#battle of voronezh

[captain-price-unofficially]

Wheat harvest in Voronezh as German personnel inspect a knocked out KV-1 tank in 1942

[carbone14]

Des éclaireurs soviétiques du 1031e Régiment d'artillerie de la 100e Division d'infanterie de la 40e Armée du Front de Voronej dans la salle de contrôle principale de la centrale hydroélectrique de Voronej – Première bataille de Voronej – 1942

[ukrainenews]

Mutinous Russian mercenaries who surged most of the way to Moscow have agreed to turn back to avoid bloodshed, their leader said on Saturday, in a de-escalation of what had become a major challenge to President Vladimir Putin's grip on power.

The fighters of the Wagner private army were just 200 km (125 miles) from the capital, said the leader, former Putin ally Yevgeny Prigozhin. The rebels had captured the city of Rostov hundreds of miles to the south before racing across the country.

"They wanted to disband the Wagner military company. We embarked on a march of justice on June 23. In 24 hours we got to within 200 km of Moscow. In this time we did not spill a single drop of our fighters' blood," Prigozhin said in an audio message.

"Now the moment has come when blood could be spilled. Understanding … that Russian blood will be spilled on one side, we are turning our columns around and going back to field camps as planned."

The decision to halt further movement across Russia by the Wagner group was brokered by Belarusian President Alexander Lukashenko in return for guarantees for their safety, his office said. There was no immediate word on the deal from Putin.

Earlier, Prigozhin said that his "march for justice" was intended to remove corrupt and incompetent Russian commanders he blames for botching the war in Ukraine.

In a televised address from the Kremlin, Putin said Russia's very existence was under threat.

"We are fighting for the lives and security of our people, for our sovereignty and independence, for the right to remain Russia, a state with a thousand-year history," he said, vowing punishment for those who "who prepared an armed insurrection".

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy said the Wagner revolt exposed complete chaos in Russia.

"Today the world can see that the masters of Russia control nothing. And that means nothing. Simply complete chaos. An absence of any predictability," Zelenskiy said in his nightly video address.

Video obtained by Reuters showed troop carriers and two flatbed trucks each carrying a tank driving 30 miles (50 km) beyond Voronezh, more than half way to Moscow. A helicopter fired on them near Voronezh.

More than 100 firefighters were in action at a fuel depot ablaze in Voronezh. Video footage obtained by Reuters showed it exploding in a fireball shortly after a helicopter flew by.

Further along the road, video showed, vehicles apparently placed as barricades to slow Wagner's advance had been tossed to one side.

Prigozhin, whose private army fought the bloodiest battles in Ukraine even as he feuded for months with the military top brass, said he had captured the headquarters of Russia's Southern Military District in the city of Rostov without firing a shot.

'WILL THERE BE CIVIL WAR?'

In Rostov, which serves as the main rear logistical hub for Russia's entire invasion force in Ukraine, residents milled about calmly, filming on mobile phones as Wagner fighters in armoured vehicles and battle tanks took up positions.

One tank was wedged between stucco buildings with posters advertising the circus. Another had "Siberia" daubed in red paint across the front, an apparent statement of intent to sweep across the breadth of Russia.

"Will there be civil war?" a woman in Rostov asked the mercenaries who took over the city. "No, everything will be fine," a fighter answered.

The region surrounding Rostov is an important oil, gas and grains hub.

In a series of hectic messages overnight, Prigozhin had demanded that Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu and the chief of the general staff Valery Gerasimov should come to see him in Rostov.

'SIGNIFICANT CHALLENGE'

Western capitals said they were closely following the situation in nuclear-armed Russia. U.S. President Joe Biden spoke with the leaders of France, Germany and Britain, while Secretary of State Antony Blinken spoke to counterparts from G7 nations.

The top U.S. military officer, Army General Mark Milley, cancelled a scheduled trip to the Middle East because of the situation in Russia.

The insurrection risked leaving Russia's invasion force in Ukraine in disarray, just as Kyiv is launching its strongest counteroffensive since the war began in February last year.

"This represents the most significant challenge to the Russian state in recent times," Britain's defence ministry said.

[mokhosz-nafo]

VERY BIG TOP NEWS TODAY 🇺🇦

✈️ AFU destroyed the Russian Su-34 in Kursk region, - General Staff

🔥 BAVOVNA in Kursk, Kurchatov, Zheleznogorsk, Voronezh + Borisoglebsk, Savasleyka, Baltimore airfields!

✅ AFU liberated Sudzha, Lyubymivka, Honcharivka, Lebedivka, Zaoleshenka, Kurylivka, Plekhovo, Vnezapnoye in Kursk region.

🇺🇸 This creates a real dilemma for Putin [Kursk operation], we are in direct, constant contact with Ukrainians, - Biden

⚠️ A regional level state of emergency was introduced in the Belgorod region, Russia.

🇺🇦 Hundreds of Russian soldiers have already surrendered as prisoners of war in the Kursk region, - Zelensky.

🇬🇧 30 British robo-dogs that Ukraine sent to battle in Donbas, reduce the risk for human soldiers, - Bild

👊 We are making further progress in the Kursk region. From 1 to 2 km in different areas from the beginning of the day, — Zelensky

🇨🇿 In accordance with international law, Ukraine can defend itself on the territory of an aggressor country, - Jan Lipavsky

⚠️ An urgent evacuation has been announced in the Glushkovsky district of the Kursk region.

