#fardc

[warningsine]

This ongoing conflict in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and throughout the region has intensified – leading to widespread displacement and raising serious concerns about the humanitarian situation in North Kivu Province in particular.

On June 28 and 29, M23 rebels in the Eastern DRC captured the towns of Kanyabayonga and Kirumba, respectively.

Kirumba residents like Tsongo Augustin say more and more people have been forced out of the area, which had become home to many who already had been displaced by the conflict.

"Kirumba is gradually being deserted by the population, and therefore the humanitarian situation is very complicated. This area has welcomed many displaced families from Rutshuru, and now they are fleeing again," Augustin said.

Strategic importance of region

Kirumba is the largest settlement in the Lubero territory with a population of over 120,000.

Kanyabayonga meanwhile is home to more than 60,000 people, but tens of thousands of people had fled there in recent months, driven from their homes by the advance of the rebels. 

The region considered to be a "strategic stronghold, which is meant to block the rebels' advance towards the country's Grand North region," said Professor Adolphe Agenonga Chober, a lecturer at the University of Kisangani, who is also an expert on armed movements.

Soaring humanitarian crisis — and frustration

The capture of Kanyabayonga and Kirumba has now triggered another bout of mass displacement, compounding an already dire humanitarian situation.

"The question we ask ourselves is where will all these displaced families go?" Augustin said.

Others feel disillusioned with those in leadership. Wema Kennedy, a resident of Kirumba, complained that the community is "not seeing the government doing anything to take control of the territories captured by M23."

"Bunagana for instance has been under M23 for about two years now, and many are scared that it will not be easy for the government to retake control of Kirumba. We have the impression that M23, which started as a minor group, is today overpowering everything, and because of this, people are frustrated," she told DW.

A recent attack on a convoy in North Kivu province further exacerbated the security situation and humanitarian crisis in the area — and beyond. Two South African soldiers were kiled in such recents attack, and two members of aid staff are still missing.

The UK-based international Christian relief and development organization Tearfund said in a statement that is condemned the attack on humanitarian workers "who are working tirelessly to serve the people of the DRC."

"We urge all parties to respect and protect aid workers, ensuring their safety as they carry out their vital mission," Tearfund said.

Silence from the international community

The international community and the African Union meanwhile have remained largely silent on these latest developments amid escalating tensions. Professor Agenonga attributes this to a divergence of interests and approaches.

"The international community and the African Union are advocating for dialogue between the parties involved in this conflict — an approach rejected by the government in Kinshasa," Agenonga told DW, adding that "this also does not seem to be doing enough to change the situation and stop the M23 from advancing." The Norwegian Refugee Council (NRC) has reiterated the severity of the humanitarian crisis in the DRC. Eric Batonon, country director of the NRC for Congo, said that action had to be taken urgently.

"It is really important that the international community and all world leaders come together to try to find a solution to these conflicts, and allow millions of women and children to return home and safeguard a safe future for them," Batonon said.

Accusations against Congo's military

The Congolese army's performance, meanwhile, has also come under scrutiny, with accusations of passivity amid escalating attacks and ineffective command structures.

Augustin Muhesi, a political science professor in eastern DRC, underscored the need to reassess the army's strategy:

"This could be related to the morale of soldiers. Many have been fighting for a long time without rest. I am among those who think that we should also consider replacing these soldiers," Muhesi told DW, citing coordination issues due to overlapping command structures in North Kivu as another factor.

Alleged squirmishes among army commanders are also frustrating locals and boiling over into violence. Youth in the town of Butembo have attacked army officers, accusing them of inaction.

"We believe there is a problem with the leadership hierarchy on the front line, and that is what angers the population," Mathe Saanane, president of a network of civil society groups in Butembo, told DW.

A president in crisis mode

In response to the M23's advances, Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi convened a Defense Council meeting and reassured the nation of his commitment to preserving the country's territorial integrity.

In his Independence Day address on June 30, Tshisekedi expressed his concern forthe affected populations.

"I cannot ignore the grave security situation shaking our country. To our brothers and sisters in Kanyabayonga and the surrounding regions, I want to express my deep solidarity and compassion in the face of the suffering you endure," he declared.

