#how much is bail for a felony

[altmanbailfl]

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[loveesiren]

vali!!! congrats on 1.5k, it’s so deserved. you already know you’re one of my fave people and i’m so glad everyone else knows you’re amazing too.

✍️ for seunghyun with this from the sms prompts: [ 📲 sms: ]  you’re single. i'm single. i feel like this is a problem we can solve together.

okay bye queen ilysm 💕

I love you so very much, sissy!!! Thank you for always being amazing and supporting me :') <3

Sorry in advance that this kinda sucks 😭 but it did end up kind of long ;P

Vali's 1500 Celebration

warnings: smut (fingering), edging kinda?

wc: 1.2k+

You sat hunched in the studio chair, fingers aimlessly twisting knobs on the soundboard while Seunghyun hummed into the mic, ad-libbing melodies that probably wouldn’t even make the final cut. His voice echoed through the monitors, smooth and unbothered. Meanwhile, your patience was thinning.

You glanced at the clock, lips pressing into a line. You were supposed to be out by now—getting drinks, maybe laughing, maybe kissing someone who seemed decent enough on paper. But instead, here you were, babysitting the booth and trying not to let your irritation show.

Your phone buzzed beside you. You snatched it up, heart tugging toward hope even though your gut already knew.

Sorry, can’t make it tonight.

Of course not. Third time's the charm, right? You stared at the message for a beat, then replied with a dry thumbs-up before hitting block. Your stomach sank. Not because you liked him all that much, but because you were tired—tired of hoping, tired of trying, tired of being a second thought.

Your mood dipped hard, and it must've shifted your whole vibe, because a second later, Seunghyun stopped mid-note. His voice cut out, and you looked up to see him pulling the headphones off, brow furrowed as he pushed open the booth door.

He studied you with those dark, observant eyes. “Alright, what’s going on?”

You shook your head, leaning back in the chair. “Nothing. Doesn’t matter.”

“You sure? ‘Cause you’ve got that face.”

“What face?”

“The one that says, ‘I’m two seconds from committing a felony.’”

You let out a dry laugh. “My date bailed. Again.”

Seunghyun tilted his head, watching you. “He’s a fucking idiot.”

“Yeah, well, I wasn’t planning to marry the guy. I just needed to fu—” You stopped yourself, cheeks burning as your mouth snapped shut.

His lips curved into a slow, amused smirk. “You just needed to what, exactly?”

You rolled your eyes, looking anywhere but at him. “Nothing. Forget it. Let’s finish the track.”

He stepped closer, voice lowering with a teasing lilt. “No no… I’d much rather you finish your sentence.”

Your eyes met his, tension humming like static between you. You swallowed thickly, heart pounding with a rhythm far more dangerous than any track you were trying to produce.

“I just…” you paused, eyes flicking downward as heat rushed to your cheeks, “It’s been a while. Okay?”

A soft blush bloomed across your skin, and you hated how easy it was for Seunghyun to notice.

His grin widened, something mischievous dancing behind his eyes. “Hey,” he said gently, “I get it. I know the feeling.”

You gave a weak, embarrassed smile, unsure how to steer the conversation anywhere but here. Your fingers fidgeted with the sleeve of your hoodie, heart thudding way too loudly for how casual you were trying to appear.

And then, just as you were about to awkwardly change the subject, he said it.

“Want me to help you out?”

You blinked. “W-What?”

He leaned in a little, voice low and smooth. His gaze locked with yours and held it. “I said… do you want me to help you out?”

You stared at him, lips parted, trying to wrap your head around what he was actually offering. “Why would you—what do you mean—are you serious?” you stammered, each word more breathless than the last.

Seunghyun’s smirk deepened. “You’re single. I’m single. Seems like a problem we could solve together.” He paused, giving you an out. “But only if you want to.”

You opened your mouth to say something reasonable—rational—but instead, your traitorous heart answered first.

“I do!” you blurted, eyes going wide the second the words left your mouth. “I mean… I want to…I just—shit.”

Seunghyun chuckled under his breath, stepping in close enough that you could smell the faint trace of his cologne. He tilted his head, eyes flicking to your lips before meeting your gaze again.

“You look really fucking cute when you’re nervous,” he murmured.

“Oh my God, shut up,” you said, swatting his chest half-heartedly with a smile. “I’m not nervous.”

He caught your hand easily, holding it gently between his fingers before tugging you just a little closer. His breath was warm against your lips, his voice barely a whisper now.

“No?” he teased. “Then why’s your heart beating so fast?”

You couldn’t speak—your breath hitched, your mind blank, overtaken by the magnetic pull of him. Your gaze dropped to his lips, heavy with longing, suddenly desperate to know what he tasted like.

And as if he could hear the thought echoing through your skull, Seunghyun leaned in and captured your mouth in a kiss that was anything but tentative—hot, hungry, and laced with weeks of unspoken tension.

You let out a soft moan into his mouth, arms winding around his neck as he guided you backward, his hands firm on your waist. You gasped softly as he lifted you onto the edge of the desk, stepping between your legs like he belonged there—like he knew just how long you’d wanted this.

The kiss deepened, his tongue brushing against your lips, asking for entry. You opened for him willingly, greedily, fingers already working at the buttons of his shirt, pushing the fabric off his shoulders to reveal the hard lines beneath.

He broke the kiss only long enough to trail his lips down your neck, kissing and nipping at your throat, your collarbone, making your skin burn with desire. His hands slipped to the waistband of your pants, fingertips teasing the hem.

He groaned low in his throat, the sound vibrating through your skin. “Fuck, you’re so wet already,” he muttered, sliding his hand into your pants, fingers brushing the soaked fabric of your panties.

You tugged him closer, your body already trembling. “Been a while,” you whispered, smirking against his lips.

He chuckled, dark and amused, his fingers grazing your entrance before sliding up to your clit, gathering your slick. “It’s so fucking hard to focus when you walk around looking like that every day.”

You gasped as he pushed a finger inside you, your hips twitching forward. His pace was slow, deliberate, drawing out every ounce of anticipation.

“Fuck…” you breathed, head falling forward against his shoulder.

“That feel good, baby?”

“Mhmm,” you whimpered, barely able to nod.

He stilled his hand. “Use your words.”

“Please… need more,” you begged, your voice needy and trembling.

“That’s my girl,” he praised, adding a second finger and curling them as he pumped deeper, faster. The pleasure came in waves, crashing through you, your moans muffled by his mouth as he kissed you again.

“You look so fucking pretty like this,” he whispered, watching the way your body writhed under his touch. “Cum for me, baby. And don’t worry…” His lips brushed your ear. “It won’t be the only time tonight.”

You were so close, the coil tightening in your belly, your nails digging into his shoulders—

*SLAM*

The sound of a door slamming echoed down the hallway.

You both froze.

“What the fuck was that?” you gasped, breathless, heart racing for a very different reason now.

Seunghyun’s eyes narrowed, head tilting toward the studio door. “No one else is supposed to be here…”

You could hear them now—faint voices, footsteps approaching. Panic flared in your chest.

Seunghyun looked back at you, fingers still buried deep inside, his voice low and urgent. “What do you say we take this back to my place?”

You were panting, trembling, desperate.

“Please,” you whispered.

He grinned, kissing your forehead as he carefully withdrew his fingers, brushing one last teasing stroke against your thigh.

“Then let’s get the hell out of here before someone sees how wrecked you already are.”

[twink-between-worlds]

your boys were messing around in the prompt generator again. have our favourites. we have favouritism issues, and also put them under the cut cuz theres...a lot

Legend: Sorry it took me so long to bail you out of jail Ravio: No it’s my fault, I shouldn’t’ve used my one phone call to prank call the police

-

Legend: Don’t worry, I have a few knives up my sleeve. Ravio: I think you mean cards. Legend, pulling knives out of their sleeves: No, I do not.

-

Legend: Stop buying plastic skeletons for Halloween! It's terrible for the environment! Four: Yeah! Locally sourced, all natural skeletons are much more environmentally friendly!

-

Legend: You are now one day closer to eating your next plate of nachos. Four: That's the most hopeful thing I've ever heard. Hyrule: But what if I die tomorrow and never eat any nachos? Sky: Then tomorrow is nacho lucky day.

-

Legend: is cooking Four: Any chance that’s for me? Legend: It’s for Sky. I’m planning on making some bad choices tonight, and I need them on my side. Hyrule: I never realized the forethought that went into being a disappointment.

-

Legend, setting down a card: Ace of spades Four, pulling out an Uno card: +4 Hyrule, pulling out a Pokémon card: Jolteon, I choose you Sky, trembling: What are we playing

-

Legend: Four, keep an eye on Ravio today. They're going to say something to the wrong person and get punched. Four: Sure, I’d love to see Ravio get punched. Legend: Try again. Four, sighing: I will stop Ravio from getting punched.

-

Legend: Here’s a fun Christmas idea. We hang mistletoe, but instead of kissing, you have to FIGHT whoever else is under it. Four: Legend no. Ravio: Mistlefoe. Four: Please stop encouraging them.

-

Legend: In your opinion, what’s the height of stupidity? Four, turning to Ravio: How tall are you?

-

Legend: Where are you going? Four: To get ice cream or commit a felony, I’ll decide on the way there

[dead-girl-prolific]

Ticci Toby + Personality Disorders and Mood Disorders

this is based off of @necroromantics post, i felt very inspired to share my thoughts on it, although it took me about 3-4 days to get done i had a lot of fun!

this is mainly about BPD and ASPD(one mention because i don't know a lot about ASPD as a whole) as far as personality disorders go, i know the most about those when it comes to personality disorders. out of mood disorders, to stay relevant to the original post it'll just be the two types of Bipolar disorder.

I chose these three disorders as my topic because they are the most common headcanon for his character(and my headcanons).