Thanks for coffee ☕️

[unofficial-com1]

The massive military clanger of 1942 (and '43.)

THIS is the motherfucking CAUCASUS BABYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYYY!

The Caucasus! Home to many things! A plurality of beautiful cultures, languages AND a massive source of resources. From the 1920s until the '90s, the Caucasus was a part of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the region's usefulness was not lost on Moscow. Huge oil reserves and metal reserves exist in the Caucasus to this day AND the mountains provide a natural barrier to invasion.

Enter the Nazis.

In 1942, the Nazis had fallen on hard times in the Soviet Union. Operation Barbarossa had failed to meet it's primary goal of destroying the Red Army and causing the collapse of the USSR. What's more, they had just gotten their asses kicked in the Winter Offensive of 1941-42 by Zhukov. Below is the aftermath of the Winter Offensive:

So, Hans was having a hard time. Germany was having a shortage of many things. Germany was having a shortage of manpower, equipment, food, coats, horses, general logistics and, biggest of all, oil. Germany had expected the USSR to collapse by now which would have given Germany all the resources of the European USSR. The Nazis were arrogant bastards, however, and did not have a contingency plan for when this obviously did not happen. So, Hitler, Halder, Jodl and the rest all had to come up with a plan and very ruddy quickly. Some of the generals wanted to try again at Moscow but this was obviously a terrible idea. Instead, Hitler and his generals agreed to go into the Caucasus to steal all the oil and cut of the Soviets from it.

But there was a problem. Railways.

From this^ map, we can deduce that there are really only two major lines going into the Caucasus, the one from the Kuban and the one from Stalingrad. This meant that the capture of Stalingrad was essential to the Caucasus campaign for the Nazis, contrary to what Wehraboos will tell you; sending hundreds of thousands of Nazis on one (1) major railway line in the USSR is a recipe for disaster when a 5'6'' man from Perm with a stick of dynamite catches wind of this. So, Nazi Germany's plan was this: Take Stalingrad to secure the railways. Secure the Caucasus. Steal all the resources. Try again at Moscow at a later date.

Spoiler alert: this did not happen.

The Nazis got this^ far before shit really hit the fan. The first problem was that Stalingrad was a touch nut to crack. The Nazis attacked Stalingrad for months on end and the city's defenders just refused to give up every inch without a fight. What's more is that the Nazis couldn't make it past the Caucasus mountains which meant that they were unable to cut off the Caucasus like they had hoped. Things then got worse for the Nazis.

Remember this guy? Say hi to Zhukov again. Zhukov had an idea.

That's right. In 11 days, Zhukov broke the back of the German Sixth Army and 4th Panzer Army. The Battle of Stalingrad lasted from the 17th of July, 1942, to the 2nd of February, 1943. In 11 days in November, 1942, the tide of the battle was turned completely. I mean, I say that, the Nazis never really had a hope to begin with. The next few months would entail actually scrubbing the Nazis out of the Caucasus and out of Stalingrad. Operation Uranus was only a smaller part of the much wider Voronezh-Kharkov offensive:

The aftermath of the Battle of Stalingrad saw Von Manstein's new Don Front get completely demolished. It would signal the end of any Nazi offensives in the region until the Battle of Kharkov. All that the Nazis' gamble in the Caucasus achieved was 746,000 soldiers dead, millions more injured, thousands of tanks, planes and other vehicles lost, billions of marks worth in equipment lost and their foothold in the Caucasus lost forever. It permanently dashed any dreams of the fall of the USSR, for the Nazis and, from here on out, it would just be a long retreat back to Berlin.

Moral of the story? Not much fun in Stalingrad.

[unhonestlymirror]

In honour of today's teract in moscow, I want to share this 6-years-old ytp with English subs of mine, I believe it will be interesting for this American website:

A woman journalist (WJ): - Hello, Direct Line with Vladimir Putin is live. One more Direct Line with Vladimir Putin. There are no differences between this Line from previous ones.

A man journalist (MJ): - This all is so exhausting and annoying.

putler: - That's for sure. I couldn't agree more.

***

MJ: - When will the economic crisis end?

putler: - I could answer your question... but I won't do it because I'm lazy.

***

WJ: - We already have tens of thousands of calls from Chelyabinsk.

WJ: - People no longer demand anything supernatural. Just a ticket out of Chelyabinsk.

***

Speaker: - Vladimir Vladimirovich, how do you like the domestic industry?

putler: - You know, when I look at car production, tears come to my eyes. By finger tap-tap-tap-tap - done. Why did they do this? unclear.

***

WJ: - At the building of the new Platov airport, our colleague Anton Vernitsky.

Anton: - What is unique about this project? If other airports were improved and reconstructed, then this is just an open field in which the plane is lying. Why did we end up here? There's nothing here. Save our so- *no signal*

WJ: - Unfortunately, the connection was lost.

MJ: - Now our correspondent will die.

putler: - It is no longer possible to save him. Well, not really necessary, too.