However, his words of affirmation may fall on deaf ears, as North Kivu province has now been racked by violence since 2021, when the M23 rebel group first resumed its armed campaign in the region.

[atukaworld]

Notre Père céleste et nous !

[1/7, 07:10] Par grâce Projet 2014 – WhatsApp MESSAGE FORT AUX FARDC Militaires FARDC n’ont pas droit à l’erreur face à la guerre contre les M23.La population reconnaît la supériorité de la force motrice des FARDC.Si les FARDC pourraient céder les zones sous son contrôle aux mains des ennemis, la population comprendra que c’est de manière volontaire de la part des FARDC. La population…

[iweb-rdc001]

Instabilité de l'Est : Félix Tshisekedi demande aux FARDC de faire bloc derrière lui puis promet de leur offrir la victoire contre l'ennemi

Mercredi dernier, Félix Tshisekedi a enfilé le maillot de commandant suprême des Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo. Au cours d’un repas de corps où officiers généraux et supérieurs ainsi que sous-officiers des FARDC ont été conviés, le président de la République a galvanisé les troupes alors que les tensions sécuritaires ne se sont pas estompées dans l’est du pays. Une adresse…

[peacekeepersday]

MONUSCO Blue Helmets leading the "TIGER PAW" military operation with support from the FARDC.

MONUSCO peacekeepers from Bangadlesh and Nepal launched a reconnaissance and offensive operation in Itur that included combat troops. Supported by intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance drones, the operation was lead by the military commander of the Bangadleshi contingent of the UN and aimed at identifying and destroying the checkpoints controlled by militiamen from Codeco. The operation was conducted in collabortion with the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (FARDC). The Operation ‘Tiger Paw’, launched mid-May, neutralized the armed group members and freed the areas of Bayoo and Drodo, in Djugu, in Ituri, neutralizing at least eight checkpoints and liberating an important axe connecting several villages. Common FARDC – MONUSCO effort to free the area; The operation ‘Tiger Paw’ was meticulously planned with the involvement of the FARDC, local authorities and affected population.  On 21 May, FARDC members coordinated efforts with the peacekeepers and extended patrols were planned and carried out in the areas of Ivo Djugu, Lenga, Gali, Plateau Savo, Lida, Jippi and Pimbo. The village of Arr, known as the epicenter of insecurity in the areas, was subject to particular attention by the patrols. The aim was to map out the area before a robust intervention. The following day, four Congolese soldiers from the Masumbuko FARDC regiment joined the patrol and launched,from the Drodro base, an offensive to secure an axis including Drodro-Masumbuko-Uzi Hill-Tchoru village- and Pitso. The operation cleared the routes part of the axis of any presence of armed groups. The first illegal checkpoint was identified in the direction of Uzi hill, after a cordon and search operation had been carried out. It was subsequently destroyed. After clearing more than 1.5 km near Uzi hill, the patrol discovered and destroyed a second checkpoint and a third checkpoint manned by Codeco militiamen, who opened firebefore being shelled by mortar fire from the Blue Helmets. Having ascertained that there was no threat in the area, the patrol headed for the village of Tchoru, then on to Pitso, where it was joined by a Nepalese patrol. Between the villages of Tchoru and Pitso, the patrol destroyed five other unmanned Codeco checkpoints. The peacekeepers also organized a free medical campaign in the village of Tchoru, during which 120 patients, including 45 women and 45 children, received medical treatment. Medicines and medical kits were also handed over to the doctor in charge of the village health center.

[eretzyisrael]

by Peter Baum

Since the third but most  recent creation of the Jewish State of Israel in 1948 and the various conflicts she has faced since, the total number of deaths including those since October 7, has been no more than 200,000 inclusive of both sides and of various nationalities – Lebanese, Egyptian, Syrian , Jordanian , Israelis and Arab Palestinians. Averaging circa 2500 deaths per annum with a heavily swayed death total to the Arab Palestinian population.