PSA:

SOME OF THIS INFORMATION COULD BE OUTDATED, i haven't researched Bipolar in 2-3 years so if anything is wrong i'd like to address the fact that i am NOT a professional! also some/most of this is personal experiences and researches i've done!

now that that's out of the way. let's start rambling!

What is bipolar disorder?

From someone whos lived with both parents struggling with BD (Bipolar Disorder) (my mom shows heavy signs of it, but is not diagnosed, my dad is) it is very much possible i could have it too, but both BPD and BD have a lot in common but are still very different (symptoms). They both have severe mood swings, They share some symptoms, such as depression and impulsive behavior. The main thing that separates them is that BPD is a Personality disorder and Bipolar is a Behavioral Mood Disorder. BD is characterized by periods of extreme highs and lows, known as manic and depressive episodes. BPD affects how individuals perceive and interact with the world around them.

They are very hard to differentiate in a patient and people usually get misdiagnosed, the symptoms are VERY similar which is why it isn’t common to diagnose minors. (it’s not impossible to be diagnosed with both as a minor.) (this is what my doctors have shared with me)

a little tangent- my dad was diagnosed with BD at a very young age (i’d say 12 or/to 16) and it was only diagnosed because he had several…”episodes” (he broke several laws and maybe/probably committed a few felonies.) i don’t know much about my dad’s past, but from what my grandpa and him have told me he’s been bailed out of jail/juvie a lot. He was not medicated because he didn’t like what the medications did to him, so that’s probably why he was so “EXTREME”.

His episodes lasted for a while sometimes 3-4 months or less, but my episodes (i have BPD) can last a few months as well(but around 2-3 months), because of clinical depression(major depressive episodes) which is a huge symptom of BPD, the longest episode i’ve had was maybe two and a half months and it happens a lot about once-twice a year, with no rhyme or reason. i'm looking into getting diagnosed with Bipolar Disorder because i have a lot of symptoms that concern me, but it's possible i was misdiagnosed with BPD(i doubt it because of the symptoms i experience) it is very much possible i could have both, which is why i need to figure it out, it's dangerous for me to not be medicated properly.

Does Toby canonically have bipolar?

If you don’t know enough about something (BD) you shouldn’t create a character with said things (BD) or at least do research before. In my opinion Toby has a personality disorder, although I cannot quite pinpoint which. If i could psycho-analyze (it’s been a while since i’ve taken a full blown look at the entirety of the character.) he most likely struggles with Bipolar but it was misdiagnosed with BPD he also shows some symptoms and traits of someone with ASPD. TECHNICALLY he has canonical BPD through his behavior, but the creator of his character "misdiagnosed" him and gave him Bipolar disorder, but it's totally okay to headcanon him with something else (or something more "fitting") or just projecting, all of it is fine to some extent.

Do you headcanon Toby to have bipolar?(or a personality disorder)

Yes, to put it simply he has potential to be a multi-faceted character, and I know a lot of people like to project onto creepypasta characters in general, as a coping skill. Toby is also “canonically” “Bipolar” i use both of those terms loosely. As someone with (possible) Bipolar and has lived around those with Bipolar I’d be open to writing his character with Bipolar, as an informed writer I would prefer people to at least do research on the subject before making assumptions on how the character would behave/think. Overall if the character’s experience is written well I wouldn't mind reading it. I do not condone misinformation, but i do condone learning about it for a passion project such as writing. As someone who hasn’t struggled with ASPD i don’t necessarily feel comfortable writing it but if i did a decent amount of research for the character and the disorder it could change my mind as long as i get outsider viewpoints.

How to properly write Toby with bipolar?

do not romanticize it not getting treated, as someone who struggles with a disorder not getting treated, it is definitely damaging to my mental and physical health. so writing for a character who isn't being treated for something is something i'm a bit iffy on- but if you do research and don't go overboard, it could end up being really good for awareness.

(i headcanon that he was originally on medication but he didn't take into account the fact that he needs his medications, so he basically fucked himself over and regrets it (subconsciously) after a manic episode of course)

there is an author(s) who does a really good job writing his character with Bipolar/BPD if you are interested in reading their work dm me!/inbox me!

maybe write about how his work relationships would be impacted, and how his friendships would be, his romantic relationships all of it, don't just focus on "ooo i'm mentally ill" it would not only affect him but it would also impact those around him by whether or not they know about his Bipolar disorder and if they know hes having an episode.

it would probably, a few times, get him caught by the law given the fact that people with bipolar are very indecisive and it would mostly be chalked up to him being like "this is wrong, i don't want to do this anymore" to "ARSON!!!" (bad analogy but you get it) his emotions and feelings on the matter of is job would fluctuate all the time, even while he's on the job. it leads him to be erratic and spontaneous. he isn't a very reliable partner, which is why he probably only goes on single missions.

i feel like if he were to be medicated it would be at the expense of Tim's medications since toby can't get his hands on other medications that are used for mood swings and such.

What do manic episodes look like? How would they effect Toby?

"Manic episodes are very intense highs in mood and energy. Despite what people say, real manic episodes are only experienced in people with bipolar disorder" @necroromantics

this is true, as someone with BPD, my "manic" episodes depend on someone that is my FP (favorite person) and when i am not having a "high" of energy i'm usually numb and my "manic" episodes are usually only an hour long or the amount of time that i am with my FP. BPD cannot get Manic.

although there are two branches of Bipolar, Bipolar 1 which is characterized as many manic episodes and less depressive episodes but Bipolar 2 is characterized as many major depressive episodes, that usually last a lot longer than the manic episodes. (this is worded as simply)

"A very real danger of manic episodes is that some people experience co-occurring psychosis alongside their episodes, such as delusions and hallucinations." @necroromantics

another thing Toby struggles with is hallucinations of his deceased sister Lyra.

"These highs can also lead to dangerous acts due to the recklessness and lack of proper judgement on whats safe/smart in that moment. There is also hypomania, which is a lesser, more mild form of mania." @necroromantics

you are mixing up both Bipolars... they are separated (from the studies i've done/researched)

Manic Episodes-

it would all depend on how exactly he feels/ the situation and how the writer decides to portray that. (if the writer is properly informed of course)

What do depressive episodes look like? How would they effect Toby?

 "They typically last longer than manic episodes, usually about 1+ months." @necroromantics

this depends on whether or not it's Bipolar 1 or Bipolar 2, this is the "definition" of a Bipolar 2 Depressive episode. bipolar 2 episodes can occur for longer than a month, that is correct. bipolar 1 has longer manic "highs" than bipolar 2, bipolar 2 barely gets manic "highs" and when they do it's not for very long. (from what my doctors have told me/what i've seen in my dad (he has bipolar 1))

as someone who has seen these symptoms and had them i can assure you they are not fun, especially dealing with them WITHOUT proper medications, although currently i am very "manic" and getting a lot of shit done, kinda like i'm on adderall rn lol.(that's the closest comparison i can make to how I AM feeling.)

"He would probably disappear for a bit, to be left alone, because he doesn't want to be around anybody. He would spend his time sleeping as much as he can, and then the rest of his time doing proxy work, and then going back to sleep." @necroromantics

i wouldn't say sleeping is all he's doing, when i have depressive episodes (which episodes are different for everyone) i tend to go off my diet, make a lot of other regrettable decisions(EX: relapse, forget important stuff, become more "lazy" etc.) that prolong my episode. but sleep can also be affected such as; getting too much sleep or struggling with sleeping (i.e waking up every hour to every few hours).

What are mixed episodes?

 "This can look like feeling super energetic, but also horribly hopeless and depressed, or being on top of the world one minute, and then wanting to off yourself the next. They are very intense, and dangerous. It feels like you're losing your mind, and you can't catch yourself." @necroromantics

i am going to add to this. not only will you be super energetic but you'll want to do so much but have no energy to do it, like lets say you had a great art idea, oc idea, and writing idea, but you would be too unmotivated to do any of it. sometimes you can't pinpoint what to feel/what you're feeling, and that's totally okay! confusing, annoying but still its completely okay.

I'm free to answer with my personal experience, and headcanons and prior knowledge of mental health about any creepypasta characters! DM me or inbox me!

[hellosadume]

"I've always questioned what everyone thinks is funny, or what I think of what it is... But I think I found the meaning of it... And I will plunge the world with the things I find hilarious." -Saturn Rocksli

~

Saturn Rockli is the second youngest child of her family, born from a mother with 10 different spouses with her father being one of them. Yet despite the lots of spouses in the polygamous household and many half siblings, Saturn had a decent life without any sorts of questions about the relations of her parents. The girl was mostly born normally, despite the fact that she was blessed by the Goddess of Chaos in her birth who had a connection with her father(Who himself was a chaotic man with several felonies, only for her mother to bail him out each time).

As a young child, she was once normal who had no despicable thoughts in her system.. that was until... the little girl found herself kidnapped during one of her playtimes by a band of an illegal circus family as she was forced to be a circus clown during her time there. The little girl found herself beaten and mentally abused through the acts of clownery, trying to dig in her mind of how she would act for everyone to find her "funny", in which... Disturbed her mind as a single question grew within her during these times.

"What do people consider funny?"

It took around 2 years until the illegal circus was caught by the authorities, causing those involved in the act to be arrested while the ones kidnapped were taken and traced to be sent back to their families, some having to be sent to a hospital due to the injuries they sustained, some having to be sent to a mental institute for rehabilitation due to the effects done by the circus.

The young child was sent to a child therapist during these events. It was unknown how it had affected her for some time from the event as the poor lass was silent for some time, though it didn't take until she found herself back in her feet... Somehow.

During the times of her being back home, the young child became somewhat... Unhinged in some ways, along with now slowly becoming one who is chaotic by nature, often turning the whole house upside down due to her constant needs for pranks and clownery. She is mostly seen smiling and laughing at things that she somewhat thinks are hilarious, despite that some of them were... Not at all that quite hilarious. Her humour slightly grew concerning over the years to the point where one of her mother's spouses called her a "Devil Child".

