#hay sheds melbourne

[getadvanceinfo]

From energy efficiency, cost-effective construction, and ample room amenities, to their eco-friendly nature, the pros of a hay shed certainly make it an enticing proposal. On the downside, hay sheds especially those transformed from old structures, might require regular maintenance, weathering upkeep, and potential pest control. However, with proactive regular care, these issues are easily managed.

[theautomaticpencil]

Architecture studio @lovell_burton has referenced surrounding hay sheds to create a house clad in galvanised steel panels on an agricultural paddock north west of Melbourne.

[lindoig4]

Across Canada

I will try to post a little more text today, but the internet service here is pretty poor so I will leave posting of any more photos until we get home.  We leave the US this evening and arrive back in Melbourne before dawn on Wednesday, having missed an entire day along the way.

We took a cab to Union Station to catch the VIA Rail across the country.  We have usually paid cab fares by card, but Heather used cash this time.  The cabbie gave her a few coins as change and when Heather said that there should have been some notes, he said he was keeping that as his tip - about 50% of the fare.  Heather argued, but he bullied her and insisted that he was keeping it.  Had I been closer instead of getting our bags out of the boot, he may not have been so demanding, but it left a sour taste in our mouths as it was.

The train is by no means luxurious, obviously oldish, but it is quite functional and we are comfy enough in our little cabin.  One good thing is that the bunks are bigger and much more comfortable than on the ship or the other trains we have used.  We have both slept well.

On the other hand, there is no WiFi at all, only an occasional phone signal and although there are 110-volt power outlets, they won’t charge my PC - so once again, the technology has failed us.  Maybe I am naive, but we are now in the 21st century and I reckon basic power and signal issues should have been sorted out years ago.  As it is, the battery in my PC is flat and there is no way I can use it until we reach Vancouver at best.  That means I can’t look at my photos or do much with my blog other than draft bits on my iPad.

Canada is exquisitely beautiful.  It is an absolute picture postcard, full to bursting with trees and lakes.  The overwhelming colour is green, with literally billions of tall skinny pointy trees.  Actually, they are not that tall. We have seen very few trees more than 8-10 metres tall, but there are zillions of them, mostly densely packed with both understory and overstory.  In some places, it is a bit more open, but still usually gloomy and mysterious, inviting us to explore - if only we were out there in the bush.  Aspen, larch, spruce, alder, birch, pines and firs, conifers of every description, millions of stark white trunks, black trunks, all sorts, drowning in a thousand shades of green, leaves shimmering in the breeze, gleaming in the sun, with just a smattering of autumn tones starting to appear here and there.

Then there are the thousands of lakes.  We must have traversed 1000 kilometres of marshy land with water shimmering through the low vegetation as far as we could see.  But there are thousands of open lakes as well, from just a hectare or two to those speeding past the train for kilometre after kilometre.  Did I say picture postcard?  We have seen them all. The little ones that look like they came out of a cutesy 50s or 60s movie, with the summer camp atmosphere - a few canoes tied up to a little landing, a pontoon and shallow diving board, a short rowing course, maybe a pathetic little waterski-jump and a collection of quaint little huts that are probably family holiday shacks.  Then there are the more remote ones, some with a tiny island or two with just 2 or 3 perfectly conical fir trees on them and a kayak tied up to a partly-submerged drowning landing that defies imagination about how one might access it - not even a hiking track, much less a road, in sight.  Then we have the larger ones with a couple of small tinnies out there, each with a fisherman or two, sound asleep with their rods dangling limp over the side, or perhaps the ten deserted sheds, some literally falling down, and only a tiny Cessna anchored to the shore to suggest that anyone might occasionally visit them.  We are not talking upscale Hillbilly country.  This is magically picturesque country that should warrant criminal charges if anyone but us invades it.  Add your own superlatives, but for me, I have run out.  Simply stupendously glorious!

Later.  We have just crossed the border from massive Ontario into Manitoba - after more than 20 hours heading west.  Slowly, the trees and lakes seem to be getting slightly larger, the terrain is a little more open, the trees a little lighter green and the wildflowers more profuse and colourful - mainly white, yellow and mauve/purple.

For the entire trip, there has been a line of telegraph posts and cables beside the train: around 20 cables, but obviously long defunct.  Thousands of the posts have simply sunk into the boggy earth or fallen over or submerged into the lakes, and many of the cables are broken or hanging limp and tangled.  I am amazed that nobody has attempted to salvage the hundreds of thousands of dollars of copper out there.

As we went west, it became a little hillier and we even went through a couple of short tunnels.  We also went through many cuttings where the rock had been blasted away for the track.  There was a lot of red in the rocks and it is likely that some sort of algae was growing on it to make it that colour.

It was getting dark when we rolled into Winnipeg, but we had an hour and a bit stopover, so we went into the station and used the WiFi to download our email - alas, mostly more bills to pay!  I had prepared a few emails to send, but they were all on my PC and inaccessible due to the flat battery!

It was a very rocky night, but we were up early for showers.  I raised the blind just a centimetre or two in our cabin and could see everything there was to see.  The landscape was entirely in landscape.  Flat, flat, flat - all the way to the horizon. Everything looked manicured as if the farmers had risen early and swept or ironed their paddocks to welcome us.  A bit later, we saw patches of forest and lots of neat (or sometimes sprawling) farmhouses, often with 2 or 3 little cottages and a barn or two, and mostly at least a field-bin or ten (or 30) and a tractor parked nearby.  Many farms also have a machinery graveyard, usually at a distance from the house, with rows of rusty tractors, trucks, cars, pick-ups, ploughs, harvesters, caravans, campers and who knows what, all lined up in their final resting places, slowly sinking into the landscape.  The houses all have pitched rooves, presumably to avoid too much snow collecting on them in the winter.

The paddocks are mainly cropped with wheat, barley, oats and canola, but there is also a lot of uncropped land, mostly looking too boggy to crop.  Quite a bit of the uncropped land is still productive though, with miles of road and rail verges being harvested and baled for silage.  It is obviously harvest time over here with quite a lot of crop already cut, but with plenty more still to go.  We haven’t seen much actually being harvested, but plenty of hay bales in neatly shorn paddocks.  There are a few cattle but no big herds.  Also a few horses, half a dozen goats, a donkey, a young deer standing beside the track staring at me - and at least one fox scampering across the prairie with four magpies harassing it.  It was nearly two days later before we saw any sheep: about 20 near one house and 3 at another – then none through to Vancouver.

There have been a few shallow lakes, mainly fairly small and at last, a few birds.  We crossed one wide river, very shallow with flat mud islands and hundreds of birds: all gulls and Canada Geese as far as I could see.  It is very frustrating not having any internet because I can’t identify the birds conclusively without my favourite Merlin app, but I am taking photos and making notes and hope I will be able to tie some of them down later.  It is even more frustrating that Heather can sit there posting to Facebook and her blog almost any time when the SIM we purchased for me doesn’t work in either my phone or my iPad!

There were a few places along the rivers and nearby lakes where I suspect beavers were at work.  A couple of creeks appeared to be dammed and there was an area near one suspected lodge where a whole lot of smallish trees had been felled – all with pencil-sharpener bases.  And I saw a few flat conical structures a metre or so above the water level – again with a collection of pick-up-sticks pencil-ended logs embedded in the structure.  I could be just imagining it, but the indications seemed to be there that beavers could have created the dams and underwater pyramids.

It is strange that we rocketed through the night, speeding along much faster than anywhere to date, making for a very bumpy ride - then arriving in Saskatoon where they said we were way ahead of our timetable so there would be a two hour stopover to get back on schedule.  Go figure!  The track we are on is apparently owned by a freight company and freight trains always have priority.  This means that we frequently need to stop at sidings or on branch lines, often for half an hour or more until a freight train passes.  The freight trains are massive, up to about 3 kilometres long and mostly double-deckers that roar along carrying hundreds of thousands of tonnes of cargo across the country day and night.  They are not as bad as in Russia where a few kilometres of freight barrelled past us every time I raised my camera for a shot, but there must still be at least several dozen here each day.

Next time we woke up, we were in Saskatchewan and the terrain slowly became more varied, with lumpy low hills, uneven ground, more diverse vegetation, taller trees and in due course, we had an hour or so stopover in Edmonton and next morning we rolled into Jasper in the Canadian Rockies.  Our Edmonton stop was marked by the start of a dramatic electrical storm. It was really ferocious with lightning flashing brilliantly around us every few seconds.  We went to dinner as it was getting dark and the lightning outside the dining car was tremendous.  We were soon locked up, cosy in bed, but several other passengers said the electrical storm was amazing and followed us for hours.

[melbournegarages]

Design A Farm Sheds For Your Requirements | Melbourne Garages

Farm Sheds. Regardless of whether you are a professional or a hobbyist, we have a structure to suit your farming requirements in our custom built farm sheds. Our farm sheds are designed with enhanced strength, ensuring they can withstand the harshest elements, including rural winds, rain, hail, and the day to day rigours of farm life. We have designed and constructed hay sheds, stables, machinery sheds, livestock shelters, and many more types of structure. The team at Melbourne Garages have built sheds for an almost endless array of purposes, for residential clients, and businesses of every size.