Statistics only being identified by the Hamas Authorities state over 40,000 Arab Palestinians killed but this must include Hamas operatives, estimated to be nearly 20,000 perhaps more. If one compares this to the deaths of civilians during a similar period in Nigeria, Afghanistan, Burkina Faso, Mali, Somalia, Yemen, Syria, Pakistan, Iraq, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Mexico and Columbia then by equivalent statistical data these conflicts were also genocides – but not according to mainstream media, political commentators or the United Nations. Only the Palestinians apparently are victims of genocide. The only contemporary wearers of the Crown of Genocide.

So, let’s revert to the DRC and attempt to make sense of global conflicts, their victims and the role of our media and political leaders. By any intelligent research it is a truth that in less than thirty years over six million indigenous, black, African Congolese have been killed in internal conflict sometimes extending to the countries directly bordering the DRC. It is also an undeniable fact that a multiple of three to four times that number killed have been displaced from their homelands. Given the lack of knowledge about the country itself I would wager there is even less knowledge relating to the armed militias, groups or interested parties participating in this human tragedy. In all truth who of you have heard or read about the FARDC (Congolese Army) or the M23 rebel militia?

How can it possibly be in this day and age that six million black Africans can be slaughtered, and mainstream media totally ignores these tragedies. It is not only in the DRC a true genocide occurred. In Rwanda in 1994 nearly one million black Africans were butchered. And if I asked who butchered who, I would wager the majority don’t know the answer. Apart from a lack of knowledge of the two tribal protagonists, Hutus and Tutsis, I would wager that very few know who the perpetrators were and who were the victims. I’m not telling – dyor as we scribe lazily use such terminology.

So, two true genocides in Africa go unreported by our mainstream media. The six hundred thousand killed in Syria or the 250,000 deaths in Yemen have also gone similarly unnoticed. In Sudan, Eritrea and Libya the total death toll in the last five years is one million plus. But again, no media coverage.

And with lack of reporting there will be no protests, no outrage, no boycotts, no attacks on ordinary folk by activists, no UN sanctions, no political management.

So, four genocides occur but no outrage and a non-genocide receives global attention and political activism often bordering on criminality leading to the deaths of innocents. How can this be? I will tell you.

The global order which includes the Theatre of the Absurd – the United Nations, together with global mainstream media and an ever-increasing Muslim population with numerous countries subservient to that religion have adopted a truly successful agenda. Within that agenda money paid to corrupt African politicians has played a crucial role and has garnered support from the political left who are rabid anti-Semites and thus the saturation negative reporting on Israel as the aggressor and the Palestinian as victims. The fact that the Palestinians adhere to Charters demanding Jew extermination has been for decades conveniently ignored.

Atrocities in Africa are purposely overlooked and total concentration is beamed on Israel a state no bigger than New Jersey in the USA. Disproportionate, saturation negative reporting on Israel by mainstream media take total precedence above all other global conflicts.

[the-muse-of-not-writing]

STILL KEEP YOUR EYES ON CONGO

(I'll link the source I used)

There are 500,000 people displaced in the North Kivu province.

On may 3rd the Lac-Vert and Mugunga displacement camps were bombed. 35 people were killed from it.

Also on may 3rd the U.S. wants to have Rwanda revaluated as a UN troop-contributing country because of the breech of international humanitarian law. Yes. THE U.S. said this.

On may 5th, when this information was released to American press, elicited a strong reaction from Rwanda. They rejected it, stating that it was an unjustified accusation and wanted a credible investigation.

It referenced a warring issued by Médecins Sans Frontiéres that drew attention to the HEAVY ARTILLERY placed in the IDP camps by FARDC (démocratiques de líberation du Rwanda. It's composed of an ethnic armed hutu group active in east DRC, and other local armed groups)

Rwanda accused FARDC and the Burundian forces of being deported in Eastern DRC as part of a bilateral agreement with the colongolese government of the deadly shelling.

On may 8th a letter from the DRC was sent to Rwanda and the M23, saying they were the ones responsible for the attack that broke human rights laws.

The DRC urged the council to suspend Rwanda from the UN peace keeping operations until it stops supporting the M23 and withdraws forces from Congolese territory.

The DRC had also reiterated the request to impose sanctions onto Rwanda based on the reportings of a group of experts assisting the 1533 DRC sections committee.

