some of the same words from the Foreign Ministry statements, echoing the idea that Chinese journalists faced difficulties due to India’s “persistent visa hassle.”

“The Indian government’s brutal treatment has put enormous psychological pressure on Chinese journalists in India,” Hu wrote. “I sincerely hope that these unfair and discriminatory treatments toward Chinese journalists can come to an end.”

And while Hu’s claims and concerns are legitimate, his account, however, avoids mentioning the fate of Western correspondents in China, where delays or outright refusals to renew visas are common. In 2020, Chinese authorities kicked out journalists from major U.S. outlets—the New York Times, Wall Street Journal, and Washington Post—after the United States limited the number of Chinese state media journalists permitted to work in the country. Soon after, China also expelled three Wall Street Journal journalists over an opinion piece calling China the “real sick man of Asia.”

A 2022 report by the Foreign Correspondents’ Club of China stated that geopolitical tensions were to blame for some visa delays, and few respondents in its survey said their annual resident permit—this is in addition to the press card—wouldn’t be renewed due to their critical reporting on China. The report said that though visa conditions had improved slightly, expulsions and delays in getting visas for new journalists were challenging last year.

“The Chinese government is controlling the narrative of what is being said about China,” Olivia Cheung, a research fellow at SOAS China Institute, London, told Foreign Policy. “It has been more difficult for foreigners to get information about China. … The expulsion of Indian journalists adds to this picture of difficulty for foreigners to access China.”

Meanwhile, press freedom in the world’s largest democracy hasn’t been promising, either. India slid to 161 out of 180 countries in the 2023 press freedom index from Reporters Without Borders. Local journalists have continued to face restrictions and harassment in recent years, and Indian tax authorities raided the BBC’s offices in February after the broadcaster aired a documentary critical of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.

And while reporting from each country has become more challenging than before, analysts say the absence of journalists on the ground will create a void in India-China journalism. This would hurt the nuanced reporting that each country’s foreign correspondents can bring to the table and potentially create more space for misinformation. In September, for instance, rumors of a coup in China, just before the 20th Party Congress granted President Xi Jinping an unprecedented third term, spread like wildfire in some Indian media outlets and on Twitter.

Takshashila Institution’s Kewalramani, also a former journalist, said that the lack of understanding of China and Chinese politics, both by certain sections of the media and the public, usually contributes to amplifying such misinformation. Krishnan, the Hindu correspondent whose visa was frozen this year, then wrote that journalists on the ground would have “a better chance at getting the context right to separate rumour from news,” adding that having more Indian reporters would have given such rumors a “much shorter shelf life.”

“You’ve allowed antagonistic voices to have more space,” Kewalramani said, referring to Beijing. “There’s a loss to the Indian public, but the biggest loss is to Beijing. If it wants Indians to have independent views on China, not guided by [Western] outlets, it must allow access to Indian journalists and ensure those journalists function properly. You’re forcing us into views that are elsewhere. It’s foolhardy.”

[internationalnewz]

US sends stern message to China on Tawang clash: 'Fully support India's effort'

China is growingly asserting itself and being proactive in areas directed toward US allies and partners in Indo-Pacific, Pentagon press secretary Pat Ryder said.

The Pentagon said the US department of defence is closely watching the situation along the Line of Actual Control and slammed China for continuing to “amass forces and build military infrastructure along the so-called LAC”. Pentagon press secretary Pat Ryder said it is important to point out the growing trend by China to assert itself and ‘be proactive’ in areas directed toward US allies and partners in Indo-Pacific. “We will continue to remain steadfast in our commitment to ensure the security of our partners. We fully support India’s effort to de-escalate the situation,” Pat Ryder said.

On December 9, there was a clash between the Indian soldiers and the Chinese troops at the Tawang sector in Arunachal Pradesh on the India-China border. Chinese troops tries to transgress the LAC and unilaterally change the status quo leading to a clash in which the Indian soldiers gave a firm and resolute response forcing the Chinese side to retreat. In his statement presented in Parliament. defence minister Rajnath Singh said there was no fatality and no serious injuries to the Indian soldiers.

Following the face-off, the local commander of the Indian Army held a flag meeting with his counterpart on December 11.

This is the second major face-off between the Indian and the Chinese troops after Galwan in 2020 while talks regarding the border issues are going on between the two sides.

White House press secretary Karine Jean-Pierre said the US is closely monitoring the situation and is glad to note that there was a quick disengagement.

India and the United States recently held the 18th edition of the two country’s joint military exercise ‘Yudh Abhyas’ in Uttarakhand about 100 km from the Line of Actual Control to which China expressed its objection and said it violated the spirit of the two agreements signed between New Delhi and Beijing.

Both India and US rejected China’s opposition to the joint exercise and said no third country is allowed to comment on such matters. While India said the India-US exercise had nothing to do with the 1993 and 1996 agreements, the US said it was none of China’s business to comment.

Three Indian Army troops — Jammu and Kashmir Rifles, Jat regiment and Sikh Light Infantry — thwarted the attack from the Chinese troops who came armed with clubs, sticks and other equipment, reports said. The Indian side was prepared and when the attack took place, one of the units was being relieved by a new unit. Chinese troops came with drones apparently to shoot the entire clash, reports said.

[ambitiousbaba]

India-China clash in Arunachal Pradesh

India-China clash in Arunachal Pradesh

India-China clash in Arunachal Pradesh The clash between Indian and Chinese troops has happened in Arunachal Pradesh’s Tawang sector in the early hours of December 9. Both side troops were beating each other up with sticks and canes in their closest encounter since the deadly Galwan incident in eastern Ladakh in June 2020. The injured Indian soldiers were moved to a Guwahati hospital for…

[znewstech]

India-China troops clash in Arunachal: Rajnath Singh holds high-level meet | India News - Times of India

India-China troops clash in Arunachal: Rajnath Singh holds high-level meet | India News – Times of India

NEW DELHI: Indian and Chinese troops clashed in the Tawang sector of Arunachal Pradesh last week, the first such encounter between the neighbours since the deadly Galwan valley incident in June 2020. At least six Indian soldiers are believed to have sustained injuries, according to unofficial sources. The incident took place on December 9 after 300-400 soldiers from the People’s Liberation Army…