#hunosa

[plantillaemulsa]

Ayer, día 17/04/25, aparece un artículo en La Nueva España de Gijón en el que se argumenta que en Emulsa circula un informe interno en el que se estudia la legalidad del complemento de antigüedad que cobra la plantilla. La noticia es https://www.lne.es/gijon/2025/04/18/condiciones-plantilla-emulsa-incumplen-ley-116493905.html El complemento de antigüedad que cobran los empleados de Emulsa no es negociado en convenio, sino que fue adquirido mediante resolución judicial por conflicto con la empresa. ¿Por qué este periódico publica esta noticia sin contrastar datos? Pues yo lo tengo claro, José Ramón García Cañal es escritor ocasional de columnas en dicho diario y los favores, algunas veces, con favores se pagan. Los datos de la imagen son fechas y título de los artículos, de opinión, publicados con la firma del gerente de la empresa. La antigüedad en Emulsa se impuso a la empresa por sentencia del Excmo. Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Asturias en sentencia 01364/2019 que cualquier persona puede consultar y que contiene cuatro, amplios y detallados, puntos en el que se explican los fundamentos de derecho por los que se falla a favor de los trabajadores.

[binomech]

Salt's Neck, Ganz, Ponferrada: The factory town in Severance

Sweet Vitriol opens with Harmony Cobel driving past a sign that indicates that she’s leaving a population named Salt’s Neck, with an ominous soundtrack that sometimes veers into the main melody of the Kier hymnal that Cobel herself sang as a reminder to MDR after their escape to O&D that led to Dylan finding out about the OTC in the first place, but also from the instructional tape at the ORTBO, the only other episode that takes place outdoors far from MDR’s outies’ houses.

Compostilla: A murder in three parts

Watching this episode, the Compostilla thermoelectrical factory in León (Spain) immediately came to mind, probably because several generations of my family worked there and I’m intimately familiar with its history. I want to give an overview of this real world situation, but I want you to consider the way Lumon operates in Severance while you read.

The Compostilla I factory was inaugurated in 1949, 10 years after the Spanish Civil War ended and, consequently, 10 years into Franco’s fascist dictatorship, although at the time Compostilla did not exist.

The building was intended to be an anthracite refinery in Ponferrada, a small village in the middle of one of Spain’s biggest coal basins halfway between Zamora and Asturias. It was a very expensive construction project and existed in the context of an attempt at autarchy from the fascist government, in the middle of the post-war famine that was hitting the populations in those colder regions extra hard, most of whom relied on their own crops to get by in the winter. The people working to build the factory, with the exception of a handful of paid workers, were slaves (unpaid workers threatened with violence, jail, or exile) and political prisoners from the Republican side of the Civil War. The factory itself was a striking behemoth among the small buildings in the surrounding towns, overshadowing the churches themselves, which at the time were the most ornate and imposing buildings in these villages.

In the 5 years between the approval of the project and its actual finalization, the Fascist powers had fallen and Spain was one of the few countries that remained uncontested, in part because of the sheer amount of resources that went into our own Civil War before WWII even started didn’t make us much of a military threat. This project, that had been approved with the purpose of using Spanish raw materials to manufacture pieces and machinery for the German war apparatus, was obsolete before it even opened. To justify its existence, the government founded Endesa, a national electricity company that would both produce, transport and supply the whole country, with the factory in Ponferrada at the core of it. Contractually, the company could not sell more than one fourth of its assets to foreign countries, as it was a symbol of the attempt to establish full economical autarchy from the Fascist government.

It was then that the town of Compostilla was built in the outskirts of Ponferrada, with the purpose of providing housing and facilities to the workers of the thermoelectrical central. They didn’t have to pay rent, they had access to fresh and cheap goods (through an economato, a regulated grocery store ran by Hunosa, a company that oversaw most provisioning in the coal basin of Asturias) in the middle of a harrowing famine, they had free electricity and reliable medical care. A lot of people moved to Compostilla at the height of the factory’s production, including my grandmother’s sister, to survive the aftermath of the Civil War. 105 families lived in the factory town from 1949 to 1965.