In their June 13th 2023 report, the group of experts with evidence implicating Rwanda was directly intervening inside of Congolese territory to either reinforce M23 combatants or to have military operations against the FDLR

They also found evidence of the FLDR, along with other local groups, have created an entity called Wazalendo to fight the M23. The report said senior FARDC members had coordinated these operations and supported the army groups with logistics, finance, and military equipment.

On may 19th a group of armed men attacked the Palais de la Nation (the Congolese president's office in kinshasa).

Media reports indicated Christian Malanga (a Congolese politician living in the US) was allegedly behind the attack. He had lost his wife, son, and associates during a shootout with government forces.

The Resistance of Vital Kamerhe, deputy prime minister of the economy and leader of the ruling for the UNC party was also targeted. 2 officers were killed in the attack.

On may 22, the national assembly elected Kamerhe as the speaker of parliament. In an appearance on public TV, spokesperson of the Congolese army described the situation as foiled coup.

If I got anything wrong or used a uncreditable source, please let me know.

[sataniccapitalist]

Crisis in the Congo: How the West Fuels the Bloodshed in the DRC

At least 150,000 people have been displaced in the eastern provinces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) amid an escalation of fighting between the Congolese armed forces (FARDC) and the M23 rebel group, a proxy force backed by Rwanda. Over one year after Angola brokered a ceasefire deal, the M23 has continued its offensive, leading to a new wave of mass displacement in the country. Kambale Musavuli of the Center for Research on the Congo details the latest developments of the conflict and breaks down how Western countries, including the US and European Union member states, are complicit in the ongoing violence and destabilization in the DRC.

[bikekokin24]

Le caucus des Députés de Lubero fait un don de Vivres pour Soutenir l'Armée

Les Forces Armées de la République Démocratique du Congo (FARDC) ont reçu samedi un don en denrées alimentaires et autres produits de première nécessité offert par le caucus des députés nationaux du territoire de Lubero et un groupe de mouvements citoyens, selon une source associative. “Nous sommes venus ici après mobilisation et récolte de ces vivres et non-vivres, pour vous appuyer en tant que…

[fizimedia]

Sud-kivu: le groupe armé Twirwaneo,une pépinière et un valet du Rwanda(FARDC)

Les forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo,qualifie le groupe armé Twirwaneo d’être une pépinière du Rwanda en RDC à travers le M23/AFC ,et condamne cette attitude. Cette qualification et condamnation viennent après que ,le coordinateur de ce groupe armé, monsieur Kamasa Ndakize WELCOM, a signé un communiqué de presse accusant l’armée loyaliste de lancer une opération appelée…

[ericalto]

IDR Congo says many towns have been recaptured from rebels, but fighting continues Mining News

Despite recent military gains, eastern DRC remains at the center of conflict, largely due to the M23 rebellion. Several towns that fell to armed groups in eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have been recaptured by government forces, according to the Congolese army. The DRC’s armed forces (FARDC) said some of the towns recovered had been under attack by rebels for months, including…

[newsmatik]

DR Congo says many towns have been recaptured by rebels, but fighting continues | Mining information

Despite the military’s gains, the eastern part of the DRC is still mired in conflict, largely due to the M23 insurgency. Several towns that fell to armed groups in the east of the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have been captured by government forces, according to the Congolese army. The DRC’s Armed Forces (FARDC) said some of the towns it had recovered had been occupied by rebels for…

[warningsine]

https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/uganda-provided-support-m23-rebels-congo-un-report-says-2024-07-08/

PARIS, July 8 (Reuters) - The Ugandan army has provided support to the M23 rebel group operating in eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, a United Nations report seen by Reuters on Monday said, as escalating clashes there fuel fears of a new all-out conflict.

Uganda denied involvement, saying it is cooperating closely with the Congolese government forces. The U.N. has long accused Rwanda of backing the M23, which has repeatedly seized large parts of mineral-rich eastern Congo, allegations Rwanda denied.

Congo has been riven by conflict for decades. Uganda and Rwanda invaded in 1996 and 1998 for what they said was defence against local militia groups. Uganda is still conducting joint operations with Congolese troops against a rebel Ugandan group.