***

Speaker: - Vladimir Vladimirovich, in recent years, my wife Tatyana has increased dramatically.

putler: - Your wife looks very strange. Greasy face, colossal ass. The ears stick out, teeth, I don’t remember exactly, but somewhere around eight or something?

Speaker: *nodding*

putler: - And what’s especially alarming is that her tits🫲🫱 are located at a fairly large distance from each other-

Speaker: *smiles*

putler: -but at the same time they are growing faster than the economy is growing. However, sometimes I do her... *claps hands slowly* Well, you know what I mean.

Speaker: - For this, my wife Tatyana asked me to thank you.

putler: - Convey my gratitude to her, too.

***

WJ: - I suggest we watch the video question sent to us by Dmitry Dudkin from Chelyabinsk.

Dmitry: - Good afternoon, Vladimir Vladimirovich. Anyway, this is the problem. I have four children, plus four more children, plus four more children. Anyway, we make children. We carry out government orders for children. I'm worried about where to put the children?

putler: - As for children, I eat them with pleasure. Every day in the morning. And today, too! Fresh or chilled.

MJ: - They really deserve it.

***

WJ: - Now another point where our colleagues work is Tula, which conducts unique experiments on humans.

Worker: - Good afternoon, Moscow! We are in a slave production workshop. Now I would like to give the floor to the plant's products. Please, Alexey.

Alexey: - Good afternoon, Vladimir Vladimirovich. I wanted to ask a question, but they cut off my nose, and now I don't want to.

putler: *smiles* - It happens.

***

WJ: - Well, now we have a direct connection with the Irkutsk region. Nobody remembered about it for 20 years, but today we’ll try to restore the connection.

putler: - This is your Irkutsk region, right?

A girl: - Yep. ^^

putler: - I am afraid of the Irkutsk region. What is happening in the Irkutsk region is unclear. Just now, I thought of something... that the Irkutsk region should not exist.

*missiles hit Irkutsk*

WJ: - What other enemies of Russia will our air forces strike? Maybe Voronezh?

putler: - Naturally.

***

MJ: - Now the city of Nyagan will contact us. Word to Anton Lyadov.

Anton: - The fact is that this is Russia. For example, Anastasia and her forty-year-old baby, a mouse is leaking from the tap, there has been no water for 30 years, and now we go to the toilet, there is someone’s skeleton there. *skeleton screaming*

MJ: - Don't you want to answer him?

putler: *puh* *puh puh puh puh*

putler: *in rap battle style* In your opinion, is the USA a normal country? There Satan became the mayor of one of the cities. And there, by the way, people lived even worse.

MJ: - They really deserved it.

putler: - but here in Russia it’s good, it’s nice! houses are collapsing! but very carefully. Whoever doesn’t like it, I’ll quickly find you personally. And... *slowly claps* You know what I mean.

putler: - ROUND!

***

WJ: - And a final question. Will there be another line with Vladimir Putin? Are we ready to live with Vladimir Putin for decades?

putler: - Naturally.

putler: - I still have the habit: I can not leave the post of President of the Russian Federation.

***

putler: - I ask you to forgive me if I could not answer all your questions. Your opinion is very important to me, but not really necessary. Thank you very much.

[warningsine]

ROSTOV-ON-DON, Russia, June 24 (Reuters) - Russian President Vladimir Putin vowed to crush an armed mutiny after the private army of mercenary boss Yevgeny Prigozhin seized control of a southern city as part of an attempt to oust the military leadership.

In Russia's first armed insurrection since the Chechen wars decades ago, heavily armed fighters from Prigozhin's Wagner militia were in control of the streets of Rostov-on-Don, a city of more than a million people close to the border with Ukraine.

Prigozhin, whose private army fought the bloodiest battles in Ukraine even as he feuded for months with the top brass, said he had captured the headquarters of Russia's Southern Military District after leading his forces into Russia from Ukraine.

In Rostov, which serves as the main rear logistical hub for Russia's entire invasion force, residents milled about, filming on mobile phones, as Wagner fighters in armoured vehicles and huge battle tanks took up positions in the city centre.

One tank was wedged between stucco buildings with posters advertising the circus. Another had "Siberia" daubed in red paint across the front, a clear statement of intent to sweep across the breadth of Russia.

A Russian security source told Reuters that Wagner fighters had also seized military facilities in the city of Voronezh, further north on the road towards Moscow, where the governor said operations were under way to put down the mutiny. Reuters could not independently confirm the situation there.

In Moscow, there was an increased security presence on the streets. Red Square was blocked off by metal barriers.

"Excessive ambitions and vested interests have led to treason," Putin said in a televised address.

"It is a blow to Russia, to our people. And our actions to defend the Fatherland against such a threat will be harsh."

"All those who deliberately stepped on the path of betrayal, who prepared an armed insurrection, who took the path of blackmail and terrorist methods, will suffer inevitable punishment, will answer both to the law and to our people."

A defiant Prigozhin swiftly replied that he and his men had no intention of turning themselves in.

"The president makes a deep mistake when he talks about treason. We are patriots of our motherland, we fought and are fighting for it," Prigozh said in an audio message. "We don't want the country to continue to live in corruption and deceit."

In a series of hectic messages overnight, Prigozhin demanded Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu and the chief of the general staff Valery Gerasimov come to see him in Rostov.