[leanpick]

Houses saved as Vic fire destroys sheds

Houses saved as Vic fire destroys sheds

An out-of-control grassfire north of Melbourne has destroyed sheds and burned more than 100 hectares of land. Firefighters are battling the blaze after it started in a paddock about midday on Tuesday at Graytown, a deserted Victorian gold mining township east of Bendigo. They have saved several houses but hay and machinery sheds were lost. The blaze, which has grown to 170 hectares, has prompted…

[jeremystrele]

A Sleek, Shed-Style Home In Rural Victoria

A Sleek, Shed-Style Home In Rural Victoria

Architecture

by Amelia Barnes

The Springhill House by Lovell Burton Architecture. Photo – Ben Hosking

The flat metal sheet on the facade was selected for its reflective qualities and durability. Photo – Ben Hosking

The prominent yet refined slanted roof collects drinking water and solar energy.  Photo – Ben Hosking

A large sliding door opens the kitchen and dining space to the outdoors. Photo – Ben Hosking

The semi sheltered outdoor area. Photo – Ben Hosking

Another seating deck. Photo – Ben Hosking

The home is zoned in two parts with working spaces located to the south, and a large living space to the north. Photo – Ben Hosking

Birch plywood on the internal walls provide warmth. Photo – Ben Hosking

Views are provided from almost every spot in the home. Photo – Ben Hosking

The living space is flexible and adaptable, with a large curtain in place to divide the space to create a second bedroom or yoga space as required.  Photo – Ben Hosking

At 120 square metres, is more than 60 square metres smaller than the average Australian home. Photo – Ben Hosking

A simple but beautiful bathroom. Photo – Ben Hosking

The combination of beauty and utility is perhaps the defining feature of Springhill House. Photo – Ben Hosking

The home was deliberately designed as a continuation of the paddock, with no discernible barriers between the two. Photo – Ben Hosking

Functionality is at the forefront of this house in Spring Hill – a town north west of Melbourne in the Macedon Ranges.

Lovell Burton Architecture were tasked with designing a relatively modest home on this previously unused paddock, to connect the owners to the land. This desire was born from one client’s childhood spent in western Queensland, which offered a lifestyle they yearned to return to. ‘In many respects, the purchase of the property was part of a reconnection with the land, having lived in Melbourne for many years,’ says Joseph Lovell, principal at Lovell Burton.

While most homes on rural properties are surrounded by a defining fence or garden, this house was deliberately designed as a continuation of the paddock, with no discernible barriers between the two. Acting instead as a place maker is the house’s prominent slanted roof, that also collects drinking water and solar energy. This combination of beauty and utility is perhaps the defining feature of Springhill House. ‘This idea of a functional aesthetic informed many of the design decisions for the project, with the removal of ornament helping to create a very calming space,’ says Stephanie Burton, principal at Lovell Burton.

The aesthetic of the home was inspired by the rural vernacular, with the client often referring to the project as the ‘hay shed.’ This look was also driven by the project’s restricted budget, which Joseph says proved to be a positive constraint on the design. ‘It made the clients and ourselves think critically about the idea of home, and which spaces could be adapted to fit several purposes.’

The home is zoned in two parts with working spaces located to the south, and a large living space to the north. This living space is flexible and adaptable, with a large dividing curtain in place to create a second bedroom or yoga space as required.  A large sliding door opens the kitchen and dining space to the outdoors overlooking a basalt outcrop, and there’s a separate west deck.

Materials were chosen mainly for their durability, but these offer their own aesthetic qualities. The flat metal sheet on the facade for example was chosen for its reflective nature. ‘We wanted the building façade to reflect the hues of the grass in different seasons and the fluctuations of the sky, making the building part of the broader landscape,’ says Joseph. Birch plywood on the internal walls offers warmth, contrasted with burnished concrete floors that provide thermal mass. ‘We are particularly pleased at how peaceful and still the home is to be in,’ says Stephanie.

[micaramel]

Architecture website Dezeen hosts the Dezeen Awards annually to identify the world's most impressive architecture.

Dezeen announced the shortlists for the 2019 awards in September, including the 10 architecture categories. 

The architecture nominees range from an underwater restaurant in Norway to a temple built for the Burning Man festival in Nevada.

These are 53 of the most beautiful buildings in the world.

Visit Insider's homepage for more stories.

An underwater restaurant in Norway, a golf club that looks like a sand dune in Jordan, a tree house in Arkansas: These are just three of the stunning buildings that have made the shortlist for the 2019 Dezeen Awards.

Dezeen, an architecture and design website, works to honor the craft of building through the Dezeen Awards, an annual celebration of architecture. 

Dezeen released the shortlist of nominees for the 2019 contest in September, narrowing down the entries to the best of the best with an international panel of experts in architecture and design. 

The architecture category contains 10 subcategories, and the shortlist has a grand total of 53 nominees. Dezeen highlights everything from small houses to massive event spaces in the shortlist, demonstrating the various ways people interact with the buildings around them across the globe. 

Here are 53 of the most beautiful buildings in the world.

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The Ha House in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, is linked through gardens, connecting individual living spaces for a three-generation family.

Vo Trong Nghia Architects created the Ha House based on the client's request for a large garden in their small space. Greenery is interspersed throughout the home, so nature and architecture are one. The design gives a nod to tropical housing of the past. 

Shortlisted for urban house

This house in Akashi, Japan, is made almost entirely of natural wood, from the floors to the exterior fence.

The Japanese house has three built-in courtyards, allowing residents a private view of their own natural world. The home was designed by Arbol Design.

Shortlisted for urban house

The Stepping Park House is designed to function as an extension of the park it sits across from in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam.

The Stepping Park house, another nature-focused project from Vo Trong Nghia Architects, sits across the park for which it is named. The owner requested a large garden within the small house, and the firm responded by incorporating open spaces for greenery to grow. "It gives a feeling of continuity of the park, to all three floors of the building, and creates an environment similar to a forest, despite being indoors," the studio told Dezeen.

Shortlisted for urban house

    Located in the Aichi Prefecture of Japan, T Noie gets its name from its T-shaped design.

The exterior and interior of T Noie, designed by Katsutoshi Sasaki + Associates, are at odds, with a dark and closed off facade giving no indication of the open and airy layout inside. The 26-foot ceilings allow light from windows dotting the top of the building to flood the home. 

Shortlisted for urban house

Tiny Tower in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, brings the design of a skyscraper to the small scale.

The Tiny Tower was designed to encourage vertical living, sitting on what would otherwise be a vacant lot. It's built like a skyscraper with a steel-reinforced wood frame, but instead of office rooms, you'll find living space inside — including a terrace and roof deck. It takes a modern approach to tiny living. Architecture studio ISA created the unique home.

Shortlisted for urban house

Casa Campinarana in Manaus, Brazil, has most of its living spaces on the top floor to reduce deforestation and the building's carbon footprint.

Designed by Laurent Troost, the two-story Casa Campinarana uses the second floor for its living room, kitchen, and outdoor patio, minimizing the surface area needed on the ground level. The house sits in the Manaus forest of Brazil, and the clever design allows for as little interruption of the natural landscape as possible.

Shortlisted for rural house

The Cork House gets its name from the sustainably-sourced cork blocks that make up most of the structure, which is located in Berkshire, England.

Matthew Barnett Howland, Dido Milne, and Oliver Wilton designed every aspect of the Cork House with sustainability in mind. The cork blocks can be reused and recycled with ease, as the team used no glue, cement, or plastic to complete the structure. The home sits on an island off the coast of the River Thames in Berkshire, England.

Shortlisted for rural house

Designers bring residents closer to sunlight in the Kawakawa House in Piha, New Zealand.

Tucked in between a mountain slope and a beach, the tree-covered landscape of Piha typically doesn't allow for much natural light. To combat the leafy shade, Herbst Architects built the living areas of the Kawakawa House on the upper level, so residents can see past the thick canopies to the beach beyond. The windows lining the exterior walls add even more sunlight.

Shortlisted for rural house

The Smith Residence resembles a mini-village off the coast of Nova Scotia, Canada.

The Smith Residence is a holiday home that looks larger than it actually is, creating the illusion of a village using three pavilions and independent structures. MacKay-Lyons Sweetapple Architects made the spaces look similar to other houses in the Nova Scotia area, with modern touches like the large windows.

Shortlisted for rural house

The Sonoma weeHouse in Sonoma Valley, California, takes a minimalist approach to architecture.

Alchemy Architects creates weeHouses using two open-sided boxes that are then transported to their permanent address, where they're settled into concrete plinths. The Sonoma weeHouse is based on the original weeHouse, for which Alchemy Architects is famous. There isn't much to the design aside from the basic structure, allowing the surrounding nature to shine.

Shortlisted for rural house

With a color scheme inspired by nearby hay sheds, the Springhill House aims to be a place of relaxation for its residents in Melbourne, Australia.

The Springhill House is as influenced by rural hay sheds as it is by more traditional Australian housing. Lovell Burton designed the structure as a veranda shielded by wooden columns. The author who lives in this Australian home requested a quiet space to juxtapose busy city life, leading to its minimalist design.

Shortlisted for rural house

Located in Valle de Bravo, Mexico, Entre Pinos merges the interior with the exterior through courtyards, terraces, and gardens peppered throughout the structures.

Entre Pinos, designed by Taller Hector Barroso, is a housing development made to give its residents the best of both worlds. Sections of each house are open to the natural surroundings, as you see here. The walls are covered with local soil, allowing the structure to blend into the neighboring forest of tall pine trees. 

Shortlisted for housing project

Curves are built into the LC 710 housing project in Mexico City, Mexico.

Terraces, courtyards, and patios are interspersed throughout LC 710, a four-story apartment complex designed by Taller Hector Barroso. While the complex was built with durable steel and concrete, the materials were painted to resemble pale wood. 