The Tutsi-led M23 rebels have been waging a fresh insurgency in Congo's militia-plagued east since 2022.

Ugandan troops were part of a regional force deployed in November 2022 to monitor a ceasefire with the M23. Congolese authorities called for the force to withdraw last year, saying it was ineffective.

"Since the resurgence of the M23 crisis, Uganda has not prevented the presence of M23 and Rwanda Defence Forces (RDF) troops on its territory or passage through it," the U.N. Security Council's Group of Experts said in the report, which was sent to the U.N. Security Council Sanctions Committee at the end of April and then to members of the Security Council in June.

The U.N. group also said it had obtained evidence confirming active support for M23 by officials from the military and military intelligence, with M23 leaders, including the sanctioned Sultani Makenga, travelling to Uganda for meetings.

Contacted by Reuters, deputy spokesman for Uganda's armed forces, Deo Akiiki, said such reports falsely accuse the east African country's army when its relationship with the Congolese forces (FARDC) is at its best.

"It would be mad for us to destabilise the same area we are sacrificing it all to have it stable," Akiiki said.

The U.N. report said some 3,000-4,000 Rwandan soldiers were fighting the Congolese army alongside the M23. The Rwandan army's "de facto control and direction over M23 operations also renders Rwanda liable for the actions of M23", the experts said.

In response, Rwanda said Congo was financing and fighting alongside a Hutu rebel group, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR), that has attacked Tutsis in both countries.

"The DRC has all the power to deescalate the situation if they want to, but until then Rwanda will continue to defend itself," Rwanda government spokesperson Yolande Makolo told Reuters.

[atukaworld]

Reconnaître l'arbre !

Frères, Qui a réellement assassiné Mamadou Ndala : l’ennemi ou le pouvoir ?Pour quelle cause est-il véritablement mort : la patrie ou la gloire personnelle ? Les Mai-Mai en leur temps et les Wazalendo aujourd’hui, les FARDC depuis toujours, se battent pour qui, pour quoi et comment ? Christ nous a enseigné une vérité fondamentale : pour connaître la qualité d’arbre, regardons à la valeur de…

[iweb-rdc001]

Instabilité de l'Est : Félix Tshisekedi demande aux FARDC de faire bloc derrière lui puis promet de leur offrir la victoire contre l'ennemi

Mercredi dernier, Félix Tshisekedi a enfilé le maillot de commandant suprême des Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo. Au cours d’un repas de corps où officiers généraux et supérieurs ainsi que sous-officiers des FARDC ont été conviés, le président de la République a galvanisé les troupes alors que les tensions sécuritaires ne se sont pas estompées dans l’est du pays. Une adresse…

[formationunclickpouretreriche]

RDC : une dizaine de militaires reconnus coupables de “meurtre” condamnés à la peine de mort

Dix-sept (17) militaires des Forces armées de la République démocratique du Congo (FARDC) incontrôlés ont été condamnés par le tribunal militaire de garnison de Butembo, siégeant en procédure de flagrance foraine, le mardi 31 décembre 2024, à Lubero.   La nouvelle a été relayée à la presse de la région, par le porte-parole militaire des opérations Sokola I au Grand Nord-Kivu, dans une note…

[thesocialchronicles]