During these times, her chaotic energy grew as she became much more disturbed, finding her actions hilarious, which caught an interest in one of these... Students.

Things passed after that, she now found herself to be serving an entity that the so-called "Students" had recommended to her. The girl grew a persona in which she dressed as what she finds to be entertaining for her "audiences".

She was given all sorts of magic at her disposal due to the loyalty she had given to this entity, one of which suits her acts of clownery, and as well as the ability to go through different universes and timelines. Though despite this given ability, she found herself to target her own universe.

... To make the world funny and cause discord and chaos.

Art by Modsketc

[justinspoliticalcorner]

Jonathan Nicholson at HuffPost:

On the first night of their national convention, Democrats highlighted three stories of how abortion restrictions after Roe v. Wade was overturned had hurt women and couples, hoping to underscore the importance of reproductive rights in one of the most poignant presentations Monday night. The message: Abortion bans put lives at risk. Giving the stage over to one couple and two women who had experienced the harm of abortion hurdles in the prime-time window of the convention’s first night shows how important Democrats see the issue for Kamala Harris’ presidential race.

An Economist/YouGov poll taken from Aug. 11 to Aug. 13 found that 75% of respondents said abortion rights were “very” or “somewhat” important to them, with 81% of female respondents feeling that way. Former President Donald Trump, who is campaigning while out on bail after his felony convictions in New York state, has said the U.S. Supreme Court’s June 2022 decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization, which tossed out Roe’s almost 50-year precedent, was good because it sent the issue of abortion to the states rather than preserving a national right. But many states have enacted total or near-total bans on abortion, and others have made abortions conditional on medical diagnoses that the woman’s life is in danger, which in turn has led to women being denied treatment until they were close to dying. “Because of Donald Trump, more than one in three women of reproductive age in America lives under an abortion ban. A second Trump term would rip away even more of our rights,” said Amanda Zurawski, who stood with her husband, Josh, on an otherwise darkened stage to discuss her experience in Texas.

[...] Kaitlyn Joshua, who was denied care in Louisiana, said she had to go to several medical facilities to confirm she was miscarrying. “Two emergency rooms sent me away. Because of Louisiana’s abortion ban, no one would confirm that I was miscarrying. I was in pain, bleeding so much my husband feared for my life,” she said. “No women should experience what I endured but too many have.” Hadley Duvall of Kentucky, the third speaker, said she had been raped by her stepfather and became pregnant at the age of 12. “I can’t imagine not having a choice. But today that’s the reality for many women and girls across the country because of Donald Trump’s abortion bans,” she said. Kentucky is listed as one of the 14 states that now have a total ban on abortion, according to the Guttmacher Institute.

At the DNC Monday night, three women (alongside a man who was the husband of one of the speakers) who were harmed by their state’s abortion ban laws spoke the truths about how abortion bans harm women. #DNC2024 #DemConvention

[mcginnlawfirm]

How Much Does a Criminal Defense Attorney Cost?

When you face criminal charges, the last thing you want to worry about is the cost of hiring a defense attorney. Yet, understanding how much a criminal defense attorney costs is vital for financial planning and making an informed decision about legal representation. In this article, we’ll break down the various factors that affect the cost of hiring a criminal defense attorney and give you a clear picture of what to expect.

Understanding Criminal Defense Attorney Fees

The fees charged by criminal defense attorneys can vary significantly depending on several factors. It’s important to have a realistic understanding of what you might face when seeking legal help.

1. Hourly Rates vs. Flat Fees

Many criminal defense attorneys charge by the hour, which can range from $100 to over $500 per hour, based on their experience and the complexity of your case. Other attorneys may opt for a flat fee arrangement, which means you'll pay a fixed amount for their services. The flat fee can be appealing because it provides cost certainty, making budgeting easier.

2. Geographic Location Matters

The cost also fluctuates by geographic location. For instance, hiring a criminal defense attorney in a big city may be more expensive compared to a small town. McGinn Law Firm, conveniently located, offers competitive rates tailored to your case's needs and the area’s cost of living.

3. Experience and Reputation

An attorney's experience and reputation can significantly impact their fees. If you choose a highly experienced attorney with a proven track record of success, you should pay more. However, you may find value in their expertise, potentially leading to a better outcome in your case.

4. The Complexity of Your Case

The type and complexity of your case can also dictate the cost of legal representation. A straightforward misdemeanor might cost less than a serious felony case, which could require extensive research, expert witness testimony, and additional court appearances.

5. Retainer Fees

Some criminal defense attorneys, including those at McGinn Law Firm, may require a retainer fee upfront. This is an advance on the total costs and can cover initial services. Depending on the arrangement, the retainer may be replenished as the case progresses.

Additional Costs to Consider

Beyond the attorney's fees, there may be additional costs to keep in mind:

Court Fees may include filing fees, bail amounts, and other administrative expenses.

Expert Witnesses: If your case requires expert testimony, that adds another layer of costs.

Investigation Costs: There may be fees associated with gathering evidence or hiring private investigators.

Understanding these potential expenses helps you better prepare for the total financial commitment involved in your case.

Contact McGinn Law Firm for Clarity on Costs

Talking to a professional can clarify if you’re pondering how to navigate your legal matter or how much it will cost. At McGinn Law Firm, our knowledgeable team is here to discuss your situation and answer any questions about costs and legal representation.

Free Initial Consultation

We offer a free initial consultation to help you understand the costs and legal processes involved in your case. You can gain insight into your options without any financial obligation. If you're ready to discuss your case, contact us at McGinn Law Firm. Call our Divorce Lawyer at 712-328-1566 for your free initial consultation. We’re committed to helping you navigate this challenging time with honesty and expertise.

[sufferingwellspent]

One night a few months after Mom and my brother moved in, I was coming home with my best friends after dinner and as we pulled up towards my house we could see figures creeping around the house with flashlights looking into the windows of my house. Weirded out, and unthinkably stupid I had my friends let me out of the car a block from my house and I walked up to it, calling out if I could help them. I immediately had flashlights shinning into my eyes as the 2 men rushed up to me. They were police, wanting to know who I was and for my ID. Was I Lisa? Naively I said no, gave them my ID told them this was my house and that Mom was likely inside. They wanted inside and for the first time showing some brains I said I would go in to get her and refused to let them into the house. I walked in, back to the master bedroom and told mom to hide her weed the cops were here. She laughed, clearly thinking I was joking but I was not. In her pajamas she went outside, spoke with the cops for a moment before being arrested. Like a bad dream they loaded her into the cop car in her cartoon bunny pajamas and told me she would be taken to Lake county tonight, but would need to be transferred to orange county before she could be bailed out. 

I called my friends back, they drove me over to lake county where I tried to understand how a bond worked. After looking it all up I was told she was being held on multiple felonies including grand theft and check fraud. The bondman said that there were dozens of charges that each had a minimum we had to pay for the bond. As if someone listed the charges in a way that would intentionally set the highest bond. He gave me the total I would need and I was shocked. Not having that I had my friends drive me home. Stuart and I convened and added up what money the two of us had saved. Still not enough. Factoring the title to my car and the trailer still didn’t get us where we needed to be. At almost midnight I picked up the phone and called my grandparents. After having to explain that no I wasn’t joking and yes she had been arrested and how much money we needed I then got to learn how to pick up a Western Union check. Mom got to spend her birthday in jail as we spoke to the bondsman and collected every thing I owned to put on the line to get her out.  It should come as no surprise that this was Bryan. Scorned and refusing to be cast aside he twisted everything my mom did under his direction and made it seem like she was some kind of mastermind. The grand theft was taking the work truck, aka her only form of transportation after he told her not to renew her lease, to make grocery runs for his family. Thanks to the help of a public defender, my Mom was found guilty of the charges and was labeled a felon. She could no longer take a job as a bookkeeper, or run a register at any other store thanks to her charges. 

  After a year or so being the only person working in the house, with all my savings having run dry I needed to get away.  Hoping that me being away would be the spark Mom needed to get out there and find another job I planned to move. After a few months planning, I packed up my belongings into my car and moved back to Key West with my Dad.  There I worked 3 jobs, saving as much money as I possible could and paid off my car. I visited with my grand parents, hung out with my cousin and tried to form a relationship with my Dad to no avail. After about 10 months, I was burned out and exhausted. Tired from constant bickering with my Dad. I packed up my stuff and moved back to Sorrento. 

Just like last time, when I arrived back I was stunned by how much weight my brother had lost. Especially now that he lived so far from any town he had no good options to get food. I moved back onto the sunroom, slept for a few days and then got back to the grind. Mom had gotten a job, but it was only part time as a stocker at a small local grocer. I had gotten a transfer from the Sears in Key West, to the Sears near me and started up in their electronics department.   

I had gotten into electronic sales at the ideal time. Flat screens were becoming a thing people wanted, the prices had come down a little bit but CRT tvs were still being sold and people did not really trust that the flat screens would last. Hence, Protection agreements.  Even being a mediocre salesperson, people WANTED to buy the protection agreements for flat screens. In Key West it had been super easy, we were one of only 2 places in town that sold tvs and we were closer to Cuba than the nearest Walmart. Once I moved back to Orlando, you could buy a tv anywhere. Additionally, the department was already stuffed full of salespeople, so shifts were slim and the profits were meager. I started working part time as a stocker for Old Navy, helping to unload the trucks and put the clothes out on the floor. But I wasn’t scheduled consistently and eventually that just fell away. 

So when an opportunity to work overnights as security at the airport popped up, I took it. This was in the time where, I was very cutting edge with a portable dvd player and a hand full of disks I could watch. But otherwise, the night shift was a lonely one out on the dark tarmac. Every couple of hours a truck would come by and I’d write down the info for the people on board and where they were headed but that was about it.  The new routine was working at Sears from 3-9, grabbing some frozen food from 7-11 with a Big Gulp of soda and getting to the airport by 11. That shift would run from 11p-7a, then I’d drive the hour home and sleep before popping up to do it over again. 