Shortlisted for housing project

Community is weaved into the very design of this social housing building in Los Angeles, California.

Lorcan O'Herlihy Architects (LOHA) built the MLK1101 Supportive Housing in response to LA's homeless crisis. The four-story building contains 26 units and was built on a vacant lot. The 34,000-square-foot main building also has a rooftop patio, which was designed to foster community among its residents. 

Shortlisted for housing project 

The old and new stand in contrast together within the design of New Brick Tectonic, which is located in Malaga, Spain.

The Muñoz Miranda Architects group juxtaposes modern design with the 20th-century in New Brick Tectonic. The building is made of brick, like the smokestack, to highlight the similarities and differences between them. The housing project, which is located on a beach, also contains two interior courtyards through which residents access their units. 

Shortlisted for housing project

Treehouse is made up of "micro-apartments" for working professionals in Seoul, South Korea.

Treehouse was designed by Bo-Daa for single people. Micro-apartments are stacked on top of one another in a triangle-shaped building of concrete that is surrounded by an atrium. Every unit has a view of the internal garden.

Shortlisted for housing project

Variously-sized concrete blocks create Germany's Casa Morgana.

The team at J Mayer H stripped a German structure to its concrete shell for Casa Morgana. What's left is a three-story house full of rooms at different heights, linked by a stairway in the center of the home. Think of the rooms as cubes that have been irregularly stacked atop one another. The studio calls Casa Morgana a "residential sculpture."

Shortlisted for residential rebirth project

The roof of this 1950s bungalow was extended to make the Exoskeleton House, located in Wollongong, Australia.

The Takt Studio gave a 1950s brick bungalow a modern revamp simply by extending the roof, thus earning it the name Exoskeleton House. The interior still has individual bedrooms, but the renovation created an open space for the kitchen, living room, and dining area. The sloped roof also covers a patio that allows residents to get closer to the surrounding nature. 

Shortlisted for residential rebirth project

This home in Brussels, Belgium, was transformed into the G-Lab for communal living.

Remodeled by TC Plus, the G-Lab is a home with varying levels of privacy. It was opened up throughout the renovation, encouraging neighbors to be part of the home. Curtains help the residents maintain privacy, though their intention was to create a space that welcomed everyone. The front yard, for example, is always accessible as a play space.

Shortlisted for residential rebirth project

This house, near the Great Wall of China in Beijing, was originally built in the 20th century as underground storage for fruit trees.

MDDM Studio used the existing natural stone as a base for the home. The storage unit's original walls are intact within the home, while windows provide natural light and views of the hilly landscape. The rest of the House on the Great Wall sits between two concrete slabs.

Shortlisted for residential rebirth project

The North Melbourne Terrace was created through both restoration and reconstruction, merging the old and the new in Melbourne, Australia.

This Australian Victorian terrace house was built in the 19th century, and  Matt Gibson Architecture + Design was tasked with updating it for the modern world. The integrity of the house remains intact through the red brick, while the addition of the extension at the rear brings in modern elements. It spans two floors, creating a giant indoor/outdoor patio that makes the whole house feel bigger.

Shortlisted for residential rebirth project

The Rassvet Loft Studio in Moscow, Russia, used to be a furniture factory.

DNK Architecture Group used red brick to connect the industrial building to more residential areas, as the material is commonly used to build houses in Moscow's historic district. The bricks are handmade and have a shiny appearance because they're made of clay that has been fired at high temperatures. The 10-story building melds traditional living with the industrial world. 

Shortlisted for residential rebirth project

The Alfa Omega School in Tangerang, Indonesia, is raised on stilts to protect it from the swampy environment.

RAW Architecture built the Alfa Omega School in only six months, using bamboo on the upper floor. The Indonesian school features four modular buildings raised on concrete stilts. It stands 6.8-feet above the ground, so students use a ramp to get to their classes. The challenging site was chosen in order to give children a sense of closeness to nature and to encourage outdoor learning.

Shortlisted for civic building

Located in Punggol, Singapore, the Oasis Terrace community center weaves nature into its structure.

Serie Architects and Multiply Architects worked together to put forth a new idea for what community centers could be in the Oasis Terrace. The 290,625-square-foot structure was built near public housing neighborhoods with the intention of giving residents access to resources and the outdoors. Nature is an integral part of the design, with the green space sitting at an angle to provide visitors with fresh air, light, and views of the city as they roam through the building.

Shortlisted for civic building

The massive staircase on the Danish Red Cross headquarters in Copenhagen, Denmark, actually serves as an extension of the original structure.

The extension for the Danish Red Cross headquarters, designed by COBE, stems out from the first building and visitors can actually access the roof from the street. It doubles as a massive staircase that leads to the original structure, and there's also an entrance on the ground level. Both entry points aim to encourage the public to stop by, making it more than a space for Denmark's 34,000 Red Cross volunteers.

Shortlisted for civic building

Bright canopies separate the individual sellers at this regional market in Dandaji, Niger.

The brightly colored canopies in this regional market in Dandaji may be pleasing to the eye, but they're also practical. They help air flow through the market thanks to their varying heights, and provide solar and thermal protection for produce. Designed by Atelier Masomi, the modern canopies are merged with the more traditional structure of the stalls, blending old and new.

Shortlisted for civic building

The sprawling Cloud Town Convention and Exhibition Centre invites the public to be part of the action in Hangzhou, China.

You're actually looking at the roof of the Hangzhou Cloud Town Exhibition Centre in this photo, which Approach Design made to invite public use. The center built a running track and sports courts on the top of the building, so they can be used outside of exhibitions.

Shortlisted for civic building

A sky walk is a highlight of Viettel Academy in Hanoi, Vietnam.

The Viettel Academy has a microclimate, meaning the weather within the school differs from that of the surrounding area. Vo Trong Nghia Architects designed the school with the intention of optimizing both the views of the surrounding nature and the microclimate of the school, giving residents access to the outdoors as often as possible. The skywalk surrounding the buildings gives residents a view as they study, but it also shelters the lower level from rain and excessive sunlight. A pool surrounds the buildings, which also helps regulate the temperature within the campus. 

Shortlisted for civic building

The Helsinki Central Library Oodi takes open concept to a mass scale in Helsinki, Finland.

Circular skylights light up the 185,677-square-foot Helsinki Central Library Oodi . ALA Architects merge the three floors of the building through the external rippled bridge, so even the separate floors feel connected. A massive open-plan reading space takes up much of the building, but you can also find recording studios, private group study areas, editing rooms, and even book-sorting robots in the library.  

Shortlisted for cultural building

The Rong Cultural Centre, located on the Iranian island of Hormuz, is made of two domes that are linked by stairs.

ZAV Architects combined a service location and a community event space within the Rong Cultural Centre in Iran. The interior domes contain information for tourists, a bike rental service, a café, and a recycling management space, while the stairs can serve as a stage or seating depending on the community's needs. 

Shortlisted for cultural building

The Evans Tree House in Hot Springs, Arkansas, is embedded within an adventure garden for children.

The Evans Tree House sits in the Evans Children's Adventure Garden in the Ouachita National Forest, adding another dimension to natural education. Modus Studio used steel and heat-treated pine to build the treehouse, allowing it to blend in with the landscape. 

Shortlisted for cultural building

The UCCA Dune Art Museum was carved into a sand dune in Qinhuangdao, China.

The UCCA Dune Art Museum is actually below ground, disappearing into the sand dune of which it is part. Open Architecture wanted the museum's design to blend architecture with art and landscape, while still protecting the natural surroundings. The building took three years to complete.

Shortlisted for cultural building

Located in Dundee, Scotland, the V&A Dundee Museum nods to the shape of the country's cliffs.

The V&A Dundee sits on a former dock, pulling the landscape into modernity through its very existence. Designer Kengo Kuma told Dezeen that the building's layered appearance was inspired by the cliffs of northeastern Scotland."It's as if the earth and water had a long conversation and finally created this stunning shape," he added. 

Shortlisted for cultural building

The exterior of the Forsyning Helsingør Operations Centre, nicknamed The Cube, blends in with the industrial buildings nearby in Helsingør, Denmark, while the interior takes a modern and sleek approach.

The Cube is home to a sustainable energy supplier, and Christensen & Co designed the building to be as eco-friendly as the company that inhabits it. For instance, a nearby wood-chipping plant offers the building heat, and the roof catches rainwater to be reused in the building. The steel exterior gives no hint of the open atrium inside.

Shortlisted for business building

Colorful screens and greenery brighten the Star Engineers Factory and Administrative Building in Hanoi, Vietnam.

Business offices and factory space are both in Vietnam's Star Engineers Factory and Administrative Building, and Studio VDGA aimed to connect them with courtyards full of color and nature. The courtyards are woven between office areas, bringing the outside in and giving the building a spacious feel. The open effect is magnified using transparent glass to separate work spaces.

Shortlisted for business building

This sales office in Bangkok, Thailand, dubbed the Glass Fortress, is made of 20,000 glass bricks.

The outside of this building looks like an opaque cube, with glass bricks stacked atop one another. The stunning garden nestled into this sales office isn't visible from the outside of the Glass Fortress. Designed by Archismith, the building benefits from natural light during the day and becomes a giant lantern at night.

Shortlisted for business building

Located in London, UK, the Royal College of Pathologists gets a modern update with a zigzag structure at the building's center.