As the rest of the old fascist powers settled into liberal, capitalistic democracy, with the benefit of international political alliancies with the western bloc during the Cold War, their industrial manufacturing surpassed in technical efficiency whatever we were doing over here, generally isolated in a world where, nominally, fascism was obsolete. In 1965, the central underwent reforms to accomodate desulphuring and filtering of pet coke, not just coal. The workers started experiencing the health issues that come with working in, essentially, a tar pit and living next to it when they were off the clock, and those who had family outside of the factory town took off. A lot of families had to stay because the post-war famine had killed anyone they had that hadn’t come to enjoy the commodities oh-so-generously Endesa had provided.

In the next decades, age, illness, and the shift to natural gas as an energy source (that was cheaper to extract and refine for the company) had turned Compostilla into a ghost town, and by 2008 Endesa decided to start the process of shutting down the complex.

In June 2020, there were only 76 workers in the central. None of them lived in the battered remains of the factory town.

The factory was demolished in 2023. Endesa has been a private company since 1998, and was recently incorporated into Enel, an Italian multinational electricity provider.

This might sound highly circumstantial and localized, but the crises of the business model that Ponferrada (and specifically Compostilla as a factory town) undewent apply to most companies that started out with industrial production and currently operate as multinational oligopolies over their original domain and a few more, vying for monopoly. Which brings us back to Lumon, and Salt’s Neck.

Monopoly over production, monopoly over life

The town Harmony arrives to is not Salt’s Neck, then. We learn that this population was created to house the workers at Lumon’s Ether factory, much like the municipality of Kier, where the MDR outies live, was created next to Ganz to build the housing complexes for the employees at Lumon HQ. In the jagged, icy landscape, the housing complex which were once properly insulated now rust and are barely patched over, I could see the ghost of the decrepit greenhouse Petey stayed in at Half Loop road, which also had belonged to Lumon at one point. There’s even a church, eerily similar to the one near Irving’s apartment.

The people in Kier live in subsidized Lumon housing, eat at Pip’s which is a Lumon side business, go to Lumon fertility clinics, donate at Lumon blood drives, rely on Lumon for healthcare, food, employment and their continued livelihood, since they literally have a Lumon patented chip inside their brains with red tape all over its functions. When Dylan gets fired, it’s not just the prejudice against severance that is harrowing (because some people, like Dylan, cannot work unless they get severed, it was not a free choice), it’s also the knowledge that without Lumon’s protection and provisions, you will essentially die. Hearing the crunchy Kier hymnal in this episode just brought me back to the ORTBO, to "we’re starving, mr. milchick" and the reassurance that lumon will always provide, to "marshmallows are for team players", because it is entirely conditional on how much money you're making them. The factory town and the greenhouse were abandoned because there were more profitable ventures for the Eagans, and they left a trail of bodies behind, sick people, addicts whose addiction was a necessity to keep them productive, an addiction that guaranteed their loyalty. A small bar that gives away coffee, warm meals and vitriol whippets, because all the food and medicine left with Lumon, who provides until you aren’t useful.

Harmony tells Sissy "Lumon destroyed this town, you owe them no loyalty", but Sissy correctly points out that there was no town before the factory. Sissy was spared from the misery that wrecked the factory town because she gave them Harmony Cobel, her mind, her body, and her loyalty. Her survival was conditional on submission, and so everything that they have, they owe back to the Eagans as fealty.

[all-things-are-nothing-to-me]

On Sabotage as One of the Fine Arts: a contribution to the topic of the theory of the practice of Sabotage

Chapter 1

Who will revive the violent whirlpools of flame if not us and those that we consider brothers? Come! New friends: this will please you. We will never work, oh tides of flame! This world will explode. It’s the true path. Forward, on the march.

— A. Rimbaud

The spread of sabotage, its increasing practice, on a greater or lesser scale, far and wide against the domination of the market is a given fact. Burning ATM booths, disabling locks at shopping centers, smashing shop windows, setting fire to the offices of temp agencies and employment offices, the sabotage of the infrastructure of capitalism (high-speed railroads, dams, expressways, construction projects) ... are offensive practices against the colonization of our lives by the most advanced form of colonialism — the integrated spectacle.

All this is put into practice by individuals bored with survival as commodities (life reduced to economic imperatives) and disillusioned with false opposition (more false and less oppositional with each day that goes by), parties and unions that want to manage our misery and integrate us into a mode of production that prevents us from any participation in the decisions that relate directly to us and that assist in enslaving us, mutilating every gesture of negation of the existent.