Thinking I didn’t have enough to do, I took another job. I went back to the dog training facility I had been working at before I left. My friend was the manager again, she said the owners were coming in very little these days and I wouldn’t have to the deal with them anymore. 

This meant that I was working 2 jobs 6 days a week. With Sears being before the night shift at the library and dog training being in the morning after the night shift in the library.  And on super fun days, I’d work all 3.  

Over time this obviously became something I wasn’t able to continue. Sears fell away first, then the airport gig leaving just the Dog Training again.  Over 10 years I worked that job, from a kennel tech, to apprentice to trainer. The job was incredibly rewarding and gave me the opportunity to travel to places and experience things I never would have been able to afford to do or would have had to will to chance. The owner though, were vindictive self centered people who ultimately became so concerned with their own wealth rather than the care of the dogs that it was impossible to move forward. When the two of them divorced they tore the company to pieces to spite each other and the next chapter of my life began.

Knowing the company was flailing, I took a ‘Casual’ position at Disney as a photographer. I had never used a DSLR before, but did have a passion for taking photos. When I mentioned that in the interview, the hiring manager smiled and said he wouldn’t be able to hire me for photographer but that we could look into food services. Disappointed I agreed but then remembered I had brought a portfolio and offered it to him to review. It worked, and the portfolio was enough to get me the gig taking photos.  The cool thing was being a casual employee at this time at Disney, was you were asked what your availablity was, and then you may or may not be scheduled to work. However, you could also ‘pick up’ other peoples shifts so you really had the ability to adjust your hours at will. Additionally, the stay ‘casual’ you had to work at least 80 hours a year. That status came with the perk of being able to get into parks and have a cast member discount which was pretty nice.  The issue for me, was Disney is an hour away at the best of times, and upwards of 2 hours away in the worst of times. You’d have the park in the employee lot, scan in, take a bus to property, walk some more to base before actually clocking in. It was a lot of prep and when you’re starting out a lot of your shifts are the ‘breaker’ shifts for full time cast members. So you could be scheduled to come in for 4 hours so everyone could rotate out of their breaks.  You’d work less than you drove for a shift.  Other times you’d really win out and could pick up someones 10 hour character shift, and those days were epically glorious. 

I was based out of Animal Kingdom and the only thing you really need to know about it, is that it’s wildly humid all the time.  My first week I wore a hair band to keep the fly aways out of my face under my hat. I started to notice my scalp was sensitive and that night we discovered that under the band was now a ring of heat pimples from lack of air flow.  Our uniform was navy blue shorts or pants, a belt, a white undershirt, a button up white shirt, a khaki vest and a floppy hat.  We also carried our cameras with flashes, a PDA like a brick, a scanner that was wired to the PDA and a pouch full of extra batteries for our camera and flash.  We also had a bottle of water wrapped in black neoprene and pockets full of additional cards to scan the photos we took incase the customer didn’t have one yet or a wristband. 

It didn’t take long to become tired.  The downside of being a casual photographer is you don’t get to know anybody. You work alone out in the park, you go to break with a bunch of people from all over that you don’t know, and since you’re only in once or twice a month you may not even encounter the same people at base.  Especially coming from Dog Training, where I worked with 3 people every single day, where we worked hard with and for each other. Where we celebrated and teased each other and commiserated over drinks and wings at the end of a hard week. Traveling across the country together, sometimes to other countries and depended on each other each day…this was a shock. 

Once Dog Training fully ended, and available good shifts at Disney started to dwindle I had to look for a full time job. I found myself the University of DogLand. A hybrid training, daycare, enrichment facility with big aspirations. I submitted an application, did a phone interview, and then the owner asked me to come see her for an in person interview.  However, she had recently had a baby and asked if I would come to her home to do the final interview.  I agreed and drove out to her place, getting an idea of how long a commute this was going to be for me.  A hefty one. I arrived at her home, was let inside by her husband and then shown to, strangely, her bedroom. Her husband left and I stood awkward at the foot of her bed while the owner had a serious business discussion with me, a baby nursing from her as she was tucked into bed, reclining against the headboard.  This wasn’t a quick meeting, but ran nearly 2 hours as I was grilled about my experience, told that training experience was actual a detriment to learning the DogLand way.  I heard about the dreams of the owner for DogLand, of having 40 acres with trails that dogs could roam freely, get dirty and be dogs. It seemed wonderful and crazy. The idea of managing dozens of animals over acres was terrifying and thrilling to consider. Her passion took me over, I suddenly desperately wanted to be a part of this wild idea, all the while I slowly became ambivalent to seeing my new boss breastfeed.  This should have been a sign, and indeed was a very good indication of how things would unfold for me here. 

Around my second year with DogLand, I had left Disney because I wasn’t able to make the 80 hour a year cutoff. I was working just at DogLand but was running myself into the ground.  Shifts started at 6 each morning, which meant I had to be up by 4am and on the road by 4:30. I paid over 10$ in tolls each way, and then would work dogs across 4 acres. By the end of an average day I had walked 15 miles.  Lunch was taken as a group but you had to still manage all the dogs during that time so you weren’t really off. Then bathing up to 15 dogs and blowing out every dog on property after a day in the field. Then training which could last until 10pm. Drive home. Sleep. Do it again. All without insurance, paid time off or holidays. Rain, heat, frost or shine you were outside with the dogs. 

I knew this was not long term, my previous training was more of a hinderance than a bonus to the owner and despite good reviews I was still making less than I had been at the original dog training place.  I went in search of my ‘Big Girl’ job, one I could see myself retiring from. I found the library. 

[swagkingcowboy]

How Domestic Violence Cases Influence the Bond Process in Los Angeles

Introduction

Domestic physical violence is a prevalent problem that affects countless individuals and family members. In Los Angeles, as in many cities throughout the USA, the lawful ramifications can be extreme. When an individual is apprehended for domestic violence, the bond process becomes a critical action towards their release from custodianship. Understanding just how domestic physical violence instances influence this process is vital for anyone included, whether you're a target, an accused person, or a concerned member of the family. This short article will certainly delve into the nuances of bail in cases of residential physical violence in Los Angeles, examining every little thing from bail bonds to details legal considerations and prospective outcomes.

How Residential Violence Instances Impact the Bond Refine in Los Angeles

When somebody is detained for residential violence in Los Angeles, numerous aspects influence just how the bail procedure unfolds. The nature of the claims plays a substantial function in identifying whether bond will https://abbabailbonds.com/bail-bonds-riverside-county-riverside-location be granted and at what quantity. Courts usually take these cases extremely seriously as a result of their potential for ongoing harm to targets and youngsters involved.

Understanding Residential Violence Laws in California

California has rigorous laws relating to domestic physical violence, which includes physical injury, psychological abuse, and even threats of violence against intimate companions or family members. These legislations not just determine how cases are prosecuted but likewise influence decisions made throughout the bail process.

Types of Residential Violence Charges Misdemeanor Residential Violence: Frequently includes less severe incidents like pushing or slapping. Felony Residential Violence: Generally entails severe injuries or risks with a weapon. Child Endangerment: Charges may arise if children are present throughout incidents.

Understanding these distinctions is essential because they can considerably affect bond eligibility and amounts.

Determining Factors for Bond Amounts in Residential Physical Violence Cases

The court considers different elements when determining bond amounts in domestic physical violence cases:

Severity of Allegations: Much more extreme complaints cause greater bond amounts. Criminal History: Previous sentences can cause harsher conditions. Threat Level: If there's viewed threat to targets or witnesses, bond may be refuted altogether. Bail Bonds Los Angeles-- What Are They?

Bail bonds are economic agreements between offenders and bonding business that enable individuals to protect their launch prior to trial by paying a portion of their overall bail amount. In Los Angeles, many choices exist for safeguarding these bonds.

Types of Bail Bonds Available $99 Down Bail Bonds: A reduced upfront settlement alternative created for those that may battle financially. $500 Bond Bonds: Standard rates that cover moderate offenses. Million Buck Bond Bonds: Reserved for high-stakes cases in

[davidpwilson2564]

Bloglet

Friday, November 1, 2024

A happy Dewali, to those who observe it. Now that Halloween is over maybe my local grocery store will take down some of the graveyard trappings ("Rest in Peace" etc.) Too morbid for an old guy like me.

More insults from the Trump camp. He suggests that Liz Cheney is a chicken hawk, wanting war. Says Liz should go into battle. Should be shot at. Funny for him (the coward of all time) to say. A man whose, uh, bone spurs kept him from serving.

It is said that Trump may have violated his bail agreement by having made what sounded so much like a death threat. It's woefully complicated but in a felony case, we are told, someone awaiting sentencing cannot pose a danger to the community, or to even one person. Trump has never followed any rules. And Trumpists carry signs that say "I'm for the felon."

The weather is ideal.

Election time draws ever nearer. A friend suggests there could be a civil war. Trump is expected to announce his victory on Wednesday morning.

Donald on the campaign trail, sounding ever more wacky and deranged. Odd how certain words have found a place in the verbal battle, and become cudgels. "Weird"..."Fascist"..."garbage." That last one getting quite a ride, with Donnie dressed as a garbage man.

Evening: Pre Marathon fireworks in Central Park. A yearly event ; We are told there will be 50,000 participants.

[attheheartofwriting]

How Much is a Bail Bond? Breaking Down the Costs and Fees

Determining how much is a bail bond costs is essential for anyone navigating the legal system. The cost of a bail bond typically varies based on several factors, including the type of crime, the bail amount set by the court, and the state’s regulations. Generally, bail bonds are priced at a percentage of the total bail amount, usually between 10% and 15%. Additional fees may apply, such as service charges or collateral requirements. It’s important to consult with a licensed bail bondsman to understand the exact cost in your specific situation. Knowing how much a bail bond will cost can help you make informed decisions and plan accordingly during a legal emergency.