Sitting on the site of a building demolished in the 1980s, the Royal College of Pathologists takes a modern approach to the academic space. Open study spaces are scattered throughout the building, and Bennetts Associates designed the windows to create the zigzag shadows you see in the photo, adding dynamism to the open spaces.

Shortlisted for business building

The Vanke Design Community in Shenzhen, China, uses green roofs to optimize public use of the space.

At first glance, Vanke Design Community just looks like a spacious park. But below the greenery, you'll find beautifully-lit work spaces designed by CHAF. The offices themselves are built of concrete, but the plot they sit on is sloped, allowing workers to see outside despite being below ground. "A balance is made between ensuring the continuity of the public green space on the roof and providing a good environment for underground office space," the studio told Dezeen.

Shortlisted for business building

The Ayla Golf Academy and Clubhouse looks like a natural part of the dune landscape in Aqaba, Jordan.

Oppenheim Architecture created the curved building by using shotcrete, a type of concrete that can be dispersed through a hose. The designers added an orange tint to make the structure blend in with the landscape even more. Ayla Golf Academy and Clubhouse is a massive 40,000-square-foot structure and home to retail, spa, bar, dining facilities, and more.

Shortlisted for hospitality building

Manhausen 2.0 is an addition to an eco-retreat in Manhausen, Norway.

Stinessen Arkitektur was inspired by Manshausen Island's Arctic Circle, as the cabins are arranged around water on the property. Manhausen 2.0 adds three new cabins to the resort's original four, with a minimalist design that doesn't disrupt the natural surroundings. The designers were careful to take into account variations in wave height and the projected rise in sea level due to climate change. 

Shortlisted for hospitality building

Under, located in Lindesnes, Norway, is Europe's first underwater restaurant, as well as the world's largest.

A panoramic window allows diners to look out at the North Sea while they eat in this Norwegian restaurant. Snøhetta designed Under to mimic a sunken periscope, using thick concrete walls to protect the building from water pressure and waves. The interior has a softer look compared to the formidable shell, as it features oak and textiles.

Shortlisted for hospitality building

Rounded buildings allow the Wild Coast Tented Lodge in Yala, Sri Lanka, to appear as if it's part of the rocky terrain.

Wild Coast Tented Lodge is a safari camp, complete with a waterfront bar, restaurant, and library. Nomadic Resorts used teak shingles to give the main buildings a natural color.

Shortlisted for hospitality building

The XY Yunlu Hotel offers views of the natural landscape, as well as the luxuries of a boutique hotel. The hotel sits between Guilin and Yangshuo, China.

Atelier Liu Yuyang and Ares Partners renovated five farm houses to create the XY Yunlu Hotel, which now offers 23 guest rooms and a restaurant. Honoring the nearby villages was a focus of the design. "Taking on a sensitive approach to the local culture, with villagers still living nearby, the overall planning and landscape design blends into the original village structure without creating new boundary conditions," Helen Wang, of Ares Partners, told Dezeen.

Shortlisted for hospitality building

Two 19th-century industrial warehouses were remodeled to form the Coal Drops Yard shopping complex in London, England.

Heatherwick Studio extended the two factory buildings to dramatically meet in the middle, so a large open space makes up much of Coal Drops Yard. The buildings still retain the architectural integrity of thr factories despite the modern additions, and patrons can enjoy almost 100,000-square-feet of restaurants and shops when they visit.

Shortlisted for rebirth project

What was once a train repair shed is now a bustling library and community center in Tilburg, the Netherlands.

Civic Architects, Inside Outside/Petra Blaisse, and Braaksma & Roos Architectenbureau worked together to refurbish this former train facility into the LocHal library. Permanent structures of steel, concrete, glass, and oak interplay with movable curtains to create a dynamic space that can evolve for users.

Shortlisted for rebirth project

This pedestrian and cycle path sits beneath a massive bridge in Luxembourg City, Luxembourg, creating a path for those who choose not to travel by car.

CBA Architects created the new path for pedestrians and bikers underneath the 500-foot-long Adolphe Bridge, which is protected by UNESCO as a World Cultural Heritage Site. It's a modern addition to the historic bridge, which was built in 1903, and the design team worked to make sure the path wouldn't disrupt the look of the bridge. The architect told Dezeen that the finished product is "like a well-controlled spider's web, barely visible from the outside."

Shortlisted for rebirth project

An abandoned house was transformed into the Forest BIG, an educational event space covered by mesh in Taipei City, Taiwan.

Divooe Zein Architects imbues nature into Forest BIG through the transparent mesh and open paneling along the walls. The mesh creates a 984-foot-long corridor around the exterior, which frames a rock installation in the center of the building, bringing even more of the natural world into the landscape. 

Shortlisted for rebirth project

Mil Centro offers dinner with a view of an ancient archaeological site in Maras, Peru.

The Moray archaeological site serves as the background for Mil Centro, which was designed by Estudio Rafael Freyre with inspiration from the area's traditional materials in mind. The restaurant is now home to experiments in local gastronomy using indigenous Peruvian ingredients and farm-to-table techniques.

Shortlisted for rebirth project

A Room for Archaeologists and Kids was designed for archaeologists working in Pachacamac, Peru.

A Room for Archaeologists and Kids functions as a workspace for items freshly found from digs, allowing researchers to examine them as quickly as possible. Studio Tom Emerson and Taller 5 worked together to create the rectangular space, which also features an open structure that allows local children to see what the researchers are studying. 

Shortlisted for small building

Located in Battambang, Cambodia, the individual parts of the Adventurous Global School are designed to move as the school's needs change.

The Adventurous Global School has a grid wall that can be manipulated to move storage spaces, lockers, and openings. The flexible structure allows the school to shift as students' needs change, teaching them about design in the process. Orient Occident Atelier designed the clever building.

Shortlisted for small building

A temple for the 2018 Burning Man Festival, Galaxia used trusses to create the illusion of petals in Nevada's Black Rock Desert.

Arthur Mamou-Mani of Mamou-Mani Architects designed Galaxia to spiral upward, stacking the tresses atop one another. From the ground it looks like an impressive tower, but from above it resembles an intricate flower. The triangular pieces created individual paths into the central part of the building, where attendees could gather. It took 140 volunteers to build the temple in just 22 days.

Shortlisted for small building

The Luum Temple is made of sustainably-farmed bamboo in Tulum, Mexico.

Co-Lab Design Office used the project as an opportunity to demonstrate the possibilities of sustainable construction, making curves and intricate patterns critical to the Luum Temple's design. The building features five supportive arches, topped with a canopy that allows for simultaneous coverage and openness. 

Shortlisted for small building

The Naidi Community Hall was built as a replacement for a building in Naidi, Fiji, that was demolished by a cyclone in 2016.

Caukin Studio worked with residents to design this community hall. The single room features three doors at the entrance that can open to form a stage, and unglazed clerestory windows allow for optimal airflow. The space's simplicity allows for versatility, providing the community with a location for a multitude of events. 

Shortlisted for small building

Read more:

The most beautiful historic place in every state

8 of the ugliest, most hated buildings in the world

36 train stations every railroad fan needs to see in his lifetime

7 of the world's most incredible new buildings in 2019, according to architects

from Design http://bit.ly/30jFdyD

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Lovell Burton uses agricultural materials for shed-style Australian house Architecture studio Lovell Burton has referenced surrounding hay sheds to create a house clad in galvanised steel panels on an agricultural paddock north west of Melbourne. Designed for an author seeking a change from inner-city life, the architecture studio created Springhill House as a rural retreat and place for reflection. The… — view on Instagram https://ift.tt/2MNRC6C

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How often do we think about the maintenance of the shed itself? What steps should we take to ensure it protects our machinery and offers us an efficient workspace? And how will a well-maintained shed help us optimize the performance of our mechanical arsenal? In this blog post, we delve deeper into this uncharted territory of maintaining machinery sheds for optimal performance.

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Coronavirus: More jobs at risk and sewage testing begins

Listed below are 5 of the principle coronavirus updates for the UK this Monday evening. We will enjoy one more briefing for you on Tuesday morning.

1. More UK jobs at risk

There is been more wicked news on the jobs entrance nowadays, with the pandemic continuing to enjoy an big impression on employment. Hays Shuttle, which sold Thomas Cook dinner stores when it went bust final year, now says up to 878 staff – out of a full of 4,500 – would maybe per chance furthermore lose their jobs. Owners John and Irene Hays said many of of hundreds of holidays had been cancelled attributable to the adjustments in travelling to and from Spain. In other news, DW Sports activities – a gymnasium and sports retailer – has collapsed, placing 1,700 jobs at risk. All of its 75 stores will shut, nonetheless DW, founded by ancient Wigan Athletic owner Dave Whelan, is hoping to set as many of its 73 gyms as seemingly.

Image copyright Hays Shuttle

2. How testing sewage would maybe per chance furthermore predict a plague

Sewage testing is being equipped in England as a kind of monitoring the pandemic. Scientists know that individuals with Covid-19 “shed” the virus of their faeces. This implies that by taking samples of wastewater, a coronavirus outbreak would maybe per chance furthermore be noticed up to a week earlier than it would if scientific testing modified into being veteran. There are 44 wastewater treatment sites in England where the testing is being implemented.

3. Meal deal ‘will affect weekend bookings’

Today marks the begin of the authorities’s Eat Out to Encourage Out map – whereby a 50% bargain is given off the invoice, up to £10 per particular person, on Mondays to Wednesdays all the scheme in which by August. However one restaurant owner says that whereas he’s taking allotment, he’s “not loopy” about it as his bookings for weekends enjoy been dropping off for this reason. Lubeck Sredojevic, who runs Boulevard in south Croydon, says furthermore it is confusing to purpose up as alcohol is just not incorporated. “They ought to calm enjoy came across some ability to scheme it more effective,” he said.