Western capitals said they were closely following the situation in nuclear-armed Russia. The White House said President Joe Biden was briefed.

"This represents the most significant challenge to the Russian state in recent times," Britain's defence ministry said.

"Over the coming hours, the loyalty of Russia's security forces, and especially the Russian National Guard, will be key to how this crisis plays out."

Prigozhin, a former convict and long-time ally of Putin, leads a private army that includes thousands of former prisoners recruited from Russian jails.

His men took on the fiercest fighting of the 16-month Ukraine war, including the protracted battle for the eastern city of Bakhmut.

He railed for months against the regular army's top brass, accusing generals of incompetence and of withholding ammunition from his fighters. This month, he defied orders to sign a contract placing his troops under Defence Ministry command.

ALLEGED AIR STRIKE

He launched the apparent mutiny on Friday after alleging that the military had killed a large number of his fighters in an air strike. The Defence Ministry denied it.

"Those who destroyed our lads, who destroyed the lives of many tens of thousands of Russian soldiers, will be punished. I ask that no one offer resistance...," Prigozhin said.

"There are 25,000 of us and we are going to figure out why chaos is happening in the country," he said, promising to destroy any checkpoints or air forces that got in Wagner's way. He later said his men had been involved in clashes with regular soldiers and had shot down a helicopter.

Russia's FSB security service opened a criminal case against Prigozhin for armed mutiny and said his statements were "calls for the start of an armed civil conflict on Russian territory".

MILITARY CONVOY

At about 2 a.m. (2300 GMT), Prigozhin posted a message on the Telegram app saying his forces were in Rostov and ready to "go all the way" against the top brass and destroy anyone who stood in their way.

At about 5 a.m. (0200 GMT), the administration of the Voronezh region, on the M-4 motorway between Rostov and Moscow, said on Telegram that a military convoy was on the highway and urged residents to avoid using it.

Unverified footage posted on social media showed a convoy of assorted military vehicles, including at least one tank and one armoured vehicle on flatbed trucks. It was not clear where they were, or whether the covered trucks in the convoy contained fighters. Some of the vehicles were flying the Russian flag.

Prigozhin denied that he was trying to stage a military coup. He said he had led his fighters out of Ukraine to Rostov, where a video posted by a pro-Wagner Telegram channel showed him, seemingly relaxed, conversing with two generals at the Southern Military District headquarters.

"We have arrived here, we want to receive the chief of the general staff and Shoigu. Unless they come, we'll be here, we'll blockade the city of Rostov and head for Moscow," he said in the video.

Army Lieutenant-General Vladimir Alekseyev issued a video appeal asking Prigozhin to reconsider his actions.

"Only the president has the right to appoint the top leadership of the armed forces, and you are trying to encroach on his authority," he said.

An unverified video on a Telegram channel close to Wagner showed the purported scene of an air strike against Wagner forces. It showed a forest where small fires were burning and trees appeared to have been broken by force. There appeared to be one body, but no more direct evidence of any attack.

It carried the caption: "A missile attack was launched on the camps of PMC (Private Military Company) Wagner. Many victims. According to eyewitnesses, the strike was delivered from the rear, that is, it was delivered by the military of the Russian Ministry of Defence."

The Defence Ministry said the allegation was false.

[brookstonalmanac]

Events 1.15 (before 1950)

69 – Otho seizes power in Rome, proclaiming himself Emperor of Rome, beginning a reign of only three months. 1541 – King Francis I of France gives Jean-François Roberval a commission to settle the province of New France (Canada) and provide for the spread of the "Holy Catholic faith". 1559 – Elizabeth I is crowned Queen of England and Ireland in Westminster Abbey, London. 1582 – Truce of Yam-Zapolsky: Russia cedes Livonia to the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth. 1759 – The British Museum opens to the public. 1777 – American Revolutionary War: New Connecticut (present-day Vermont) declares its independence. 1782 – Superintendent of Finance Robert Morris addresses the U.S. Congress to recommend establishment of a national mint and decimal coinage. 1815 – War of 1812: American frigate USS President, commanded by Commodore Stephen Decatur, is captured by a squadron of four British frigates. 1818 – A paper by David Brewster is read to the Royal Society, belatedly announcing his discovery of what we now call the biaxial class of doubly-refracting crystals. On the same day, Augustin-Jean Fresnel signs a "supplement" (submitted four days later) on reflection of polarized light. 1822 – Greek War of Independence: Demetrios Ypsilantis is elected president of the legislative assembly. 1865 – American Civil War: Fort Fisher in North Carolina falls to the Union, thus cutting off the last major seaport of the Confederacy. 1867 – Forty people die when ice covering the boating lake at Regent's Park, London, collapses. 1870 – A political cartoon for the first time symbolizes the Democratic Party with a donkey ("A Live Jackass Kicking a Dead Lion" by Thomas Nast for Harper's Weekly). 1876 – The first newspaper in Afrikaans, Die Afrikaanse Patriot, is published in Paarl. 1889 – The Coca-Cola Company, then known as the Pemberton Medicine Company, is incorporated in Atlanta. 1892 – James Naismith publishes the rules of basketball. 1908 – The Alpha Kappa Alpha sorority becomes the first Greek-letter organization founded and established by African American college women. 1910 – Construction ends on the Buffalo Bill Dam in Wyoming, United States, which was the highest dam in the world at the time, at 99 m (325 ft). 1911 – Palestinian Arabic-language Falastin newspaper founded. 1919 – Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht, two of the most prominent communists in Germany, are clubbed and then shot to death by members of the Freikorps at the end of the Spartacist uprising. 1919 – Great Molasses Flood: A wave of molasses released from an exploding storage tank sweeps through Boston, Massachusetts, killing 21 and injuring 150. 1934 – The 8.0 Mw  Nepal–Bihar earthquake strikes Nepal and Bihar with a maximum Mercalli intensity of XI (Extreme), killing an estimated 6,000–10,700 people. 1936 – The first building to be completely covered in glass, built for the Owens-Illinois Glass Company, is completed in Toledo, Ohio. 1937 – Spanish Civil War: Nationalists and Republicans both withdraw after suffering heavy losses, ending the Second Battle of the Corunna Road. 1943 – World War II: The Soviet counter-offensive at Voronezh begins. 1943 – The Pentagon is dedicated in Arlington County, Virginia. 1947 – The Black Dahlia murder: The dismembered corpse of Elizabeth Short was found in Los Angeles. 1949 – Chinese Civil War: The Communist forces take over Tianjin from the Nationalist government.