How Much is a Bail Bond? Factors Affecting the Cost 

Understanding how much is a bail bond costs involves considering various factors that influence the final price. Typically, the cost of a bail bond is a percentage of the total bail amount set by the court, usually ranging from 10% to 15%. Factors such as the severity of the offense, the defendant's criminal history, and flight risk can affect this percentage. Additionally, local regulations and the bail bond agency’s policies may introduce variations in cost. For example, a more serious charge or a high bail amount could lead to higher costs or additional fees. Consulting with a bail bondsman can provide a clearer understanding of how much a bail bond will cost based on your specific situation.

How Much is a Bail Bond for Misdemeanors vs. Felonies? 

When determining how much is a bail bond costs, it’s crucial to distinguish between misdemeanors and felonies. Generally, bail for misdemeanors is lower compared to felonies due to the perceived lower risk and severity of the offense. The cost of a bail bond for a misdemeanor may be lower, often around 10% of the bail amount. Conversely, felonies usually involve higher bail amounts and thus higher bail bond costs, which can be around 15% or more. The specific charge and associated risks also play a role. Understanding how much a bail bond is for different types of offenses can help in planning and budgeting for legal proceedings.

How Much is a Bail Bond in Different States? 

The cost of a bail bond varies significantly across different states due to differing regulations and legal practices. In some states, the percentage charged for a bail bond may be regulated by law, while others allow bail bond companies to set their rates within certain limits. For instance, California might have a standard rate of 10%, whereas New York could have a different percentage or additional fees. Additionally, state-specific factors such as the nature of the offense and local regulations impact the total cost. Understanding how much is a bail bond costs in different states is essential for accurately anticipating expenses during legal situations.

How Much is a Bail Bond if You Have Bad Credit?

If you have bad credit, you might wonder how much is a bail bond will cost you. While your credit score does not directly impact the percentage charged for a bail bond, it can affect the terms and conditions set by the bail bond agency. Agencies might require collateral or additional fees to mitigate the risk associated with bad credit. This could increase the overall cost of securing a bail bond. It’s important to discuss your financial situation with the bail bondsman to understand how much a bail bond will be under these circumstances and explore available options.

How Much is a Bail Bond When Collateral is Required?

When collateral is required for a bail bond, the cost can be higher due to additional requirements. Typically, bail bonds are priced at a percentage of the bail amount, but if collateral is needed, it’s usually to secure the bond or reduce the risk for the bail bond company. This means you might need to provide assets such as property or vehicles as security, which can impact the overall cost. Understanding how much is a bail bond will be when collateral is involved helps in preparing for the financial commitment and ensuring you meet the conditions set by the bail bond agency.

How Much is a Bail Bond for High Bail Amounts? 

The cost of a bail bond for high bail amounts is generally proportionate to the bail set by the court. For high bail amounts, the percentage charged by bail bond companies remains consistent, typically between 10% and 15%. However, the overall cost can be substantial due to the higher base amount. For instance, if the bail is set at $100,000, a 10% bond would cost $10,000. This significant cost reflects the risk and responsibility assumed by the bail bond company. Understanding how much is a bail bond will cost for high bail amounts can help in preparing financially for such situations.

How Much is a Bail Bond Understanding Upfront Costs? 

Understanding how much is a bail bond will cost includes knowing the upfront costs involved. Typically, bail bonds are priced as a percentage of the total bail amount, but additional fees may apply. These fees could include administrative costs, processing charges, or service fees. It’s important to clarify these costs with the bail bond agency before committing. Knowing the full range of upfront costs helps in budgeting and ensures there are no unexpected financial burdens during the bail process. A clear understanding of how much a bail bond will cost, including any extra fees, can facilitate smoother legal proceedings.

Conclusion

Determining how much is a bail bond costs involves considering various factors such as the type of offense, location, and specific requirements set by the bail bond agency. Costs generally include a percentage of the total bail amount, typically ranging from 10% to 15%, with potential additional fees for collateral or expedited services. By understanding these elements, you can better prepare financially and make informed decisions during a legal emergency. Consulting with a licensed bail bondsman will provide precise information tailored to your situation, ensuring you are fully aware of the costs and requirements involved.

[getlegalattorney]

Understanding Felony and Its Charges

Few words in the legal sphere conjure up as much seriousness and ramifications as "felony." With its origins firmly ingrained in judicial systems across the globe, a felony represents more than just a misdemeanor; it is an act of great social transgression that frequently carries heavy consequences.

Felons include a wide range of misconduct, from violent crimes to white-collar crimes, and each one necessitates a close investigation of the evidence, the offender's motive, and the consequences. These crimes, which lie on the line between misdemeanors and felonies, represent a turning point in the legal system where the consequences of illegal activity become more serious.

What Is a Felony?

A serious offense for which a person may get a sentence of more than one year in prison is referred to as a "felony." In addition, a prisoner serving a term for a felony is normally housed in a state or federal prison as opposed to a local or county jail.

How Does a Felony Differ from Other Types of Crimes?

There are many ways that felony charges differ from those of other criminal prosecutions:

If you are found guilty of a felony, you may be arrested and held in custody right away. You would also probably need to post bail in order to be freed. Arrest and detention are also possible outcomes of misdemeanor charges (not only violations).

A convicted felon may get the death sentence in states where it is legal. Convictions for misdemeanors do not allow for the death penalty.

You can ask the court to assign an attorney to represent you pro bono, or at no expense to you, if you are accused with a felony but cannot afford legal representation. Generally speaking, defendants in minor cases are not entitled to court-appointed legal counsel.

When a felony is committed, the fines imposed might be far greater than when a misdemeanor or infraction is committed. While some misdemeanor convictions in some places, including Alaska, may result in fines of up to $25,000, felonies can carry fines of up to hundreds of thousands of dollars.

Expungements of felonies are much more difficult, if not impossible, to obtain, and usually require a longer waiting period before the court will grant the request.

While a conviction on a misdemeanor may result in probation once the term is completed, a conviction on a felony has extra lifetime restrictions in addition to probation:

A convicted felon may lose the right to vote.

A convicted felon may not be able to hold public office.

A convicted felon may be prevented from owning firearms or certain other weapons.

A convicted felon may be prohibited from holding a professional license.

A grand jury must be called and it must return an indictment in every federal felony proceeding. A grand jury indictment is another need that some states, but not all, have in order to move on with a felony trial.

What Crimes Are Typically Charged as Felonies?

A wide array of criminal wrongs are almost always charged as felonies:

Violent crimes

Homicide offenses, including first-degree murder, second-degree murder, and manslaughter

Robbery—committing a theft through the threat or use of force

Burglary—entering a building or home with the intention of committing a theft offense

Serious sexual offenses, such as rape, human trafficking, child molestation, and child pornography

Serious drug crimes, including manufacturing or cultivating controlled substances, distribution, sale, and trafficking

Property crimes, including malicious destruction, arson, misappropriation of property, and grand theft

White collar crimes, such as fraud, misrepresentation, identity theft, embezzlement, securities fraud, and tax evasion

Can the Same Criminal Act Be Prosecuted as a Misdemeanor or a Felony?

Yes, there are situations where a misdemeanor can rise to the level of a felony and be charged as such:

Statutes frequently provide prosecutors the option to press either misdemeanor or felony charges against a repeat offender. This procedure is frequently used on repeat DUI/DWI offenders.

If the victim falls within one of certain categories—such as being a kid, having mental health issues, or working as a law enforcement officer or other public official—a crime that would normally be charged as a felony.

Depending on whether the defendant's conduct were deemed aggravated or done with wanton disregard for the worth of human life, certain offenses may be classified as felonies or misdemeanors. For instance, if the defendant utilized a gun or other weapon, ordinary assault might escalate to felonious assault.

[amistadbailbonds]

Shoplifting in North Carolina: What if You Are Caught?

Okay, if you have to name some of the most frequent crimes in North Carolina, shoplifting would probably top the list. Do you have any idea that 10% of American citizens have said that they have shoplifted at least once in their lives, what’s shocking is for many, shoplifting is a weekly or even a daily habit. Yes, if you are arrested for shoplifting, a North Carolina bondsman can help you get out of jail before your trial, but do you know what should you do when you are caught for shoplifting? Well, here’s a brief! 

What is Shoplifting?

Most people don’t realize that shoplifting can change their life and send them to jail. Some individuals shoplift for financial issues, whereas others do it because they enjoy the rush, but this small crime that doesn’t seem like a big deal can have a serious impact on the shoplifter’s life. Let’s be clear shoplifting doesn’t just mean pocketing candy or something tiny and walking out of the store without paying for it; it means cops arresting you for theft in a store. 

In North Carolina, shoplifting falls under the broader category of larceny, which involves the unlawful taking of someone else's property. Shoplifting can encompass various actions, including concealing items, altering price tags, or simply leaving the store without paying for merchandise.

What after you are caught?

When you are caught shoplifting, several things could happen after that point:

You may be allowed to leave with a warning.

The store might ask you to fill out paperwork and/or ban you from ever returning to the store.

Depending on how much you stole, the store can ask you to compensate for the product.

Or in the worst-case scenario, they can call the cops.

Penalties for Shoplifting

If you are caught shoplifting in NC, the severity of the penalties typically depends on the value of the stolen goods or your prior criminal record. Typically, for first-time offenders, and low-value thefts, the consequences encompass minor fines, community service, or probation. However, for larger thefts or repeated offenses, the penalties can escalate to felony or misdemeanor charges and potentially lead to imprisonment. 

Legal Procedures When You Are Caught: 

When you are apprehended for shoplifting in NC, the store has the right to detain you and involve law enforcement. In such situations, it's imperative on your part to remain calm and cooperative. After that, you will be issued a citation or a Notice to Appear, which indicates a date for a court appearance. You must take this notice seriously and appear before the court as instructed. 

Apart from criminal charges, individuals caught shoplifting in North Carolina might also face civil penalties. Storeowners have the option to pursue civil claims to recover damages resulting from the theft, and this could involve paying for the stolen items, compensating for any damages caused during the incident, and covering the store’s legal fees.