For three years, the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) has been embroiled in an armed conflict between the army and the M23 rebel group that has killed hundreds of people and displaced nearly two million. M23 was first formed after a mutiny within the Congolese national army (FARDC) in 2012. Though the initial rebellion was crushed, the group took up arms against the army and allied “Wazalendo” armed groups again in 2022, and has since seized swaths of territory in North Kivu province. M23 says it is defending the interests of minority Congolese Tutsi, many of whom say they suffer discrimination and exclusion in DRC for their ethnic links to Rwanda’s Tutsi community. Kinshasa sees M23 as the greatest security threat it currently faces, with regional tensions escalating as bodies including the United Nations accuse Rwanda of supporting M23 with troops and weapons, fuelling the rebellion – something Rwanda denies. Despite attempts at ceasefires and negotiations – including the 2022 Nairobi peace process and recent mediation efforts by Angola – fighting has continued. In Lubero, M23 advanced several dozen kilometres in just a few days in December. Bertrand Bisimwa, the head of the political wing of M23, maintains that the group is fighting a “defensive” war. He spoke to Bojana Coulibaly, a researcher specialising in peace and security in Africa’s Great Lakes region, about the war in eastern DRC and hopes that dialogue will prevail. Bisimwa speaking to Bojana Coulibaly [Teddy Mazina/Al Jazeera] Bojana Coulibaly: Can you tell us what M23’s demands are? Bertrand Bisimwa: Our demands boil down to a struggle for survival. We are waging an existential war because the Congolese government is subjecting part of its population to death. And this didn’t start today. It has been going on for decades, where people are forced to seek refuge, fearing death, avoiding being killed. There is hate speech and there is also a kind of radicalisation that is taking shape. A part of the citizens, namely the Tutsi, serve as scapegoats for the Congolese government to distract the people from its governance failures. So, we told ourselves that we must not sit idly by and watch our citizens being killed in this way. This is why we are currently waging a defensive war to protect these citizens. So that they do not continue to be put to death. They are not second-class citizens. The state must take care of them and not consider them as stateless, or who are not Congolese. They are full-fledged Congolese citizens, like all other Congolese. Coulibaly: Recently, there’s been intense fighting between government forces and M23 in Great North Kivu, in the Lubero territory. Could you explain what happened? Bisimwa: In March, the mediator in the crisis between Rwanda and the DRC, Angola’s President [Joao] Lourenco, had invited us to Luanda to convey the message from the African Union which was to sign a ceasefire. We signed the ceasefire, but Kinshasa refused to sign it. Later, Kinshasa simply continued the war against us, and we started again – we continued to defend ourselves. On December 15, a meeting was scheduled between the Congolese government and the Rwandan government, which also had just signed their ceasefire, although the Rwandan government or the Rwandan military are not on Congolese soil and are not fighting. The Congolese government wanted to have a victory on the ground before the 15th. They put pressure on us, with the aim of obtaining a victory that would put them in a comfortable position in order to put Rwanda in front of a fait accompli – that either they sign what Kinshasa wanted, or they would practically derail the Luanda meeting. That was the government’s objective. This is how they put pressure on us: they gathered more than 22,000 men assembled around 15 regiments, supported by the FDLR [Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda, an armed rebel group] – the former genocidaires of the 1994 genocide against the Tutsi in Rwanda – supported by the Wazalendo and they use them against us. We understood the manoeuvres, so we prepared sufficiently to defend ourselves. This is what led to this escalation of violence, because for us, it was essential to thwart this military offensive on their part, and we succeeded in doing so. We learned that they continue to prepare to reignite the war, and if they do reignite it, we will continue to defend ourselves to prevent them from continuing down that path, because we believe that for peace, it is necessary to thwart the path of war. An M23 soldier on patrol in the Democratic Republic of the Congo [Teddy Mazina/Al Jazeera] Coulibaly: The United Nations says M23’s advance towards the Great North Kivu as well as the increase in control of areas are a desire for expansion and conquest of territory. How do you respond?  