The spectacle writes the scenario and distributes the roles: worker, professor, student, housewife, mother, father, son, daughter, unemployed, police, soldier, artist, humanitarian, intellectual... the majority, individuals who assume different roles in the course of 24 hours, see their existence as still more terrible, assuming this is possible. Everyone with his neurotic-schizoid viewpoint will react to the stimuli launched by power in the way that was already expected.

All social activity is planned in order to reinforce the spectacle, thus slowing down its unstoppable process of decomposition. Though we don’t want to hear the shrieking of militants of whatever organization, clearly we are not against the concept of “organization” as such, but against “organization” conceived as an end in itself , as the crystallization of any ideology, and as a separated organ, representing a class.

We are for the autonomous self-organization of the exploited. History has shown through two clear examples that the traditional form of the party (Russian revolution) and union (Spanish revolution) were nothing more than two attempts to manage capitalism and not to overcome it, and this is something that, consciously or unconsciously, everybody knows. In the seizure of power, it is not destroyed, but exercised: in the first case, the class of bureaucrats replaced the bourgeoisie, and in the other case, the anarcho-syndicalist leaders participated in bourgeois power, calling for the self-management of exploitation and alienation, while the base tried to overcome the relationships of production and social relationships in practice through the direct management of every aspect of their lives and not just work.

To be precise, both forms have the exaltation of work in common (something that they also share with national-socialism and with every political form of capitalism).

Their quantitative vision sought an increase in production, leaving aside the qualitative increase of life. This (practical and theoretical) defeat of the traditional organizations, which claim to represent us, has not been absorbed by the working class (it seems that we only know how to work), and we go along without maintaining any possibility of control over essential aspects of our lives, in a world that is developed, not only without our participation, but against us.

But, comrades, history is not cyclic; it is a cumulative process and already weighs too heavily upon our weary bodies.

Chapter 2

Never did mockers waste more idle breath.

— William Shakespeare, A Midsummer Night’s Dream

The contradiction between the possibilities of the means of production (the use of a few of them for the enjoyment of all, since most of them are useless and harmful and would be destroyed) and the relations of production (waged exploitation, commodification, the exclusions of class society) has reached an insurmountable point of rupture. In the spectacle it is easier to falsify the nature of this contradiction than to increase mercantile production with increasing use value. This inertia forces it to display all of its methods for recuperating any real movement of opposition and to turn the spectacular critique of the spectacle to its advantage.

A self-critical hypocrite directed by its own police of decomposed thought (pro-situationists, cadres, non-governmental organizations, recuperators, artists, journalists... the clique of politically correct alternatives).

These toilet brushes of modernity, like good priests, hope that with their patches, the proper development of the system will lead us, hand in hand, into an ideal world planned by their false consciousness and by the putridity of their armoured brains; as if they had ever given us anything. Their social function, which has been denounced for decades already, has been worth more to them than any aggressions, beatings or assassinations, and we are sure that these will not be mere anecdotes. They deceive and manipulate us. We must not allow them ta have a single day more. They are the guardians to the keys of our informal chains. They amuse us with insignificant debates. They impose their opinions on us, avoiding questions so simple that they make them tremble with terror: How best to live? Who and what keeps us from this? Questions that immediately unmask the professionals of the lie. Critical coherence and the critique of incoherence aid this operation.

Chapter 3

Injustice is not anonymous; it has a name and an address.

— Bertold Brecht

Situationist theory, as integral critique of the totality of the conditions of survival and of the mercantile-spectacular capitalism that necessitates them, has been confirmed in events by falsification.

One cannot fight alienation by means of alienated forms. The sabotage of this world starts with the break with the roles the system imposes on us, the sabotage of our death in life and the refusal of the roles that they have allotted and appointed to us. To speak of the Revolution in these times is “to have a corpse in one’s mouth”. We only need to look around ourselves to see a scenario that constantly reminds us of the defeat. Sabotage is thus an action that serves as a propellant against the unreality that oppresses us. A practice that has not gone unnoticed by ideological recuperation, which has transformed it into “terrorism” (the professionalization of sabotage that has done no more than reinforce the system, due to its centralist, hierarchical and militarist character). Today, what is proposed is not the creation of an armed organization of this type, but widespread attack by small affinity groups, uncontrollable by any higher organization, that come together and dissolve like the lunar tides. The tides that are born of the awareness of how bad things are and of the worsening that awaits us due to events.