Image copyright Getty Photos

4. Melbourne lockdown as city fights 2d wave

The Australian city of Melbourne is experiencing a resurgence of coronavirus, with stores, factories and non-vital firms shutting their doors. There is also an evening-time curfew in accumulate 22 situation for town’s 5 million residents – an earlier lockdown did not non-public the unfold of the virus. About one million workers will rapidly enjoy to quit at house as allotment of the contemporary rules. Australia is now at its worst level yet in this crisis, attributable to the Melbourne outbreak. Better than half of of the nation’s entire 18,300 cases enjoy been recorded in exactly the final month in the deliver of Victoria.

Image copyright EPA

5. Worthy North Bustle goes virtual

For the first time in its 40-year history, the Worthy North Bustle goes virtual. Runners will doubtless be in a internet site to steal allotment in the half of marathon wherever they are living on the earth, with the lend a hand of an app playing crowd sounds and offering distance updates. A account 60,000 of us were attributable to mosey the 13.1 mile (21km) direction, between Newcastle and South Shields, on 13 September nonetheless it modified into cancelled attributable to coronavirus. The virtual match is free and runners qualify for a medal if they entire the mosey (nonetheless they enjoy to pay for this individually). Organisers enjoy entreated runners – who would maybe be half of from nowadays – to enjoy a examine social distancing rules and not flip up at the comparable old direction.

Image copyright PA Media

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And develop not put out of your mind…

… to establish out how existence in the UK has modified not too lengthy in the past as restrictions ease with our feature here.

Which you might furthermore acquire more records, advice and guides on our coronavirus page and acquire the entire most up-to-date from our are living page.

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Juniper Publishers-“Soccer Hooligan” Studies: Giving the Marxist Approach another Chance

Abstract

In this article I review key studies in the academic literature on soccer hooliganism. This review does not aim to be complete because this literature is voluminous and growing day by day. The academic theories can be divided into: the early-dominant "figurational” or "process- sociological” approach of Dunning et al.; the "anthropological” approach of Armstrong and Harris; the post-modern approach of Giulianotti; the Marxist approach of Taylor, Clarke, and Hargreaves; the "ethogenic” approach of Marsh; the "psychological reversal theory” approach of Kerr; and the historically sensitive / historical approaches of King and Robson. Later in the article I revisit the Marxist theoretical perspective, originally associated with Ian Taylor. I argue that, although Marxist perspectives are now unfashionable throughout academia, this perspective still has something to offer.

Keywords: Australian soccer; Crowd behaviour; Football hooliganism; Marxism; Melbourne Knights; Neo-tribes; Soccer hooliganism; Sports history

Abbreviations: ICF: Inter City Firm; IMF: International Monetary Fund; MCF: Melbourne Croatia Fans; NF: National Front; BNP: British National Party; BBB: Bad Blue Boys; NSL: National Soccer League; IRA: Irish Republican Army

    Introduction and The Punk Rock Connection

In this article I review key studies in the academic literature on soccer hooliganism from the UK and around the world. This review does not aim to be comprehensive or complete as this literature is growing day by day. I also consider the growing number of popular "confessions” books written by ex-hooligans. In fact, the legendary "black Hammer” turned author Cass Pennant seems to be the main culprit [1-4]! A large number of these confessions books have been written since the hooligan scene wound itself up in the late-1980s. Later in this article I revisit the Marxist theoretical perspective, originally associated with Ian Taylor. I argue that, although Marxist perspectives are now unfashionable throughout academia, this perspective still has something to offer.

Several authors touch on the fascinating intersection between punk rock music and soccer hooliganism. Pennant [1] considers the case of punk rock bands Sham 69 and Cockney Rejects whose East London identifications are well known. These East London identifications made sense within the punk rock scene which has always had a sociologically informed emphasis upon place which can be traced back to the Sex Pistols and the SEX shop run by Westwood and McLaren at 430 The King's Road, Chelsea [5,6]. Local East London historian John G Bennett (who led a "Jack the Ripper” guided tour I attended in Whitechapel on 10 June 2010) cites Sham 69's song "George Davis is Innocent” from the band's debut album 1978’s Tell the Truth: "They're never gonna leave you alone / They’re never gonna leave you alone / You know where you bloody live / East London is your home!” 1As Sham 69 was in fact from Hersham in outer south-west London, this song suggests that East London had by 1978 become a romanticized spiritual locality uncontainable by its actual geographic boundaries. However, despite song lyrics such as these, the close links between West Ham United's Inter-City Firm (ICF) and band members of The Business, Cock Sparrer, Cockney Rejects, and Sham 69 are less well documented. A famous picture shows the Cock Sparrer band members proudly posing inside the gates at West Ham's Upton Park stadium2 . As Pennant [1] writes, this known link between certain East London punk bands and West Ham's ICF resulted in Cockney Rejects’ concerts in the Midlands becoming sites of soccer-related violence3 . Moving on to today, Cockney Rejects released a very moving new single and videoclip on 11 April 2016 titled "Goodbye Upton Park” about West Ham's permanent move from the Boleyn Ground to the London Olympic Stadium4 .

It is important to point out that British soccer hooliganism, like British punk rock, was a unique product of time and place. Peter Marsh 1978 explains as follows: "aggro always reflects, in the particular form it takes on, the social forces of a given era”. Sociologically soccer hooliganism belonged to the 1970s and 1980s, the time when the post-war "consensus” between the two major political parties had broken down; unemployment was rising appreciably for the first time since the end of World War II; the Labour Party under the late James Callaghan faced the indignity of enforced civil service cuts under an International Monetary Fund (IMF) austerity package; and (later) Mrs Thatcher's economic rationalism and anti-trade union stance rendered life much more difficult for what remained of the industrial working-class [6]. Even in a different era in the UK hooliganism may not have happened or probably would not have happened. Key authors such as ICF leader Cass Pennant and Portsmouth 6.57 Crew’s Rob Silvester are happy to talk about hooliganism in the past tense although some firms, especially those from outside London, still operate on a regular basis.

Pennant and Silvester [3] suggest that socio-economic conditions and cramped housing today in Cardiff mean that alienated young gang members will continue to gravitate towards Cardiff City's Soul Crew. This point is somewhat surprising, within the overall context of their book, given that Pennant and Silvester [3] point to the harshness of life in Portsmouth as a factor behind the size of Portsmouth’s firm in the 1970s and 1980s but then argue that hooliganism is a fashion which Portsmouth youth have lost interest in. Why then did Portsmouth youth view hooliganism as a passing fashion but Cardiff youth view it as something more integral to their lives? Pennant and Silvester's statement is not necessarily incorrect but it does suggest areas where more detailed research is needed to shed light on regional characteristics and anomalies.

The article is also informed by the author’s group interview with Melbourne Croatia Fans (MCF) Pave Jusup and Kova at Melbourne Knights FC, Sunshine North, Australia conducted on 11 January 2011.

Popular and Academic Theories of Soccer Hooliganism

Dunning et al. [7] outline the major "popular” theories of hooliganism put forward by non-academics in the media and politics. After this they outline the main academic approaches used by the academic researchers. The popular arguments tend to be difficult to shed light on through empirical research and hence difficult to conclusively accept or reject. No doubt most of them contain some degree of correspondence with reality. Another point to note, highlighted in Dunning, et al. [7] review chapter, is that some of the popular theories contradict each other. For example, the theory that hooliganism is due to unemployment appears to contradict the theory that hooliganism is due to affluence. The popular theories are as follows: soccer hooliganism is caused by: "(1) excessive alcohol consumption; (2) violent incidents on the field of play or biased and incompetent refereeing; (3) unemployment; (4) affluence; and (5) 'permissiveness'”.

The academic theories can be divided into: the early- dominant "figurational” or "process-sociological” approach of Dunning, et al. [8,9]; the "anthropological” approach of Armstrong [10,11]; the post-modern approach of Giulianotti; the Marxist approach of Taylor, Clarke, and Hargreaves; the "ethogenic” approach of Marsh [12]; the "psychological reversal theory” approach of Kerr; and the historically sensitive / historical approaches of King and Robson (cited in Dunning, et al. [7]). Of the important Australian researchers, cultural studies author John Hughson can be grouped with the Anthropological School or its close-relative the Ethogenic School while sports historian Roy Hay, a stalwart of the North Geelong Croatia club, belongs to the historically sensitive approach.

The anthropological studies, whilst not denying the importance of social class to an understanding of hooligan associations and behaviours, move away consciously from the Marxist position that would portray hooliganism as simply another form of working-class resistance. A Marxist position might either view hooliganism in a very positive light as straightforward working-class protest or shift to the neo-Marxist stance of the philosophers of the 1960s Theodor W Adorno and Herbert Marcuse who emphasized how the working-class had been bribed and co-opted to serve capital and how challenges to the system as a whole were diverted to ends that were either unproductive or blatantly served capitalism. The neo-Marxist position might then point to hooliganism as a basically negative and reactionary phenomenon whereby members of the working-class waste energy and resources fighting among themselves. Hooliganism could then be interpreted as a form of fascist behaviour in a society where the working-class revolution never happened. This analysis could be supported by the unfortunate association of some hooligans with the National Front (NF), British National Party (BNP), and other organized fascist and borderline fascist groups. This alleged fascist connection has been viewed as important by some authors in the case of Sydney United's Bad Blue Boys (BBB) which has in the past revered Croatia's World War II leader Ante Pavelic. In various places Hughson [13-17] has explored at length the issue of the extent of actual fascism within the BBB.