Bisimwa: Since we started our war, we are reacting to the offensive from the government that attacks us every day. And each time, we say it: if they continue to attack us, we will silence the weapons everywhere they shoot at us. The logic of war dictates that when you have supremacy over the other, you take the space from which they were shooting at you. And we fight for that. When we fight against the government, those who attack us, we are obliged to silence the weapons from the space where they shoot. And that is what allows us to stop the war. So, we cannot be shot at and just defend ourselves without taking the weapons from the opponent. That would be illogical, it would mean continuing to submit ourselves to death and to submit to death the people that are in our area. You will see that every time we gain the upper hand over the opponent and take the space from which they were shooting at us, we stop there, and we wait. If they launch the same offensive again, at that moment we advance. So, we cannot be blamed for defending ourselves and for winning against the offensive that is imposed on us. When there is war, people are afraid and can flee, because they must seek shelter. And this is a completely normal attitude. So, we cannot place this responsibility on just one party. I think there is a kind of refusal to face reality at the level of the United Nations as well because we succeeded during our liberation action in bringing back or emptying more than nine camps of displaced persons that were set up in the area that we control today. OCHA recently published a report where it stated that more than 480,000 families have returned to their homes, in our area. And so, I think that instead of starting to condemn, everyone needs to look at themselves, and we must have the courage to say what is actually happening on the ground. Coulibaly: After M23 was excluded from the peace process in Nairobi in April 2022, the Luanda process has been stumbling over the issue of dialogue – because Kinshasa considers you to be just a proxy of Rwanda. What is your position regarding this refusal of dialogue? Bisimwa: The refusal of dialogue by the Congolese government is a refusal of a civilised resolution of conflicts. Because the civilised world today no longer fights; it resolves problems through dialogue and moves on. But Kinshasa is in the logic of war. It is necessary to first understand the framework in which we were in Nairobi in 2022. On April 10, the heads of state of the East African Community had gathered, at the request of President [Felix] Tshisekedi, to ask us to withdraw to a certain distance, because we had just liberated locations. And the Congolese government wanted a dialogue with us. We found that civilised because we told ourselves, after all, we have the dialogue we wanted in order to address the root causes of the conflict. So, we found ourselves in Nairobi on April 20, 2022, and we thought we were coming to talk. But while we were in Nairobi, the armed forces of the DRC began to reclaim the locations from which we had withdrawn, and it was moving towards our positions. We alerted the facilitators that there is a situation developing on the ground that needs to be stopped quickly because it risks escalating. The facilitator discussed with the Congolese government, but nothing was stopping on the ground. Unfortunately, we were not listened to and the war restarted. The next day, FARDC soldiers woke up, they shot at our soldiers; we defended ourselves and the war resumed. The Congolese government used that as an excuse to say that it can no longer tolerate us in the room and that we should leave. That is when we understood that the Congolese government was not ready to be in dialogue with us. And it is the same logic still in place today. War cannot solve our problems. Dialogue alone can allow us to address the root causes of the conflict. Because it has lasted a long time. The east of the country is suffering because of these conflicts that do not end. And the east of the country is our home. That is where our families live. Our families cannot continue to be put to death every day simply because the capital is located 2,000km from where we live. If Kinshasa cannot solve our problems, it should let us solve them ourselves. M23 soldiers in the Democratic Republic of the Congo [Teddy Mazina/Al Jazeera] Coulibaly: Congolese Minister of Foreign Affairs Therese Kayikwamba Wagner said on France 24, that she would like to invite all armed groups to a dialogue or to resume the Nairobi process, but that Kinshasa categorically refuses any dialogue with M23. How do you respond?  Bisimwa: Everyone knows – the whole world knows – that there are no more armed groups in Congo. All these armed groups have been integrated into the FARDC as reservists. There is a law that came out; all these Wazalendo, all those we call the VDP, are auxiliaries of the FARDC who have been officially integrated. The FDLR has been integrated officially into the FARDC. So, there are no more armed groups. We have no problem with these armed groups. We have existential problems that will not be solved by armed groups. It is not these armed groups that manage the country, it is the government that manages the country. It is to the government that we must address and not the armed groups. The second thing, and I would like Minister Wagner to understand this very well: we are not fighting for jobs within the government. We are not fighting for ranks. Our officers, our soldiers have been in the Congolese army. They had ranks there. There are some among us who have been ministers in Kinshasa, who have been in the government. They left because the problem had not been resolved. This means that today, even if we were offered these positions, it would not resolve our misery, our suffering. We must address the root causes of the conflict to stop the violence in the east of the country. Each one of us, if the country becomes peaceful, can live where they want, we have land that is fertile. We can cultivate the land, we can keep our cows, we can produce milk, we can go teach. Each of us can have an opportunity for our family and for our survival, rather than going into politics. What we want is to talk with them to resolve issues related to the governance of the country. A governance that kills us, a governance that sends us into exile, a governance that does not allow us to provide for our children tomorrow and the day after. Our children must be able to live. We must create