In the 19th century, such a practice existed that put the incipient capitalism in check. Beyond the Luddite attacks, the “proletarian rounds” rendered their repression and recuperation, in which the embryonic unions would play a role, almost impossible due to their lack of a rigid structure and their maximum flexibility in attacks. A group of people came together, struck and disappeared into the mass, while a new group came together within it. Such widespread sabotage makes it difficult for the enemy to organize repression. Thus it transforms the attack into a universe of pleasure for the enlightened hooligan, the feelings of which are impossible to describe or communicate with the poor and banal language of words.

The game of subversion, the rules of which are written by those that participate in it, becomes an effective weapon against capitalism in all its forms.

There is much more to destroy than to build.

Chapter 4

Our epoch does not need to write poetic slogans, but to realize them.

— Situationist International

It has been demonstrated that small groups that attack do more damage than large organizations that specialize in armed struggle. The Angry Brigade continued its actions when people were arrested and the English state assumed the movement had fallen apart. The Kale Borroka (street struggle) in Euskadi, which Jarrai (the youth organization of the Basque nationalist left, NDR) recently declared uncontrollable is another example. Power has difficulty repressing and eliminating little groups that with complete security do not know each other, and the only thing that unites them is the desire for the destruction of a system that prevents them from living and condemns them to survival and uncertainty. They don’t attempt exhibitionist actions in order to make propaganda as some acronym or mark of origin. In the case of the Asturias, sabotage was a class weapon used innumerable times, particularly in labor conflicts with these enterprises: Duro Felguera, Hunosa, Naval and Ciata...(Asturian businesses and mines where sabotage was determinant in the struggles going on in the 1990’s); every weary person, regardless of her or his ideology, uses it. From the clerk who steals office supplies to the worker who damages the machine to which he is chained, passing through the use of plastic explosives like the licensed professionals of Duro Felguera. Today, the example is the burning of the ETTs (temporary employment agencies). The practice of sabotage remains limited to precise and very localized conflicts, without global perspectives, simply aiming for partial solutions with economic demands that remain within imposed limits where capitalist logic unfolds. The same holds in the case of the ETTs, an attack that goes beyond the temporality of a conflict in one enterprise, but that does not place wage slavery into question. Instead it only questions its most extreme form, not aiming at putting an end to exploitation, but rather to the ETTs. Today the conflict is global and it is not resolved through partial struggles, but through total struggle and through the refusal of this society as a whole. It is necessary to put an end to the reduction of our lives to commodities and to wage labor that wears us out, not just to ETTs. We must put an end to class society and not just fascism. Misdirecting our attention toward partial objectives only benefits the managers of our misery and those who will one day lay claim to its management., and both are among the targets for sabotage.

The widespread practice of sabotage (unhindered autonomy, maximum flexibility, self-organization, minimum risk) among like-minded individuals, opens the possibility for real communication, destroying spectacular communication, smashing the apathy and impotence of the eternal revolutionist monologue. Relationships and the possibility of contact with other people in the refusal of the spectacular role, these are transient situations that in their preparation and development carry in their essence the qualities of the revolutionary situation that will not retreat and that will suppress the conditions of survival. It does not fall into the irremediable alienating hierarchization that every specialized armed group of an authoritarian and militaristic character, to which the masses delegate their participation in the attack, carries within itself

The quantitative growth of this practice does not come to us from the hands of propagandists of the spectacle, but rather by taking a walk through the scenario of capitalism, and finding in this drift the burned ATM, the ETTs with shattered windows, the smiths changing the locks of a supermarket. These visions make our complicit smiles blossom and move us to go out that very night to play with fire with the aim of making the same smiles rise on the faces of unknown accomplices through the fellowship of destruction. The number doesn’t matter, but rather the quality of the acts: sabotage, expropriation, self-reduction... they return part of the life that is denied us back to us, but we want it all.

Comrades, the game is yours and we take courage in its daily practice. Organize it yourselves with your accomplices.

Against the old world in all its expressions, in order to leave pre-history, let’s launch and multiply attacks.