[sowinsza]

[Shadows of Honor]

[Chapter 1: The Call to Arms]

In the quaint town of Voronezh, nestled deep within the heart of Russia, the sun dipped behind the horizon, casting long shadows across the cobblestone streets. Within the walls of the Voronezh Karate Dojo, a group of dedicated martial artists trained diligently under the watchful eye of Sensei Ivanov.

As the evening descended, Sensei Ivanov gathered his students for a special announcement. "Comrades," he began, his voice echoing through the dojo, "Our dojo has been chosen to represent Russia in the upcoming World Karate Championship in Tokyo."

Excitement rippled through the room as the students exchanged eager glances. Among them, Yuri, a young and determined fighter, clenched his fists in anticipation. "Sensei, we will not disappoint you!" he declared, his voice brimming with determination.

Sensei Ivanov nodded approvingly. "I have faith in each and every one of you," he said. "But remember, victory does not come without sacrifice. We must train harder than ever before if we are to emerge victorious on the world stage."

With renewed determination, the students pledged to give their all in the coming months of rigorous training. Little did they know, their journey was only just beginning...

[Chapter 2: Trials and Tribulations]

Weeks turned into months as the students of the Voronezh Karate Dojo dedicated themselves to their training regimen. Each day brought new challenges and obstacles to overcome, but they faced them with unwavering resolve.

One evening, as the students gathered for their nightly training session, Sensei Ivanov announced a surprise sparring tournament. "This will be a test of your skills and determination," he explained, his gaze piercing through each student.

Yuri felt a surge of nerves coursing through him as he stepped onto the mat, his opponent glaring back at him with fierce determination. With every move, he pushed himself to the limit, drawing upon the months of training he had undergone.

As the final round approached, Yuri found himself face to face with his toughest opponent yet. Sweat glistened on his brow as he squared off against his adversary, their eyes locked in a fierce battle of wills.

With a burst of energy, Yuri launched into a flurry of strikes and kicks, each one landing with precision and power. In the end, it was Yuri who emerged victorious, his hand raised in triumph as the dojo erupted into cheers and applause.

As he caught his breath, Yuri knew that this was only the beginning of his journey to greatness...

[Chapter 3: The Path of the Warrior]

With the sparring tournament behind them, the students of the Voronezh Karate Dojo delved deeper into their training, honing their skills with unwavering dedication. Under the guidance of Sensei Ivanov, they explored the true meaning of karate – not merely as a martial art, but as a way of life.

As Yuri immersed himself in his training, he found himself drawn to the teachings of the ancient samurai warriors. He poured over books and scrolls, studying the principles of honor, discipline, and courage.

One evening, as he practiced alone in the dojo, Yuri was approached by an elderly man with a weathered face and wise eyes. "You possess great potential, young one," the man said, his voice soft yet commanding. "But true mastery comes not from strength alone, but from the indomitable spirit that lies within."

Intrigued by the man's words, Yuri listened intently as he spoke of the trials and tribulations he had faced on his own journey as a warrior. Inspired by his wisdom, Yuri vowed to embrace the path of the warrior with all his heart.

As the days turned into weeks, Yuri delved deeper into his training, pushing himself to new heights of physical and mental endurance. With each passing day, he felt himself growing stronger, more focused, more determined than ever before.

And as he stood beneath the moonlit sky, the echoes of his training reverberating through the night, Yuri knew that he was ready to face whatever challenges lay ahead on his quest for mastery...

[mariacallous]

Wagner Group leader Yevgeny Prigozhin’s plans are extremely unclear: Nobody can be sure whether he and his mercenaries will choose to take up Aleksandr Lukashenko’s offer of a safe haven in Belarus. But it is certainly plausible that he will do so, at least for a while.

The Belarusian dictator is presenting his role in brokering an accord between Russian President Vladimir Putin and Prigozhin as a triumph of his personal diplomacy. But in truth, the presence of the warlord in Belarus is dangerous for Lukashenko. It further ties Belarus to a war that is unpopular with most citizens and has the potential to destabilize not only Lukashenko’s relationship with Putin, but also the foundations of his regime.