Dunning's Theory of “Fault-Lines”

Dunning [8] theorizes that soccer violence occurs around a given city or region's "fault-lines” which might be class-based (as in England); religion-based (as in Glasgow (Flynn [18])); ethnic-based (as in South African soccer and Australia’s former National Soccer League (NSL) (1977-2004)); or regional-based; or city-versus-country-based5. The equivalent term to "fault-line” within Maoist theory might be "principal contradiction” [19]. In Portsmouth we see fault-lines which are class-based but also centre on the classic city-country divide whereby Portsmouth fans believe that their city and its residents are laughed at by Londoners due to their perceived country backwardness and lack of fashion sense.

Interestingly, Pave Jusup and Kova of Melbourne Croatia Fans (the current hooligan firm of ex-NSL club Melbourne Knights) distinguish Melbourne Knights' "political” rivalries with Yugoslav communist clubs such as Footscray JUST and Serbian clubs such as Springvale White Eagles with the (nonpolitical) "football” rivalries with old NSL clubs such as the Italian community's Adelaide City Juventus and the Greek community's South Melbourne Hellas (group interview with the author, Sunshine North, 11 January 2011). Pave argues that the rivalries with Adelaide City and South Melbourne are "nonpolitical” since they resulted simply from on-field events such as Melbourne Knights' grand final defeats at the hands of those two clubs rather than to Italian-Croatian or Greek-Croatian issues.

Attempting to transplant tension caused by one fault-line to a place where that fault-line is not dominant creates comical or ridiculous outcomes such as when Rangers supporters chant "we’re up to our knees in Fenian blood” in the freezing, half-empty stands at Inverness Caledonian Thistle in the Scottish Highlands (where Irish immigration has been minimal). Rangers and Celtic find it difficult to market their clubs overseas, and especially in Asia, where the religious fault-line of Catholic-versus-Protestant has not been a part of the religious histories of those countries most of which have non-Christian majorities [20].

Melbourne Victory A-League fans in Australia have attempted to label Sydney FC "Scum” (while Adelaide United is the "Pissants”) but this has not been altogether successful. It may well have been an attempt by English or Scottish Melbourne Victory fans to replicate the Portsmouth versus Southampton rivalry in Australia since Sydney is also the neighbouring club "just up the coast” from Melbourne. These same Victory fans might then have felt somewhat silly given that new club Melbourne Heart, cross-town rivals to Victory, began playing in the Southampton jersey of red-and-white vertical stripes (before being bought by Manchester City). Will the real Scummers please stand up?

Dunning's Theory of Fans' Identification with and Pride in the Team

Dunning [8] theorizes that working-class people identify with their football team to the extent that they feel pride and self-respect when the team does well and loss of pride and loss of self-respect when the team does badly. Regarding Australia's ethnic soccer clubs in the former NSL (which was replaced by the A-League in 2004-05 [21], Lynch [22] write that: "Nationalistic loyalty also played a part: a club victory could take on the stature of a ‘victory’ for a homeland, just as a defeat was also somewhat about loss of national face”.

The strength of these feelings of pride / loss of pride is based on the degree of the person's identification with the team and with the district and the number of interests that she / he has outside of soccer. For the person with strong identification with the district and few outside interests, the pride or loss of pride felt when the team does well or badly is at the maximum level. This theory can explain the strength of the ICF and Millwall’s Bushwhackers during the 1980s as these two clubs are based in the poorer and more stigmatized and isolated regions of East London (West Ham) and south-east London (Millwall), rather than in the west or north. In another Cass Pennant book, about the proto-West Ham united firm Mile End Mob from the pre- ICF era, Millwall fans are derisively termed "gypsies” [4]. Fans' identifications with the club and district merge here with class identifications and perspectives.

Furthermore, West Ham’s performances have generally been disappointing to fans over the past 30 years. However, the team did manage to avoid relegation for the main years of the casual firms, 1981-86. ICF lead man Bill Gardner [23] has said that the West Ham fans of the 1970s and 1980s were dispirited and felt a loss of pride because of the first XI's poor showings and lack of effort; this inspired the ICF to become the strongest football firm in the country. The fans felt a lack of respect from other Premier League team followers, and this was a more severe blow than if the club had actually been relegated and performed highly among a less capable set of teams.

In addition, the 6.57 Crew's activities became more committed and serious in the late-1970s when the Portsmouth club was rapidly falling through the divisions. Having had the unique and rare experience of rapidly falling through the divisions, Portsmouth fans in the 1970s were especially touchy. Frequent violence became necessary in order to restore the universe to its rightful order in the fans' own eyes and to ensure that the firm and the city were accorded proper respect by rivals [10,24]. Portsmouth's on-field experiences also meant that Portsmouth hooligans experienced hooligan firms in all the divisions which increased their profile. Armstrong [10] writes that Sheffield United and Sheffield Wednesday hooligans had the same experience as well as the reverse experience of their team being promoted.

Pennant and Silvester [3], consistent with the "popular" unemployment theory of hooliganism, point to the layoffs and decline in work prospects on the Portsmouth docks in the 1980s and suggest that it was a factor fuelling the growth and activities of the 6.57 Crew if only in the sense that it gave people more "free time" to attend away and mid-week matches. Several names are given by Pennant and Silvester [3] of key 6.57 Crew members who suffered unemployment in the city in the 1980s.

Fluid "Post-Modern” "Neo-Tribes"

Next I move on to review the ethnographic academic research on hooliganism that began in the 1990s with two landmark PhD theses, one in the UK by Gary Armstrong on Sheffield United’s Blades hooligan firm (later published as Football Hooligans - Knowing the Score) and one in Australia by John Hughson on Sydney United’s Bad Blue Boys NSL firm from the early-1990s. Subsequent articles by Hughson [13-17] synthesize key findings of these two studies and relate some of Armstrong's key findings to the unique context of south-west Sydney's Bad Blue Boys (BBB), a group of Croatian-Australian teenagers who are, or perhaps were, hardcore supporters of the former NSL's Sydney Croatia club (which was renamed Sydney United in the 1990s). It should be pointed out that these "anthropological" authors have been criticized on a number of grounds by other academic researchers (see, for example, Dunning, et al. [7]). Armstrong [10] has also criticized the early-dominant Leicester University School approach of Dunning and Williams.

Using the anthropological approach, Armstrong [10] focuses on the disorganized nature of Sheffield United’s Blades' firm and the fluidity of group membership. People come to and go from the Blades according to the needs of their lives at particular stages and no-one is ever "bound" to the Blades in any sense. People connected with the Blades acknowledge that hooliganism is an acquired taste and a profession at the edge of even hardcore fan support [24]. Armstrong [10] talks in terms of fluid "postmodern" "neo-tribes" and this terminology and its associated logic is taken up by Hughson in his ethnographic study of Sydney United’s BBB. Armstrong disputes the hegemonic theory of the police and the media that hooligan firms are extremely organized armies. The popular hooligan literature, including Pennant and Silvester [3], largely supports Armstrong's observation.

Armstrong [10] points out that firm allegiance is bounded and held in tight check. It is generally subordinated to ordinary relationships so that a Blades member would put to one side (or suppress) his hostility towards Sheffield Wednesday’s "Owls" hooligans when relating in the normal way to friends, family members, and work colleagues. When Blades and Owls meet outside of match days the context is often ambiguous and people have to determine whether this is a "football context" where fighting is justified or not. When groups of Blades or Owls invade each other's pubs on London Road or West Street on a Friday night this is a football context whereas if Blades or Owls are socializing with women or with non-hooligan mates this is not a football context and so football-related violence is unacceptable.

Similarly, Blades and Owls rarely meet outside of the football season [10] because such meetings are ambiguous and hard to interpret as being football-related. Armstrong (1998, p. 268, emphasis original) writes as follows: The raison d'etre of the Blades was a football match, and a collective identity more or less died outside the football season, to be resurrected at the early August pre-season friendly games". On the other hand, it was possible for the Blades’ collective identity to assert itself as dominant at gatherings outside of the football season such as a marriage celebration and a 30th birthday celebration. Armstrong [10] states as follows: "Blade identity could therefore be automatically sustained away from the club and the match in other contexts that did not need a game of football [nor even the football season]".

In one-club cities, such as Aberdeen, Airdrie, Cardiff, Leeds, Middlesbrough, Motherwell, Newcastle, Portsmouth, Sunderland, and Swansea, firms have often been stronger than in two-club or multiple-club cities because identity of club and city are conflated and this simplifies matters. It also reduces the chance of having to relate regularly to opposition firm members in ambiguous non-football contexts. Armstrong’s [10] book shows that the priority of Blades football-wise was always to confront Owls and these confrontations often occurred on Friday nights in and around city-centre pubs when visiting club supporters from outside the city had not yet even arrived in Sheffield for their Saturday fixture(s). Dunning, et al. [7] claim that one weakness of Armstrong's [10] work is his failure to take into account sufficiently the special reality of Sheffield as a two- club city.