FOR THE ABOLITION OF CLASS SOCIETY AGAINST THE MARKET AND WAGE LABOR FOR ANARCHY STONES AND FIRE

[belenina7]

De Networking en Langreo #cruzandocaminoslangreo #networking #randstand #ccoo #geonalon #madison #hunosa #cruzandocaminos #langreo #cinefelgueroso #lanzadera #lanzaderasdeempleo (en Cine Felgueroso)

[bus-latest-news]

Oviedo se convierte en la primera ciudad española con un autobús urbano de HIDRÓGENO de la mano de Alsa y CaetanoBus

Oviedo se convierte en la primera ciudad española con un autobús urbano de HIDRÓGENO de la mano de Alsa y CaetanoBus. #BusLatestNews

El vehículo se ha presentado conjuntamente hoy por Alsa, CaetanoBus y las autoridades de Oviedo, así como con las compañías DF – Duro Felguera, Grupo HUNOSA y Nortegas  que son indispensables para el desarrollo del hidrógeno verde en el Principado. Este autobús estará en periodo de pruebas en los próximos tres meses. El autobús es silencioso y tiene una autonomía de 400 kilómetros. Cubrirá todas…

[infoprisiones]

Supermercados Día, Cobra Instalaciones, Alcoa, Alvargonzález Contratas, Elecnor, Vodafone, la central térmica de Lada, los mineros de las contratas y subcontratas de Hunosa, la plantilla del Ayuntamiento de Langreo, los funcionarios de prisiones…https://www.lavozdeasturias.es/noticia/asturias/2019/04/05/diez-conflictos-laborales-vivos-inquietan-region/00031554476850088516987.htm

La entrada Diez conflictos laborales vivos que inquietan a la región se publicó primero en INFOPRISIONES.

[plantillaemulsa]

He conseguido la tabla salarial de los empleados de Emulsa, actualizada, para que se vea qué clase de dirigentes tenemos en el sector público y como engañan a la ciudadanía.

El gerente publicó en los medios que los trabajadores de Emulsa cobran de media 2500 euros ¿miente? Pues a medias. Esa media aritmética está realizada no solo sobre el sueldo del que trabaja produciendo, incluye a los que están en los sillones, calentando la silla.

La tabla salaria de este post tiene sombreados los sueldos de los trabajadores, En Emulsa la mayoría peones y especialistas, que limpian los colegios, jardines, calles...

Los camioneros son los últimos sombreados, los oficiales de primera, que también se lo trabajan conduciendo camiones rígidos por la ciudad, que no es lo mismo que llevarlos por una autopista.

Otro dato importante, que en la tabla no viene, es que el señor que se queja de los sueldos se lleva un sueldo superior a los 6000 euros mensuales y su jefe, el presidente Rodrigo Pintueles, un poco más, puesto que en teoría tiene más "responsabilidad".

[minarquia]

Primera imagen de los mineros de la Brigada de Salvamento Minero Hunosa Asturias accediendo al túnel para rescatar a #Julen. No habrá turnos de media hora, como se había dicho, bajan de dos en dos y trabajarán hasta reventar. Valientes pic.twitter.com/nvD1qcEPrK

Primera imagen de los mineros de la Brigada de Salvamento Minero Hunosa Asturias accediendo al túnel para rescatar a #Julen. No habrá turnos de media hora, como se había dicho, bajan de dos en dos y trabajarán hasta reventar.

Valientes

pic.twitter.com/nvD1qcEPrK

Primera imagen de los mineros de la Brigada de Salvamento Minero Hunosa Asturias accediendo al túnel para rescatar a #Julen. No habrá turnos de media hora, como se había dicho, bajan de dos en dos y trabajarán hasta reventar. Valientes pic.twitter.com/nvD1qcEPrK #MartinLopeTwitter from Twitter Search / MLopeReloaded https://twitter.com/Belen_Larioss/status/1088522489532174337 via IFTTT

de nuestro WordPress http://bit.ly/2Tdg3uX Difundimos las ideas liberales, libertarias, minarquistas y anarcocapitalistas. http://bit.ly/1Y4fN1h January 24, 2019 at 10:03PM

[alimennova]

SEPI se mantiene en pérdidas por Navantia y por Hunosa . . La Sociedad Estatal de Participaciones Industriales (SE… https://t.co/DtJqBuzBzl

SEPI se mantiene en pérdidas por Navantia y por Hunosa . . La Sociedad Estatal de Participaciones Industriales (SE… https://t.co/DtJqBuzBzl