On June 23-24, the Russian Wagner mercenary group that has fought fierce battles in eastern Ukraine mutinied, demanding that Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu and Chief of General Staff Valery Gerasimov be “handed over” to them. Instigated by Prigozhin—their leader, a Russian oligarch—the Wagner troops crossed the Ukrainian border and swiftly “marched” through the Russian cities of Rostov-on-Don and Voronezh, stopping some 120 miles short of Moscow.

At that time, Lukashenko reportedly negotiated a deal with Prigozhin over the phone, whereby Prigozhin would end the rebellion in exchange for his troops and himself being granted safe passage into exile and “legal jurisdiction for work” in Belarus.

Since then, independent monitors have spotted Prigozhin’s jet twice in Belarus, on June 27 and July 1, though each time it is reported that he returned to Moscow after. Indeed, Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov later confirmed that Putin had a three-hour meeting with Prigozhin and 34 Wagner commanders in Moscow on June 29. Two days before that, on June 27, Lukashenko reportedly spent five hours in his residence on a lake just outside of Minsk, known as a venue for holding private and secretive meetings by Lukashenko and his family members. Just 39 minutes after Lukashenko had left the residence, Prigozhin’s jet took off from an airfield near Minsk.

Prigozhin himself, however, has not been seen in Belarus, and neither have the Wagner troops. At the same time, satellite images have revealed the construction of a large military camp in eastern Belarus, which, many speculated, might be being built for the Wagner troops. The independent monitors were also told by reliable sources that some 200 Wagnerites had been deployed to the Losvida military field, near Vitebsk in northern Belarus. On July 6, however, Lukashenko said at a press conference that Prigozhin was in St. Petersburg, Russia, while the Wagner troops were also in Russia, in “their permanent camps to which they had withdrawn after leaving the front line.”

If anyone emerged victorious out of this bizarre imbroglio, at least on the face of it, it was Lukashenko. He reveled in presenting himself as capable of sorting out squabbles within the Russian elites, while also humiliating the Russian president: “I suggested to Putin not to rush … I said, ‘let’s talk to Prigozhin and his commanders’.” He boasted to journalists that Prigozhin would not answer Putin’s phone calls but did respond to his own.

It is doubtful, however, that Lukashenko had the political clout to genuinely mediate at the top level in Russia. Following his rigging of the 2020 presidential election, Lukashenko has lost legitimacy both at home and internationally and stayed in power only thanks to the Kremlin’s political and economic backing.

After the Belarusian authorities forcefully grounded a Ryanair flight en route to Vilnius, Lithuania, in May 2021, which carried an exiled Belarusian journalist, the West imposed strict sanctions against Belarus. Unable to trade with the EU as before (about 40 percent of Belarusian exports had gone to European countries), Lukashenko chose to align even more closely with the Kremlin to keep the battered economy afloat. He has de facto handed over Belarus’ foreign and defense policy to Moscow, allowing Russia to use Belarus’s territory as a launchpad for its aggression against Ukraine. Like the governor of a Russian region, Lukashenko has come to see Putin regularly, approximately once a month, reporting to him on domestic affairs and presumably taking orders.

Most likely, Lukashenko served the role of a messenger from Putin. Belarus was a convenient and perhaps temporary “dumping ground” in which the Kremlin could neutralize Prigozhin rather than dispose of him outright, in light of his rising domestic popularity. Prigozhin’s fate and that of the Wagner Group will be decided in Moscow—Belarus might offer a temporary refuge at best.

In a similar manner, Putin used Lukashenko to take his nuclear scare rhetoric one step further, when he announced in March that Russian tactical nuclear weapons would be moved to Belarus, thereby inciting fears among Western policymakers that nukes would be geographically closer to Ukraine and that they would have to deal with an additional unpredictable actor.

At first, Lukashenko seemed worried at the prospect of hosting the nukes and especially of becoming hostage to increasingly unpredictable outcomes, such as their possible use on the Ukrainian battlefield. Eventually, he decided to make the best of it and use it as a deterrence against any hypothetical Western or domestic efforts to weaken his grip on power as well as against potential retaliation from Ukraine. “I think that it is unlikely that anyone would want to pick a fight with a country that has such weapons,” he said. He also tried to present himself as playing first fiddle and, despite Moscow’s insistence to the contrary, claimed that he would have equal control over the nukes.

Still, it seems that Lukashenko has scored some brownie points for himself from all sides. Since the signing of so-called peace agreements between Ukraine and Russia in Minsk in 2014-15 (which failed to prevent the war), Lukashenko has craved a role in solving the conflict. That could win him kudos in the West and thus, he hopes, relegitimize his rule in Belarus. On the contrary, Russia’s defeat would at the very least weaken Lukashenko, and it could even empower the opposition to dismantle his regime.

Lukashenko was dismayed when his renewed attempt to broker a deal by hosting negotiations between Russia and Ukraine in Belarus at the start of the war brought no fruit, and his role was later overtaken by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan. But now, not only has Lukashenko been publicly praised by the Kremlin, but Ukraine also seems to have noticed his mediation potential. Oleksiy Danilov of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council said that Lukashenko might play a role in potential future negotiations with Russia.