The "Phases of Hooliganism" Theory (Leicester University School)

I now move on to discuss the "phases of hooliganism" theory as outlined in various places by Dunning and his Leicester University School. In the first phase, Dunning argues that violence mostly involved attacks on players and officials. It emerged from uncontrolled passions inspired directly by events on the field [25]. This type of violence, referred to as "spectator disorderliness" by Roversi and Balestri [26], was not preplanned. Duke and Slepicka [25] explain that, in the pre-1946 or pre-communist era in the then Czechoslovakia:

"Most of the crowd incidents ... were match related. Attacks on players and officials were characteristic of football spectator behaviour in the first Czechoslovak republic. Battles between groups of rival fans were not common, and there were no reported examples of the police coming under attack from gangs of fans”.

After the 1960s "core football hooliganism” emerged in England which was rival gangs of super-fighters intent on fighting each other; in this phase the violence was often pre-meditated [25]. Through a process of diffusion, the English hooligan style aka the "English disease” diffused firstly to Western Europe in the 1970s [25,27] and later to communist or post-communist Eastern Europe. In the then Czechoslovakia, Dunning's second phase did not diffuse into the local setting until the mid-1980s. The reason for the slow diffusion was "because of the relative isolation, restricted media coverage and rigorous repression under the communist regimes”.

Duke and Slepicka [25] also allege that communist rule was associated, especially in its early years, with a reduction in all types of soccer violence. Spectator disorderliness decreased from its pre-communist levels and core hooliganism started much later and on a much lesser scale in the then Czechoslovakia compared to Western Europe. Duke and Slepicka [25] attribute this to mass communist repression being effective in its early years but declining in its effectiveness by the 1980s. It was not until the 1990s that the new Czech Republic experienced its first cases of fan attacks upon police. Overall, Duke and Slepicka [25] concludes that "developments in the Czech Republic occurred later both in terms of the degree of organisation involved and the nature of the violence”. This suggests that hooliganism diffuses at different speeds and to various extents to different regions and that some types of hooliganism are never diffused to some locations.

The Leicester University School's "phases” theory has been developed beyond that discussed in Duke and Slepicka [25] and explained in the previous paragraph. According to Dunning, et al. [7], there were three phases of English soccer hooliganism in the post-war era. Firstly, in the 1950s and 1960s, "the conflicts on the terraces were interpersonal in character, took place mainly in the soccer grounds and on trains, and were for the most part directly related to the outcome of the match”. Secondly, during the 1970s, "football hooliganism was transformed into mass violence, which took place outside as well as inside the grounds and took the form of violent collective, or crowd, behaviour”. During the last phase, since the 1980s, "hooligan violence has been displaced from the grounds and diffused into city centres, suburbs and even further away from the ground itself and may take place independently of the outcome of the game, for fighting can begin before or after the game and can continue for a long time”.

It is better to view these phases tentatively as suggesting a broad trend line and they should not be taken too literally There was fighting outside of English grounds in the 1970s although, in that era, attempting to take over the opposing fans' end was an important ritual. Roughly, and in terms of fashion, the second phase was the "skinhead era” and the third phase was the "casuals’ era”. Portsmouth hooligans, interviewed by Pennant and Silvester [3], talk of an away game ritual which involved going first to a pub near the main train station and then heading to the city-centre looking for the rival firm or sub-gangs of that firm. Fans taking the 6.57 train would reach London by mid-morning and the north of England by 1pm so violence could occur well before the standard 3pm kick-off time. The timing of the violence and the entrance to the away team’s city became important parts of strategy which began in the 1970s but which were further refined in the 1980s. Another key element of strategy was exiting at a different train station than the one expected and then walking the rest of the way. Attempts to take ends died down as a fashion by 1980 as security and policing methods improved.

In Pennant and Silvester's [3] book there are chapters that discuss what the Leicester University School refers to in terms of fighting taking place in "city-centres” or "suburbs”. Fights in London would occur frequently, either on a pre-mediated or a spontaneous basis, as supporters of south-of-England teams returning from a day in the north would all arrive back in London at Euston Station. Here they would also meet north-of-England hooligans who had followed their team down to London or to the south coast [10]. Portsmouth fans, before returning to the south coast often in the early hours, would congregate in the evenings around Covent Garden before heading to Waterloo Station. As a result, fights also took place in these three locations [10,24].

Portsmouth supporters were also sometimes involved in hooliganism at matches not involving their club. This was not commonly done by other firms (except for the ICF, Millwall, and Hibernian's Capital City Service) and it shows a higher level of both strategic thought and determination to engage in confrontation. The 6.57 Crew would sometimes attend Millwall home games to trouble the home fans or otherwise go to the hated Southampton to join forces with the away team firm. This was more often done in cases of early or late kick-offs for the Portsmouth game or as spontaneous last-minute responses to cancelled Portsmouth matches.

The Leicester University School's "phases” categorization fails to take into account the alleged general hardening up of attitudes and behaviours in England which took place around 1974. We recall that Pennant and Silvester [3] nominate 1974 as a key dividing year in terms of attitudes. Perhaps the 1950s and 1960s phase should be seen as extending as late as 1974.

If there is a fourth phase to be added, for the 1990s and 2000s, I suggest that it might be called the "internet era”. In this extremely self-conscious and politically-correct post-modern era, past events are mythologized, rationalized, and justified online and in the pages of the myriad cheap-paperback "confessions” books penned by now 40-year-old or 50-year-old ex-hooligans. In the present era violence is reserved for a few important strategic self- and others-defining clashes such as West Ham versus Millwall and Arsenal versus Tottenham. Only the uncool northerners or Welshmen continue with hooligan activities on a regular basis. Armstrong [10] ends his book by describing how Blades would sometimes in 1997 watch games at pubs close to the Bramall Lane ground partly as a protest against rising ticket prices. This is the beginning of, in Armstrong’s words, "post-fan" behaviour. Armstrong's data ends in 1997 and so we do not how the Blades are functioning in the new millennium. Generally rising season ticket prices and the rising cost of train travel have meant that the demographic of football support has changed while improved policing methods are a further factor in creating disinterest in hooliganism.

The Sub-Gangs

The various sub-gangs of the 6.57 Crew had their own very informal structures and usually people spent time within their own sub-gangs unless they were split up in unforeseen circumstances in which cases the "lost" people would hook up with other sub-gangs. Each sub-gang was associated with a particular government housing project in or on the periphery of Portsmouth. Each sub-gang also had one or more key pubs on its territory from which people would depart from and return to on match days and congregate in at other times. The formation of football crews as amalgamations of neighbourhood gangs may have had a side-effect in certain cases of reducing violence between such neighbourhood gangs. Marsh [12] explains as follows: "By channelling the competitive hostility outwards towards the tribe on the other side of the [usually metaphorical] hill, social bonds within one’s own group are reaffirmed and maintained".

Armstrong [10] also produces very interesting data in the form of a list compiled in April 1987 of 190 Blades with ages, occupations, and criminal record (if any) listed. He classifies these into sub-gangs and some of the sub-gangs might have had as few as two or three members. Larger sub-gangs which were part of the Blades include Old Lads, Drug Squad, Suicide Squad, Max's Coach Blades, Villagers, and Rotherham Blades. These last two groups were the most obviously separate since their outside-of-Sheffield locations influenced how they viewed themselves, other Blades, and other firms, and also influenced their willingness to fight. They felt that certain City Blades were too close to certain City Owls and hence sometimes not willing to confront them. Clearly, the out-of-Sheffield Blades were more idealistic and less pragmatic than the City Blades. Being from outside-of-Sheffield it was easier for them to cause trouble and then run away to the relative safety of Rotherham or their villages. Armstrong also recounts the interesting and ironic case of Rotherham Blades fighting Rotherham Owls or outside supporters and, in doing so, defending the honour of a city they do not live in.

Casual Nature of Group Ties

Armstrong [10] emphasizes the casual nature of group ties and the recognition that a person was not morally bound to the firm in any way if he / she decided to give up football or give up hooliganism as part of a natural evolution within his / her own personal life. Some people might "come out of retirement" for big matches against the Owls or if a confrontation came to them. They would often continue to go to games and London Road Friday night pub sessions but sit with non-hooligan mates or sit with Blades but not leave the pub to meet a challenge outside. Generally, Hughson’s research of BBB supports this. He tells the humorous example of one Croatian-Australian hooligan with his girlfriend being ridiculed by the group for his love interest to the extent that over time he, and others in similar positions, disappeared to the fringes of the group or left it entirely. This hooligan was taunted by the Croatian word for "slippers" which signifies domestic bliss and a certain married lifestyle. Key members of the BBB at Sydney United and the MCF at Melbourne Knights believe that one's obviously displayed loyalty should be to the gang, to the soccer club, and to the Croatian community. The fault-line here is the ethnic and religious tension between Croatia and Serbia [21,28]. An additional fault-line today is between the Croatian-Australian youth at MCF, and successor firms to the BBB in Western Sydney such as South West Firm and Edensor Park Ultras, and "mainstream" assimilated and Anglo- Celtic Australians who support "non-ethnic" A-League clubs, Australian Rules, and / or rugby league clubs .

Giving the Marxist Approach Another Chance

I believe that the Marxist approach can be restored if it is sufficiently nuanced and applied directly to specific localized contexts rather than left to remain in the form of generalizations applied to the whole of a society. The study of Portsmouth FC by non-academic authors Pennant and Silvester [3] opens up with some insightful sociological rumination by the author pair, the ICF’s "black Hammer", Cass Pennant, and Portsmouth 6.57 Crew’s Rob Silvester. Their book Rolling with the 6.57 Crew includes the usual stream-of-consciousness discussions of key matches by a number of different authors grouped together in chapters according to team played and other headings. These long quotations, all in italics font, tend to run into each other and, since they are anonymous, it is hard to be sure how much credence to give to them. They tend to describe only events and people's feelings about the events in hindsight. Since there are so many events, for non-participants reading the book, they tend to run into each other and the incidents become indistinguishable and forgettable. The in my opinion, more interesting sociological rumination is left to the two principal authors and especially to the book's opening pages.