an environment that allows future generations not to inherit the problems that we have not managed to solve. Coulibaly: The latest battles against the government coalition took place near territories affected by the presence of the ADF armed group. Is there a link between your movement and this group that claims to be from Islamic State (ISIL or ISIS)? Bisimwa: We were the first in this country to denounce the ADF threat. And I believe that we have been talking about it for more than 10 years. And the Congolese government has always taken us for people who are joking. They said the ADF does not exist. Today, this issue has become a reality visible to everyone, because they have excelled in massacres against the population and to say that it is us who have links with them – that is also immoral, to think in that way. We have always fought for those people to be neutralised. And the sooner they are neutralised, the better the country would be today. The FARDC or the Congolese government do not mobilise as many forces against the ADF as they mobilise against us. Against the ADF, they just send a few soldiers to accompany the Ugandan army that does all the work; against us, they mobilise more than 15 regiments of 22,000 men. They mobilise impressive weapons, impressive state-of-the-art equipment. So, between us and those who behave in this way, who can we say is closer to the ADF? Coulibaly: You are accused of exploiting the mines of Rubaya for the benefit of Rwanda. What do you say to this? Bisimwa: Regarding Rubaya, we did not want it at the beginning, because we never had the intention of taking areas where there are minerals. We have always avoided this so that we would not confuse our existential cause with the exploitation of minerals. But the reality is – and we communicated it – that there was a training centre in Rubaya maintained by the Burundian army with the Imbonerakure militia, which trained young people, the Congolese, in the handling of bladed weapons, with the intention of infiltrating them into our space to sow death and desolation. We communicated this to the world so that everyone would understand that there is a threat in Rubaya that needs to be addressed quickly. There was no reaction, and everyone neglected this. This is how we made the decision to stop this thing because it was going to create for us more problems than solutions. When we entered this space, in this area of Rubaya, there was never any fighting inside Rubaya. The strategy we took was to evacuate from Rubaya all those who had weapons in these mining sites. The second group of people to evacuate from those sites were children who were used in the mines, with all the potential for accidents. The third group of people we extracted from Rubaya were pregnant women who very often were mistreated. Today, Rubaya is doing well. We have kept in Rubaya the same people, the same organisations that were exploiting the mines because they are private entities that were exploiting the mines there. And we have forbidden our officials from being in the mines of Rubaya. There is not a single member of the M23 in the mines of Rubaya. So we have left this exploitation to those who were doing it. And we are happy with a small tax to allow that this police mechanism that we have established around Rubaya can continue to hold. This is what we have done. An M23 soldier on patrol [Teddy Mazina/Al Jazeera] Coulibaly: M23 currently controls the Virunga National Park, which is a world biodiversity reserve and UNESCO World Heritage Site in danger since 1994. What is the current status of Virunga Park since you arrived there in 2023? Bisimwa: What we have always done, in, around or near this park, whether at the level of our populations, or in the actions we take, is to protect this world biodiversity reserve. Before our arrival, we found that the park was overrun by the FDLR who were engaged in woodcutting activities to make charcoal. There is a United Nations report that was released and which stated that the FDLR profited from this charcoal trade. They were talking about more than $100m a year. The second thing we noticed was the invasion of the park by armed groups, including the FARDC. These FARDC who were not paid, they were killing the park animals to feed themselves. And we said no, now, there is not a single tree left in the parks. So, we created a protection force for the park that works in agreement with the rangers to protect the park. The third action we took was an educational action towards our population. To make them understand that they have no interest in invading the park. Because we found that the boundaries of the parks were threatened. There are even citizens who have taken plots of land in the park concession, which was unacceptable. We started by educating our population to make them understand that we can benefit from what comes from the park in another way. That is to say, when tourists come, what they will pay as tourists will allow us to carry out development projects. When we arrived at the park, there was no wildlife. But now, all the animals that had left the park are starting to return because there is security. We can see the hippos parading in the swamps. We can see families of antelopes running here and there. We can see the gorillas. And it’s beautiful. Everyone who passes by that road knows how to appreciate the beauty of the nature that God has given us, and I believe that it’s a privilege that we have, which we must preserve. Note: This interview has been edited for length and clarity. https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/01/pix-5-copy-1735711364.jpg?resize=1920%2C1440 2025-01-01 14:14:40