Having done the Kremlin a favor, Lukashenko can now hope for reciprocity. It might come in the form of granting Lukashenko his wish of no Belarusian boots in Ukraine, since, unlike in Russia, the war is unpopular with the Belarusian public—only 30 percent support it. Moscow might also extend direct financial assistance to Belarus’s battered economy; offer more help with circumventing Western sanctions against Belarus (Russia has already taken over some 70 percent of Belarus’ exports that used to go to the EU); or pause some of its “economic integration” projects that could chip away at Belarus’s sovereignty, such as a push toward sharing a single currency.

Lukashenko is also intent on reaping benefits from Prigozhin and his mercenaries. The two men allegedly first met in person 20 years ago and have spoken favorably of each other since then. For example, Prigozhin glorified Lukashenko for flexing his muscle in grounding the Ryanair plane. According to the Belarusian Investigative Centre, the arrival of Prigozhin’s mercenaries and his other business interests in Africa in 2018 may have facilitated lucrative gold and diamond mining by the Belarusian firms supposedly linked to Lukashenko and his family. Lukashenko may well demand a bigger slice of the pie in Africa in exchange for granting Prigozhin a safe harbor in Belarus.

Lukashenko said that the Belarusian army, which has never fought a real battle, would benefit from learning about Wagner’s combat experience. According to the Institute for the Study of War, Lukashenko might seek to use the Wagner Group to “help rebuild lost capability within the Belarusian military” that Belarus had delegated to Russia. “The Belarusian military’s dissolution of its unified ground command in 2011 effectively subordinated Belarus’ military to [Russia’s] Western Military District. Belarus has no recent experience in conducting large-scale operations or organizing exercises above the battalion level. …The Wagner Group has experience conducting combined arms operations with formations larger than the combat services of the Belarusian military.”

Yet Wagner’s expertise in suppressing rebellions against autocratic leaders in Africa would be even more welcome to the Lukashenko regime. Indeed, some of the infamous Berkut police officers who shot at protesters during the 2014 Revolution of Dignity in Ukraine later found refuge in Belarus. Lukashenko would appreciate Prigozhin’s advice on training a formidable personal security service, of a type that Wagner provides for many African strongmen. He wants one that is capable of suppressing any potential attempt at toppling his regime, be it a home-grown public protest or an insurgency supported from abroad (a scenario that part of the Belarusian opposition seems to be planning for).

And Prigozhin’s advice on meddling with elections through troll farms and internet bots, for which his (now crumbling) Internet Research Agency was responsible, is another area of great interest to Lukashenko.

Despite the many potential benefits, hosting Prigozhin and the Wagner Group is risky for Lukashenko. Ambitious, wealthy and manipulative, Prigozhin could destabilize the internal dynamic in Belarus and sour Minsk’s relationship with Moscow. Although Lukashenko and his eldest son Viktor (who was the national security advisor to his father until recently) keep a tight hold over the security services in Belarus, the latter are loyal as long as they are paid well and feel the weight of Kremlin backing for the Belarusian regime.

The ultra-cautious Lukashenko would be anxious about any possibility, however remote, of Prigozhin potentially buying off this loyalty for his own advantage and turning the security services against their current master. After all, there is no guarantee that, to use Putin’s words, Prigozhin would not stab Lukashenko in the back, as he did to Putin.

Any attempt to subordinate previously independent Wagner mercenaries to Belarus’s inexperienced armed forces and bureaucratic command structures, as Lukashenko suggested earlier, would pose similar stability risks. It would also raise the question of costs—could Lukashenko really afford Wagner mercenaries? He said himself that “it would be good for our army, if we could invite them [the Wagner Group] at their own expense.”

The Wagner presence in Belarus would also upset both the domestic elites and the public, who would worry not only about further involvement in Russia’s war but also about welcoming dodgy individuals. Mercenary activity is a criminal offence under Belarusian law, punishable by between three and seven years in prison. Lukashenko’s support, already low, could dip even further.

So it is not surprising that Lukashenko has tried repeatedly to reassure not only public opinion, but also his officials: “You should not worry or be concerned. … They [the mercenaries] are not frightening for us,” he has said.

Last but not least, the West may turn further against Lukashenko should the Wagner Group, which some countries call a terrorist organization, find shelter in Belarus. Lithuanian President Gitanas Nauseda has already said that his country may revise its sanctions law and impose stricter entry restrictions for Belarusians. Other countries might toughen sanctions against the Lukashenko regime, too.

Thus, having offered Prigozhin and his mercenaries a safe haven in Belarus, Lukashenko has found himself in a weaker position. The regime in Belarus rests on two pillars: the Kremlin’s support and repression (in June alone, the country made 560 political arrests).

But as the Prigozhin mutiny has exposed Putin’s weakness and his incapacity to deal with domestic crises, Moscow’s backing might not be as solid as it appeared. The other pillar relies on violence, but Prigozhin’s presence in Belarus—if he manages to buy off, or sow discord in, Lukashenko’s security services—could undermine that one, too.