Conclusion

Shoplifting charges can be severe, but they can be even more critical when it’s associated with an illegal immigrant. Whether you are associated with an immigration violationor arrested for shoplifting, feel free to reach out to the North Carolina bail bondsmanat Amistad Bail and Immigration Bonds, and they can help you understand everything surrounding bail bonds. Need more information, or want to schedule a consultation with a Raleigh, NC bail bondsman? Contact us today!

Blog Source: https://www.amistadbailbonds.com/shoplifting-in-north-carolina-what-if-you-are-caught/

[xtruss]

What Happened When the U.S. Failed to Prosecute an Insurrectionist Ex-President

After the Civil War, Jefferson Davis, the President of the Confederacy, was to be tried for treason. Does the debacle hold lessons for the trials awaiting Donald Trump?

— By Jill Lepore | December 4, 2023

Trump Looking at a Statue of Jefferson Davis. The American Presidency is draped in a cloak of impunity. If Davis had been tried and convicted, things might have been different. Illustration by Barry Blitt

Jefferson Davis, the half-blind ex-President of the Confederate States of America, leaned on a cane as he hobbled into a federal courthouse in Richmond, Virginia. Only days before, a Chicago Tribune reporter, who’d met Davis on the boat ride to Richmond, had written that “his step is light and elastic.” But in court, facing trial for treason, Davis, fifty-eight, gave every appearance of being bent and broken. A reporter from Kentucky described him as “a gaunt and feeble-looking man,” wearing a soft black hat and a sober black suit, as if he were a corpse. He’d spent two years in a military prison. He wanted to be released. A good many Americans wanted him dead. “We’ll hang Jeff Davis from a sour-apple tree,” they sang to the tune of “John Brown’s Body.”c

Davis knew the courthouse well. Richmond had been the capital of the Confederacy and the courthouse its headquarters. The rebel President and his cabinet had used the courtroom as a war room, covering its walls with maps. He’d used the judge’s chambers as his Presidential office. He’d last left that room on the night of April 2, 1865, while Richmond fell.

Two years later, when Davis doddered into that courtroom, many of the faces he saw were Black. Among the two hundred spectators, a quarter were Black freedmen. And then the grand jury filed in. Six of its eighteen members were Black, the first Black men to serve on a federal grand jury. Fields Cook, born a slave, was a Baptist minister. John Oliver, born free, had spent much of his life in Boston. George Lewis Seaton’s mother, Lucinda, had been enslaved at Mount Vernon. Cornelius Liggan Harris, a Black shoemaker, later recalled how, when he took his seat with the grand jury and eyed the defendant, “he looked on me and smiled.”

Not many minutes later, Davis walked out a free man, released on bail. And not too many months after that the federal government’s case against him fell apart. There’s no real consensus about why. The explanation that Davis’s lawyer Charles O’Conor liked best had to do with Section 3 of the Fourteenth Amendment, known as the disqualification clause, which bars from federal office anyone who has ever taken an oath to uphold the Constitution of the United States and later “engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof.” O’Conor argued that Section 3’s ban on holding office was a form of punishment and that to try Davis for treason would therefore amount to double jeopardy. It’s a different kind of jeopardy lately. In the aftermath of the insurrection at the Capitol on January 6, 2021, legal scholars, including leading conservatives, have argued that the clause disqualifies Donald Trump from running for President. Challenges calling for Trump’s name to be blocked from ballots have been filed in twenty-eight states. Eleven cases have been dismissed by courts or voluntarily withdrawn. The Supreme Court might have the final say.

The American Presidency is draped in a red-white-and-blue cloak of impunity. Trump is the first President to have been impeached twice and the first ex-President to have been criminally indicted. If he’s convicted and sentenced and—unlikeliest of all—goes to prison, he will be the first in those dishonors, too. He faces four criminal trials, for a total of ninety-one felony charges. Thirty-four of those charges concern the alleged Stormy Daniels coverup, forty address Trump’s handling of classified documents containing national-defense information, and the remainder, divided between a federal case in Washington, D.C., and a state case in Georgia, relate to his efforts to overturn the 2020 Presidential election, including by inciting an armed insurrection to halt the certification of the Electoral College vote by a joint session of Congress. His very infamy is unprecedented.

The insurrection at the Capitol cost seven lives. The Civil War cost seven hundred thousand. And yet Jefferson Davis was never held responsible for any of those deaths. His failed conviction leaves no trail. Still, it had consequences. If Davis had been tried and convicted, the cloak of Presidential impunity would be flimsier. Leniency for Davis also bolstered the cause of white supremacy. First elected to the Senate, from Mississippi, in 1848, Davis believed in slavery, states’ rights, and secession, three ideas in one. Every state had a right to secede, Davis insisted in his farewell address to the Senate, in 1861, and Mississippi had every reason to because “the theory that all men are created free and equal” had been “made the basis of an attack upon her social institutions,” meaning slavery. Weeks later, Davis became the President of the Confederacy. His Vice-President, Alexander Stephens, said that the cornerstone of the new government “rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man.” Trump could win his Lost Cause, too.

Davis fled Richmond seven days before Robert E. Lee surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox. “I’m bound to oppose the escape of Jeff. Davis,” Abraham Lincoln reportedly told General William Tecumseh Sherman, “but if you could manage to have him slip out unbeknownst-like, I guess it wouldn’t hurt me much.” After Lincoln was shot and killed, on April 15th, his successor, Andrew Johnson, issued a proclamation charging that Lincoln’s assassination had been “incited, concerted, and procured by” Davis and offering a reward of a hundred thousand dollars for his arrest.

Union troops captured Davis in Georgia on May 10th as he attempted to sneak out of a tent while wearing his wife’s shawl. He was conveyed to a military prison in Virginia. Captain Henry Wirz, who had served as the commandant of an infamous Confederate prison in Andersonville, Georgia, where thirteen thousand Union soldiers died of starvation and exposure, was captured three days before Davis. Tried before a military commission, Wirz was found guilty and hanged.

From the start, the prosecution of the former rebel President was more complicated. “I never cease to regret that Jeff. Davis was not shot at the time of his capture,” the dauntless Massachusetts senator Charles Sumner said. Sumner wanted Davis tried, like Wirz, before a military commission. “I am anxiously looking forward to Jefferson Davis’s Trial,” the Columbia law professor Francis Lieber wrote to Sumner at the close of Wirz’s trial. But “suppose he is not found guilty; is he not, in that case, completely restored to his citizenship, and will he not sit by your side again in the Senate? And be the Democratic candidate for the next presidency? I do not joke.”

Lieber, who grew up in Prussia, had taught at South Carolina College for twenty years before moving to Columbia, in 1857. “Behold in me the symbol of civil war,” he once wrote. A son of his who fought for the Confederacy had been killed; another, who fought for the Union, had lost an arm. During the war, Lieber had prepared a set of rules of war that Lincoln issued as General Orders 100, better known as the Lieber Code. (It later formed the framework of the Geneva Convention.) Edwin Stanton, the Secretary of War, appointed Lieber to head the newly created Archive Office, charged with collecting Confederate records. Lieber fully expected to find evidence showing a “perfect connexion” between Davis and Lincoln’s assassination. That evidence was not forthcoming. Johnson vacillated, but by the end of 1865 he decided that he wanted Davis tried not for war crimes but for treason.

The Constitution defines treason as levying war against the United States or giving aid and comfort to its enemies. If Davis couldn’t be convicted of treason, the Philadelphia Inquirer remarked, “we may as well . . . expunge at once the word from our dictionaries.” Although Congress had modified the definition of treason in 1862, there remained ambiguity about what distinguished it from rebellion or insurrection. Lieber hoped that the prosecution would “stamp treason as treason,” but he was worried. “The whole Rebellion is beyond the Constitution,” he maintained. “The Constitution was not made for such a state of things.” In 1864, he quietly circulated to Congress a list of proposed constitutional amendments, including one that would end slavery, or what became the Thirteenth Amendment. (“Let us have no ‘slavery is dead,’ ” he wrote to Sumner. “It is not dead. Nothing is dead until it is killed.”) He also proposed an amendment guaranteeing equal rights regardless of race, or what became the Fourteenth Amendment. And he proposed an amendment clarifying the relationship between treason and rebellion: “It shall be a high crime directly to incite to armed resistance to the authority of the United States, or to establish or to join Societies or Combinations, secret or public, the object of which is to offer armed resistance to the authority of the United States, or to prepare for the same by collecting arms, organizing men, or otherwise.” Lieber’s Insurrection Amendment was never ratified. If it had been, Americans would live in a very different country.

Can Donald Trump get a fair trial? Is trying Trump the best thing for the nation? Is the possibility of acquittal worth the risk? Every trial on charges related to the insurrection gives him a stage for making the case that he won the 2020 election, any acquittal will be taken as a vindication, and his supporters will question the legitimacy of any conviction. But failure to try him is an affront not only to democracy but to decency.

In 1865, plenty of Americans wanted Davis tried without delay. A rope-maker from Illinois wrote to Johnson, volunteering to make the rope to hang him. But U.S. Attorney General James Speed, belying his name, wanted to slow things down. Americans were still mourning Lincoln and all that they had lost in the war. Speed, cautious by nature, wanted temperatures to cool. Many feared that bringing Davis to trial risked handing a rather stunning victory to the defeated Confederacy, as the legal historian Cynthia Nicoletti argued in a brilliant and exhaustively researched 2017 book, “Secession on Trial: The Treason Prosecution of Jefferson Davis.” To a charge of treason, Davis was expected to respond that he had forfeited his American citizenship when Mississippi seceded from the United States, and you cannot commit treason against another country. According to Nicoletti, the worry that an acquittal would have established the constitutionality of secession meant that interest in prosecuting Davis simply evaporated. There are other views. In a 2019 book, “Treason on Trial: The United States v. Jefferson Davis,” Robert Icenhauer-Ramirez, a former criminal-defense attorney, wrote that the prosecution unravelled because the men involved in it had towering political ambitions and were unwilling to risk losing so prominent a case. Neither explanation covers all the facts.