— MhablaN (@mhablan) August 1, 2017

[yo-sostenible]

El Instituto para la Transición Justa, el Principado de Asturias y Hunosa colaborarán en proyectos de rehabilitación y restauración de zonas mineras

◾ Protocolo de colaboración

🔰 Las tres entidades suscriben un protocolo para promover la regeneración de espacios degradados de cara a impulsar la recuperación económica y medioambiental de las comarcas mineras

El Instituto para la Transición Justa (ITJ), dependiente del Ministerio para la Transición Ecológica y el reto Demográfico (MITECO), el Gobierno de Asturias y la empresa Hulleras del…

[munove]

La candidata de Casado Asturias incluyó joyas, marisco o quitaesmalte como gastos en empresa pública que presidia

Teresa Mallada también incorporó a las cuentas de Hunosa como 'Anticipos de viaje de la Presidencia' compras en supermecados, infusiones o posters de cine. Una auditoría de 2015 consideró que esos gastos ofrecen "dudas sobre su razonabilidad justificativa" para las "necesidades de la empresa". "No hay ningún gasto personal", dicen desde el entorno de Mallada, que explican las alegaciones presentadas al informe del auditor, que fueron rechazadas. Todo está acreditado y justificado. Si hubiera habido alguna irregularidad se habría trasladado.

etiquetas: pp, saqueo, asturias

» noticia original (www.eldiario.es)

[encalienteprensalibre]

El TSJ de Asturias imputa a la portavoz del PP, Teresa Mallada, por prevaricación urbanística

El TSJ de Asturias imputa a la portavoz del PP, Teresa Mallada, por prevaricación urbanística

ESTEBAN URREIZTIETAMadrid Jueves 4 4 junio 2020 – 19: 57 Teresa Mallada, en el Pozo Nicolasa de Hunosa cuando dirigía la corporación minera. JUAN CARLOS ROMÁN El Tribunal Superior de Justicia de Asturias ha citado en calidad de imputada a la portavoz del PP en el Principado, Teresa Mallada, después de que la Fiscalía Anticorrupción le atribuye un delito de prevaricación en el caso de Hulla. La…

[verdepradera]

Sello ATM España Locomotora de 1887 (2005)

Sello ATM España Locomotora de 1887 (2005)

Sello ATM España Locomotora de 1887 (2005)

Trenes Clásicos

Locomotora de 1887

La locomotora de Palau (S.B.10, Mollet a Caldas 5 y RENFE 0232) trabajó como tren minero para la empresa asturiana Hunosa, y desde 1993 se exhibió en el museo de Minería e Industria en El Entrego, Asturias.

Locomotora 1887 “Palau” Catálogo Sooluciones: 00123 – Estampilla de España. Sello postal emitido el…

[podemos]

@ahorapodemos

[plantillaemulsa]

Emulsa va camino de la privatización de la mano de José Ramón García Cañal (Gerente) y Rodrigo Pintueles, ambos políticos profesionales y muy malos gestores.

Pese a tener unos recursos muy grandes (inmovilizado material) y personal muy cualificado, optan por la "externalización" de los servicios, cediendo gran parte a empresas privadas que encarecen la prestación del servicio.

Un ejemplo que saltó a la prensa es la de la adjudicación, a una empresa privada, del lavado de contenedores ¡20 euros por contenedor lavado!

La táctica para privatizar es decir que Emulsa es caro, que los empleados son unos vagos y mediante acciones como reducir la calidad del servicio.

Los empleados han comenzado a movilizarse mientras ellos, los políticos, los intentan ridiculizar.

Todo esto con la inacción de la Alcaldes Carmen Moriyón, que a su vez no ha dejado que los representantes de los trabajadores se expresen en el pleno.

La imagen pertenece a OCU y se puede ver la noticia completa en https://www.ocu.org/consumo-familia/derechos-consumidor/noticias/limpieza-ciudades

[victorsantamariablr]

[Victor Santa Maria] Última hora | El rescate de Julen en el pozo de Totalán, en Málaga

Los equipos de rescate terminan de perfilar el túnel y proceden a su encamisado. Cuando terminen estas tareas, los mineros de la Brigada de Salvamento de Hunosa excavarán a mano un túnel de cuatro metros hasta donde se cree que puede estar el menor Victor Santa Maria via Medio ambiente http://bit.ly/2FV2ufy