The interesting sociological question, in my view, is why a seaside city of 200,000 inhabitants produced one of the best and largest hooligan firms in England whereas neighbouring town Southampton had hardly any firm to speak of? Silvester argues that Portsmouth being a navy town gives it a completely different character to Southampton which is a town of farmers. After World War II large numbers of high-rise council tower blocks were built in Portsmouth and in various estates located at the fringes of the city. These were designed to house military officers returning from the war. Portsmouth was a convenient location to house these people. The city now has a very high population density among cities of a similar population in the UK. All of these facts have produced an alienated proletariat or lumpenproletariat (to use the traditional Marxist terms) in the council housing estates. These estates contributed their own sub-gangs to Portsmouth's 6.57 Crew in the 1980s. Each subgang was based around one or more pubs located usually within but sometimes just outside each council estate. Pennant and Silvester [3] also talk about navy people marrying Portsmouth girls and remaining in the area permanently thus increasing the percentage of the population with military attitudes and training as compared to other population centres.

The inter-generational hatred in Portsmouth towards Southampton is indicated by the nickname "Scum” or "Scummers”. Pennant and Silvester [3] indicate just how widespread this is by telling an anecdote of two elderly men in a Pompey (Portsmouth) pub. One has a newspaper in front of him and says to the other: "I see the Scummers lost again last night”. Although one might think the origin of the name is lost in time, Pennant and Silvester [3] trace it to a strike on the Portsmouth docks defeated by the importation of non-union "scum” labour from Southampton. This indicate the original class basis of Portsmouth’s residents' dislike of the inhabitants of their neighbouring town.

More on the Marxist Approach

Consistent with the Marxist approach is the fact that firm members enjoy it when the police, as representatives of the state and the ruling-class, waste time and resources policing hooligans. Fans also love the irony when the police at times must protect one group of fans from another. It is nice to feel loved and protected even or especially when the attitude is grudging. Hooligans seem to appreciate that the behaviour of hooligans has created an outcome where police resources are now being used to protect fans who are also hooligans. One perhaps subconscious reason for hooligans to fight might have been to mock police and waste police resources, which is much harder to do as an individual or as a small group. People then revel in the power that the crowd gives them. This theorization is not inconsistent with the Marxist approach broadly defined. The established order is also inverted when hooligans feature on TV and in the newspapers when, in the fans’ regular week-day capacity as employees or as unemployed, such events would be unimaginable. In Peru, where the "barras bravas” are most closely integrated with regular neighbourhood gangs, which exist in dynamic two-way interaction with the soccer firms, Panfichi and Thieroldt [29] state that: "almost all the complaints filed with the police [about hooligans] refer to damage to property that symbolises social division [and exclusion]: cars, windows of houses and smarter shops, and jewellery and the stealing of wallets”. Likewise, one of the main reasons behind 6.57 Crew's pitch invasion at a friendly match in France was to protest against the inept club leadership, clearly a ruling-class target within capitalism. Therefore, the generalized argument that "football fans fight each other and not the ruling-class” is not enough to render a Marxist approach completely invalid.

To further amplify on the relevance of Marxism for hooliganism it is important to recall that Marxist theorists, influenced by Freudianism, have argued in the past that the working-class instinctively rebels against the rule of capital [3033]. This means it is possible to be fighting capitalism and its effects without even being (consciously) aware of what you are doing! In his 1859 Preface to his A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy, Marx (cited in Bosteels [34]) writes that: "mankind always sets itself only such tasks as it can solve”. Civil disobedience by soccer firm members was a task that could be accomplished whereas more direct and violent acts against the British state were only likely to result in defeat. The meagre longterm concrete results of the Provisional Irish Republican Army’s (IRA) systematic terror campaign, not to mention a century of Communist Party struggle in Western Europe, are testimony to this assertion. French philosopher Alain Badiou [35] writes that: "Lenin already knew that any modern State, including the socialist one, is intrinsically bourgeois” [34,35]. Furthermore, Marx [34] writes that: "social reforms are never achieved because of the weakness of the strong but are always the result of the power of the weak”. Now that policing technology and resources have dramatically increased hooliganism has become less feasible and worthwhile and this is a key reason for its decline and near disappearance.

When 1980s hooligans attacked the police and public property, were they expressing an awareness, if only subconscious, of Friedrich Engels' [36] assertion that: "The modern State, in whatever form it takes, is essentially a capitalist machinery, it is the State of capitalists, the ideal collective capitalist”? For the Slovenian post-communist philosopher Slavoj Zizek [37], the "underground spectral life of the ghosts of failed utopias” continues to haunt the present generation, "patiently awaiting their next resurrection”. Failed utopias include the Paris Commune of 1871; the Russian Revolution of October 1917; the Chinese Cultural Revolution of 1965-68; and the French student movement and factory strikes of May 1968. Antonio Negri [38] writes in his Goodbye Mr Socialism that: "One has to bring capital to recognize the weight and importance of the common good, and if capital is not ready to do it, one has to compel it to do so”.

Of course Marxism is only ever a partial explanation for hooliganism and, of course, I do not claim that the majority of hooligans the majority of the time is or was (consciously) fighting capitalism. I do suggest that there may have been a partly or wholly subconscious (and completely reasonable) desire to resist a power base that has alienated working-class hardcore soccer supporters from their true humanity and has utilized the doctrine of private property to exclude them from a just share of the UK's (and the football industry's) wealth and prosperity. Hooliganism was one way that a protest could be registered and police resources wasted which stood a reasonable chance of success or only marginal losses on any given match-day (or at least that used to be the case in the era we are discussing).

In more recent years the rising ticket prices and the move to all-seater stadiums and new corporatist leagues such as Australia’s A-League have further alienated working-class supporters because the corporatized administrators of the game offer soccer matches and "the brand" to "consumers" as simply another capitalist entertainment product [39]. Perhaps one reason why people in their late-20s and early-30s drift away from hooliganism is that they become integrated within the capitalist system as (higher) wage-earners or entrepreneurs with mortgages and other financial commitments. They can then afford the better season seats in the stadium and they settle down into "consumer" mode. As the former Singaporean Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew once remarked, give a young man a motorcycle loan (which is a function of economic development) and he will be more interested in paying off the loan rather than rioting against social ills.

Social Class

In terms of the socio-economic background of English hooligans, Armstrong's [10] view differs somewhat to that of the Leicester University School. Armstrong, et al. [40], proponents of the anthropological approach, support the "working class in general thesis" whereas Dunning, et al. [41] state that "the core football hooligans come predominantly from the rougher sections of the working-class" [42]. The Leicester University School’s term "core football hooligans" is relevant when discussing that School’s "phases of hooliganism" theory which I referred to earlier in this paper. That theory can be used to analyse the extent and speed of the diffusion of hooligan behaviours and styles to other parts of Europe and around the world. Like violence at American professional sports matches [42], Australian Rules Football crowd violence has not passed beyond the first stage of (occasional) "spectator disorderliness" [26] and is unlikely to do so in the future. However, this does not mean that Marsh's "illusion of violence" is not present.

Marxist Critique of Armstrong [

10

]

Armstrong [10] only discusses leaving hooliganism in terms of changing life-stages without also referring to people’s changed position in relation to capital. Armstrong [10] uses the word "capitalism" in mocking inverted quotation marks as if to question either the concept or its relevance or both. At the same time, when he talks about rising ticket prices and the social control of supporters this is within the context, which he does not acknowledge, of professional football moving to a higher stage of capitalism where supporters are re-classified as "consumers". Armstrong [10] also rejects the Althusserian concept of Ideological State Apparatuses and the related idea that schools, police, courts, politicians, and media all operate, in the last instance, to further and safeguard the interests of capital. However, the physical rebuilding of Sheffield United’s Bramall Lane ground indeed shows the ideological re-interpellation of supporters as consumers whereby the consumers' average spend becomes more important than their degree of passionate commitment. In fact, the traditional supporters��� passionate commitment is turned against them by the ruling-class of football so that that passion is now viewed as a liability which must be monitored and controlled [43-45].

    Conclusion

In this article I reviewed key studies in the academic literature on soccer hooliganism from the UK and around the world. This review did not aim to be comprehensive or complete as this literature is growing day by day. I also considered the growing number of popular "confessions" books written by exhooligans. A large number of these confessions books have been written since the hooligan scene wound itself up in the late- 1980s. Later in this article I revisited the Marxist theoretical perspective, originally associated with Ian Taylor. I argued that, although Marxist perspectives are now unfashionable throughout academia, this perspective still has something to offer. The generalized argument that "football fans fight each other and not the ruling-class" is not enough to render a Marxist approach completely invalid. In fact Marxist approaches work best when analysing the transition of the football industry and policing technologies and resources to a higher stage of capitalism and the resultant increases in alienation associated with the ideological re-positioning of supporter as "consumer". Even when applied to the original casuals era of the 1980s the Marxist approach allows us to explain the excitement of creating mayhem and mischief on days when the power of the mob gave most strategies a reasonable chance of victory and the police would either suffer harm and damage or ironically be forced to defend one set of supporters from another.

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