One hurdle had to do with the venue. Johnson’s advisers disagreed about whether a military commission could, in peacetime, conduct a trial for treason. For the sake of both fairness and political legitimacy, it seemed safest to conduct the trial in a civilian court. That would require holding the trial where Davis had allegedly committed the crime, which meant Richmond. But what jury in the former capital of the Confederacy would possibly convict Davis of treason?

Lieber proposed a constitutional amendment to deal with this problem, too. One draft read, “Trials for Treason or Sedition shall be in the State or district in which they shall have been committed unless the administration of justice in the respective State or district shall have been impeded by the state of things caused by the commission of the criminal acts which are to be tried.” In other words, you shouldn’t have to try someone for treason in a state where you can’t possibly convict him of treason. That proposal went nowhere. A doctrine called “constructive presence,” which informed the 1807 prosecution of Aaron Burr, might have argued for holding the trial in a Northern state—the governor of Indiana, for instance, volunteered to try Davis in his state, where the Confederate Army had marauded. But Speed, exercising the greatest possible caution, resolved that the case would be tried in Richmond, partly because Salmon P. Chase, the Chief Justice of the United States, was on the U.S. circuit court in Richmond. (At the time, Supreme Court Justices rode circuit.) Chase, who had previously served Ohio as a U.S. senator and as its governor, was best known for his abolitionism (people called him “the attorney general for fugitive slaves”) and for his ambition (he was, it was said, as “ambitious as Julius Caesar”). In 1864, even while he was Lincoln’s Secretary of the Treasury, he had sought the Republican nomination for President, after which Lincoln accepted his resignation and nominated him to the Supreme Court. Speed hoped that Chase’s presence on the bench at the Davis trial, alongside a district-court judge, would provide the proper degree of authority and solemnity. This didn’t solve the jury problem.

Then there was the question of the lawyers. Speed assigned the case to the federal district attorney for the Eastern District of Virginia, Lucius H. Chandler, who had virtually no trial experience. Having moved to Virginia from Maine, and never having supported the Confederacy, Chandler was one of only two lawyers in Virginia who had not been disqualified from practicing in federal court in Richmond owing to disloyalty. Speed brought in the New York lawyer William Evarts to direct the prosecution. Evarts, nearly as ambitious as Chase, was happy to participate in what he called “the greatest criminal trial of the age.” But he left the legwork to Chandler.

Davis, still in military prison, arranged for his wife, Varina, to retain Charles O’Conor, the celebrated New York trial lawyer and pro-slavery Confederate sympathizer. “I have not left a stone unturned under which there crept a living thing,” O’Conor liked to say. He was among the most famous lawyers in the country; he was also despised by Black Americans. An editorial in a Black newspaper based in San Francisco declared that he was “as great a traitor as Jeff Davis.” O’Conor’s strategy for his new client was to delay a trial for as long as possible, while the national mood cooled. Luckily for O’Conor, slow-rolling is what Speed wanted, too.

Lieber was not wrong to worry that Davis could run for President. In January, 1866, Alexander Stephens, the former Vice-President of the Confederacy, was elected to the Senate. Two former Confederate senators and four former Confederate congressmen had also been sent to the Thirty-ninth Congress, which had convened the previous month for its second session. The clerk refused to call their names at roll, and they were never sworn in. But their presence made clear the need for measures keeping “from positions of public trust of, at least, a portion of those whose crimes have proved them to be enemies to the Union, and unworthy of public confidence,” as a congressional committee wrote.

A fifteen-man Joint Committee on Reconstruction began considering proposals to disqualify former Confederates from federal office and, at the same time, to guarantee the equal citizenship of freedmen. In January, 1866, the committee held hearings to inquire into the delay in prosecuting Davis, and called the Virginia judge in charge of the case, John C. Underwood. A New York-born abolitionist and Radical Republican appointed to the U.S. District Court by Lincoln in 1864, Underwood had issued a series of rulings protecting equal rights, declaring, in one case, that “all distinction of color must be abolished.” He’d also suggested that he intended to sell Davis’s Mississippi plantation to ex-slaves for a half-dollar an acre. White Virginians despised him; the feeling appears to have been mutual. The committee asked Underwood whether any jury in Virginia was likely to convict Davis of treason. “Not unless it is what is called a packed jury,” Underwood answered. The committee then summoned Robert E. Lee, who offered a similar assessment:

Question. Suppose the jury should be clearly and plainly instructed by the court that such an act of war upon the United States, on the part of Mr. Davis, or any other leading man, constituted in itself the crime of treason under the Constitution of the United States; would the jury be likely to heed that instruction, and if the facts were plainly in proof before them, convict the offender?

Answer. I do not know, sir, what they would do on that question.

Question. They do not generally suppose that it was treason against the United States, do they?

Answer. I do not think that they so consider it.

What about a Black jury? Black men were banned from jury service, with dreadful consequences. In 1865 and 1866, in five hundred trials of whites accused of killing Blacks in Texas, all-white juries found all five hundred defendants not guilty. “Are our lives, honor, and liberties to be left in the hands of men who are laboring under the most stubborn and narrow prejudice?” the editor of one Black newspaper asked. In March, Congress passed the Civil Rights Act, which enshrined the right to testify in criminal trials. Johnson, in a statement that the attorney Henry Stanbery helped craft, vetoed the bill, warning that it might lead to Congress declaring “who, without regard to color or race, shall have the right to sit as a juror.” Congress overrode the veto, and kept on with the work of extending rights to Black men and denying them to former Confederates. In April, the Radical Republican Thaddeus Stevens added to the proposed Fourteenth Amendment a new section that would disqualify from Congress any former federal officeholders or servicemen who had taken “part in the late insurrection.” There followed much discussion of who, exactly, was to be disqualified, with one version of the amendment stating, “The President and Vice-President of the late Confederate States of America so-called . . . are declared to be forever ineligible to any office under the United States.” This, however, was not the version that Congress sent to the states for ratification, in June, which, in any case, the states of the former Confederacy refused to ratify. Congress, one North Carolinian said, wanted Southerners to “drink our own piss and eat our own dung.”

Lieber grew resigned to a foul outcome. “The trial of Jeff. Davis will be a terrible thing,” he thought. “Volumes—a library—of the most infernal treason will be brought to light,” but “Davis will not be found guilty, and we shall stand there completely beaten.” Frederick Douglass blamed Johnson, predicting, as a newspaper reported, that “Davis would never be punished, simply because Mr. Johnson had determined to have him tried in the one way that he could not be tried, and had determined not to have him tried in the only way he could be tried.” And, even if he were tried, any verdict would be appealed to the Supreme Court, which, in the aftermath of the Dred Scott decision, could hardly be said to have enjoyed unqualified confidence. Harper’s Weekly asked, “Does anybody mean seriously to assert that the right of this Government to exist is a question for a court to decide?” Will Americans trust the Supreme Court to decide a question of such moment in 2024?

Donald Trump has made much of the fact that three of the four prosecutors who are heading criminal prosecutions against him are Black: Fani Willis, the district attorney of Fulton County, Georgia; Letitia James, the attorney general of New York; and Alvin Bragg, the district attorney of Manhattan. Trump has labelled the three prosecutors “racist,” calls Bragg an “animal” and James “Peekaboo,” and insists that the charges against him are both politically and racially motivated. Sometimes it feels as if the century and a half separating the trial of Jefferson Davis from the trials of Donald Trump were as nothing.

In March, 1867, again overriding Johnson’s veto, Congress passed the Military Reconstruction Act, which called for the occupation of the former Confederacy by the U.S. Army and stipulated that no state could reënter the Union without first ratifying the Fourteenth Amendment. Congress also endorsed jury service for Black men. In Texas, when the military governor announced that Black men would be allowed on juries, some judges refused to hold court. In Virginia, Underwood impanelled Black jurors for Davis’s trial. Many Northerners approved. “The trial of Jefferson Davis, for leading the Rebellion in behalf of Slavery, should be before a jury made up in part of freedmen, if only for the historic justice, not to say the dramatic beauty and harmony, of such a denouement,” the New York Tribune wrote. But Southern newspapers expressed disgust at the “African quota of the Grand Jury,” describing the men, swearing an oath on the Bible, as having “smacked their lips over the sacred volume when permitted to get at it.” And an editorial that ran in both the North and the South asked, “If Davis is to stand before a nigger jury, what becomes of the notion that a man is to be tried by a jury of his peers?”

When a new trial date came—June 5, 1866—Davis wasn’t there; he was in military prison. Lucius Chandler stayed home sick. Chief Justice Chase spent the day in his library in Washington, where he wrote a letter to his daughter. Outside his window, he could hear a newsboy crying, “ ‘Dai-l-y Chron-i-cle!, full account of ’ something I don’t understand what and ‘trial of Jeff Davis!’ ” O’Conor, knowing that Chase wouldn’t be there, didn’t bother to show up, either. Chase maintained that he could not possibly attend a civilian court in Virginia, because the state was still under military rule. Chase planned to run for President in 1868, and he wanted no part in the trial of Jefferson Davis. He had his eye on the election.

Underwood rescheduled the trial for October. But the Chief Justice had no intention of showing up in October, either. Meanwhile, any momentum there ever was to prosecute Davis withered as congressional Republicans pursued Reconstruction, a plan that involved treating the former Confederacy as a conquered nation. If a trial were held and Davis argued that he could not have committed treason because, after Mississippi seceded, he was no longer a U.S. citizen, the government would have to argue that he had always been a U.S. citizen. But if he had been a U.S. citizen during the war, then the Confederacy had not been a foreign belligerent, and the U.S. could not justify its occupation of the region as a “conquered province.” Under these circumstances, Radical Republicans became some of Davis’s most ardent defenders. Gerrit Smith, a fiery abolitionist, helped post bail, and that fiercest of congressional radicals, Thaddeus Stevens, secretly offered to represent Davis.

Over the summer, Speed resigned: he supported the Fourteenth Amendment; Johnson opposed it. In Speed’s place, Johnson appointed Stanbery, who’d written the President’s veto of the Civil Rights Act. When Chandler travelled to Washington to confer with Evarts and Stanbery, the new Attorney General explained that he not only wouldn’t lead the prosecution but also wouldn’t attend the trial. The three men decided not to object to O’Conor’s request that Davis be released on bail. And so it was that on May 13, 1867, Jefferson Davis walked into the federal courthouse in Richmond, eyed the grand jury, and smiled. (Grand jurors operate in secrecy and would not normally appear at such a hearing, but Underwood had seemingly insisted on the presence of the mixed-race jury, to serve, as he said, as “ocular evidence that the age of caste and class cruelty is departed, and a new era of justice and equality, breaking through the clouds of persecution and prejudice, is now dawning.”) When the prosecution said that it was not prepared for trial, Underwood agreed to release Davis on bail. “The business is finished,” O’Conor wrote to his wife. “Mr. Davis will never be called up to appear for trial.”

A new trial date was set, for November 25th. No one expected the prosecution to be ready. Two years after Davis’s arrest, Chandler had still not conducted any investigation, or prepared a superseding indictment. Underwood told Speed that he believed Chandler was a Confederate sympathizer who was making money by selling pardons. But it may well be that the prospect of Black men on the jury led the government to abandon the prosecution, fearful that Black men issuing a verdict that condemned a white man to death would inflame the country beyond any possibility of repair. O’Conor at one point assured Varina Davis, “Chandler professes the kindest disposition and says he will try to get a White jury. But this is impossible. Underwood is a devoted courtier at the feet of Sambo and there is no appeal from his decisions.” The trial jury, O’Conor warned, “will be composed of 8 or 9 negroes and 3 or 4 of the meanest whites who can be found in Richmond.” He wrote to Varina, “I find it impossible to believe that we are destined to play parts in a farce so contemptible as a trial before Underwood and a set of recently emancipated Negroes, but it is equally impossible to assert with confidence that the thing will not happen.”

The thing did not happen. On the day the trial was to begin, a crowd assembled in Richmond to wait for the train from Washington. “The colored population seemed to take a deep interest in the proceedings, and were on hand en masse,” a correspondent for the New York Times reported. The train pulled up. “Has Mr. Chase come?” people cried. He had not. At the courthouse, Underwood announced that the court was adjourned. It’s one of the sorriest moments of the whole sorry story. A newspaper reported that there had been a crowd outside the courthouse, “consisting chiefly of blacks,” but upon hearing the announcement the crowd “quietly dispersed.” No justice, only peace. And peace is not enough.

Then as now, what one half of the country thought best for the country the other half thought worst. In February, 1868, the House impeached Johnson, having investigated him for, among other things, intentionally derailing the Davis prosecution. Lieber favored impeachment, not least for the precedent that it would establish. “As to history, it will be a wonderful thing to have the ruler over a large country removed for the first time without revolution,” he wrote. The same hesitancy that derailed the Davis prosecution derailed the Johnson impeachment: so grave a thing, to try a king. In any event, the Johnson impeachment trial grossly interfered with the Davis treason trial. At the Senate impeachment trial, Chase presided, as Chief Justice, and Evarts led Johnson’s defense, joined by Stanbery (who had resigned his position as Attorney General), which led to yet more postponements.

There was one last gasp. With Chandler’s term as district attorney expiring in June, Evarts recruited the Boston lawyer Richard Henry Dana to join the prosecution. Dana worked hard to prepare for trial. In a Richmond hotel, he and Evarts readied a new, fourteen-count indictment, based on the testimony of multiple witnesses, including Robert E. Lee, who had testified against Davis before a new grand jury. (Evarts wrote a parody of Chandler’s earlier, cursory indictment: “I have arrived at the fact that J.D. used to wear a Confederate uniform on great occasions, and have a witness who can prove it, in the person of a colored waiter who came to me last evening.”) But Dana reluctantly concluded that the trial should not proceed. What seemed more urgent was to disqualify Davis from ever again holding public office; sending him back to prison, or, God knows, hanging him, could have been almost as bad for the country as acquitting him. Dana drafted a letter of resignation on both lawyers’ behalf, and sent it to Evarts, who pocketed it, unsure what to do.

By the time Chase and Underwood finally held court together in Richmond, in December, 1868, the Fourteenth Amendment had been ratified, and Chase had discreetly suggested to the defense a new line of reasoning: that Davis could no longer be prosecuted for treason because, having been disqualified for office upon the amendment’s ratification (“It needs no legislation on the part of Congress to give it effect,” the defense said), he had already been punished. O’Conor gleefully offered up this argument, suggested to him by the Chief Justice himself. Dana, who knew the argument to be nonsense, countered that the Constitution is not a criminal code and that being disqualified from office is not a penalty. Chase agreed with O’Conor; Underwood agreed with Dana. The case would have gone to the Supreme Court. But, on Christmas Day, Johnson pardoned “every person who directly or indirectly participated in the late insurrection or rebellion,” and, not long after that, the prosecution entered a nolle prosequi. The end.

It has been nearly three years since the Capitol attack. In November, a district-court judge in Colorado found that Trump did indeed engage in insurrection against the United States, but the judge refused to order the removal of Trump’s name from the state’s primary ballot. Will the Supreme Court find that the Fourteenth Amendment disqualifies Trump? Will any jury in New York, Florida, Georgia, or Washington, D.C., convict him of a crime? He could be acquitted. Or he could be convicted, win the Presidency, and pardon himself. Whatever the outcome, it will be contested by half the country, and there will be a cost, which won’t be borne equally.

Amnesty is a kind of charity. It is not usually given with malice toward none. “More than six years having elapsed since the last hostile gun was fired between the armies then arrayed against each other,” Ulysses S. Grant told Congress in 1871, “it may well be considered whether it is not now time that the disabilities imposed by the Fourteenth Amendment should be removed.” Over the objections of the first Black members of Congress, Congress voted for a general amnesty. In the Senate, Charles Sumner tried to attach civil-rights provisions to the bill, on the ground that both measures involved the removal of disabilities and the guarantee of rights. “Now that it is proposed that we should be generous to those who were engaged in the rebellion,” Sumner said, “I insist upon justice to the colored race everywhere throughout this land.” Or, as the Black congressman Joseph Rainey said of ex-Confederates, “We are willing to accord them their enfranchisement, and here today give our votes that they may be amnestied,” but “there is another class of citizens in this country who have certain dear rights and immunities which they would like you, sirs, to remember and respect.” The amnesty bill passed, without civil-rights guarantees. A civil-rights bill did pass in 1875; eight years later, the Supreme Court found it unconstitutional.

Salmon Chase ran for President in 1868 and 1872 and lost. Lieber died in 1872, Chase and Underwood in 1873, Sumner in 1874. In 1876, Lucius Chandler put stones in his pockets and drowned himself. Jefferson Davis died of a cold in 1889, at the age of eighty-one. He was buried in New Orleans; his remains were later moved to Richmond. In 2020, Black Lives Matter protesters pulled down an eight-foot-tall statue of him that had been made by Edward Valentine and erected on Richmond’s Monument Avenue in 1907. The fifteen-hundred-pound statue—defaced, toppled, and streaked with paint—is currently on display in a room at Richmond’s Valentine museum, whose founding president was the sculptor himself. In 2021, a group calling itself White Lies Matter stole a stone chair dedicated to Davis from a cemetery in Selma, and held it for ransom. Harper’s reported this fall, “A New Orleans tattoo shop owner was cleared of charges in a ransom plot to turn the Jefferson Davis memorial chair into a toilet.”

Aside from that single day in Richmond in May of 1867, Davis never appeared in a courtroom to defend himself against the charge of treason. But, for the Presidential trial that never happened, twenty-four men had been assembled for a jury pool. Twelve of them were Black. So momentous was the occasion that the twenty-four men sat for a photograph: twelve white men and twelve Black men posed, cheek by jowl, hands on one another’s shoulders, the picture of a promise. Joseph Cox was a blacksmith who, like his fellow-juror Lewis Lindsey, served as a delegate to Virginia’s 1867 constitutional convention. At the event, where delegates elected Underwood to preside over the proceedings, Lindsey proposed a disqualification clause, which would bar former supporters of the Confederacy from holding office. John B. Miller, born free, worked as a barber; he was later elected to the Virginia House of Delegates. Albert Royal Brooks, born into slavery in 1817, had bought the freedom of his wife, Lucy Goode, their three youngest children, “and the future increase of the females”—his own unborn, nor yet conceived, children and grandchildren—for eight hundred dollars. Lucy Goode Brooks had a cameo made: a silhouette of her husband taken from that photograph of him as a juror called to determine whether Jefferson Davis had committed treason against the United States. She wore it as a brooch for the rest of her life. ♦

— Jill Lepore, a staff writer at The New Yorker, is a Professor of History and Law at Harvard. She is the host of the Five-Part Podcast Series “Elon Musk: The Evening Rocket” on BBC Radio 4.

[dwi-lawyer-houston]

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[rotationalsymmetry]

I was trying to be funny. So, less funny/more accurate version: I don't remember how much bail normally is, but it's often more than you (upstanding citizen who threw a plastic water bottle at a cop) can afford. And I was trying to be funny about the international flight thing -- I'm not sure whether you lose bail from not showing up to a single court date (maybe?) ir not showing up to one court date without a really good reason or whether it's only if they can't get you into court at all.

I was not remotely joking about getting charged with assault with a deadly weapon, a felony charge, for throwing something that is extremely unlikely to cause injury at a cop wearing full riot gear.

america is just hell. why do you have jury trials. what the fuck is a bail bondsman.