[captain-price-unofficially]

German infantry march past a Soviet T-34/76 tank knocked out in Voronezh in the summer of 1942

[carbone14]

Troupes soviétiques du Front de Voronej derrière des chars T-34 pendant la contre-offensive de Prokhorovka – Bataille de Koursk (Opération Citadelle) – 12 juillet 1943

[eurovisionsocialnewswire]

RUSSIA: Emergency services battle fire at oil depot in Voronezh

The Ministry of Emergency Situations of the Russian Federation released footage of personnel battling a fire at an oil depot in the city of Voronezh after a reported strike on June 24. More than 100 firefighters and 31 appliances were battling the fire in the southwestern city, Governor Alexander Gusev said on Telegram. “There was decompression of two tanks with oil products (aviation fuel), 5…

[kragnir]

Things seem to be developing faster than the news providers can keep up with. With hardly any mafia troops in mafia land, how are they going to stop the Wagnerites from reaching the deepest sewer of all, Moscow? It’s very nice to see scum fighting against scum. I wonder if the AFU is feeling the difference as mafia troops are being pulled out of the front lines, which I’m sure is happening.

[greatworldwar2]

• Hermann Hoth

Hermann Hoth was a German army commander and war criminal during World War II. He fought in the Battle of France and as a panzer commander on the Eastern Front.

Born in Neuruppin, German Empire on April 12th, 1885, Hoth joined the army in 1903 and was awarded both classes of the Iron Cross during World War I. He remained in the Reichswehr (the armed forces of the Weimar Republic) in the interwar period. Following the reorganization of the German military into the Wehrmacht in 1935, he was appointed to command the 18th Infantry Division. Hoth was promoted to Lieutenant-General and given command of the XV Motorised Corps in 1938, leading it in the invasion of Poland the following year. During the invasion of France in May 1940, his panzer corps was on Guderian's right flank during their advance through the Ardennes, and contained the 5th Panzer and 7th Panzer Divisions. Hoth was promoted to Generaloberst in July 1940.

In Operation Barbarossa in 1941, Hoth commanded the 3rd Panzer Group which captured Minsk and Vitebsk as part of Army Group Center's operations. In mid July, the 3rd Panzer Group was subordinated to Army Group North to shore up the flanks and attempted to seize Velikie Luki. Hoth's forces were driven back on July 20th, when Red Army forces broke through the German lines, prompting criticism from Field Marshal von Bock, commander of Army Group Center for unnecessarily striking out too far to the north east. In mid to late August, Hoth's forces faced another setback owing to heavy losses and dispersal of efforts: facing the heavily reinforced Soviet 19th Army, he committed the 7th Panzer Division without infantry support, which resulted in what historians described as "debacle". The division's attack ran into fortified Soviet lines and was repulsed with the loss of 30 tanks. As with all German armies on the Eastern Front, Hoth's Panzer Group implemented the Commissar Order. According to reports from subordinate units, the order was carried out on a widespread basis. In October Hoth was appointed commander of the 17th Army in Ukraine. Hoth was an active supporter of the war of annihilation (Vernichtungskrieg) against the Soviet Union, calling on his men to understand the need for "harsh punishment of Jewry". Under Hoth's command, units of the 17th Army took part in the hunt for and murder of Jews in its territory of control. Following the issuance of the Severity Order by Walter von Reichenau in October 1941; he issued the following directive to troops under his command in November 1941. "Every sign of active or passive resistance or any sort of machinations on the part of Jewish-Bolshevik agitators are to be immediately and pitilessly exterminated".

During the Soviet winter offensives of early 1942, Hoth's 17th Army was driven back in the Second Battle of Kharkov. In June 1942, he took over from General Richard Ruoff as commander of 4th Panzer Army. As part of Operation Blue, the German offensive in southern Russia, the army reached the Don River at Voronezh. Hoth was then ordered to drive to Rostov-on-Don. It then advanced to the north in support of the Sixth Army's attempt to capture Stalingrad. In November 1942, the Soviet Operation Uranus broke through the Axis lines and trapped the Sixth Army in Stalingrad. Hoth's panzer army led the unsuccessful attempt to relieve the Sixth Army (Operation Winter Storm), under the overall command of Field Marshal Erich von Manstein's Army Group Don. By December 25th, the operation had failed.

In February 1943, Hoth's 4th Panzer Army participated in the counteroffensive against the Soviet forces advancing in the Donbass region. The operation was hastily prepared and did not receive a name. Later known as Third Battle of Kharkov, it commenced on February 21st, as the 4th Panzer Army launched a counter-attack. The German forces cut off the Soviet mobile spearheads and continued the drive north, retaking Kharkov on March 15th, and Belgorod on March 18th. Exhaustion of both the Wehrmacht and the Red Army coupled with the loss of mobility due to the onset of the spring rasputitsa resulted in the cessation of operations for both sides by mid-March. The counteroffensive left a salient extending into the German area of control, centered around the city of Kursk, and leading up to Operation Citadel. In July 1943, Hoth commanded the 4th Panzer Army in the Battle of Kursk as part of Army Group South. Operation Citadel called for a double envelopment, directed at Kursk, to surround the Soviet defenders and seal off the salient. The Army Group South committed Hoth's 4th Panzer Army, alongside Army Detachment Kempf. Hoth's divisions, reinforced by the II SS Panzer Corps under Paul Hausser, penetrated several Soviet defensive lines, before being brought to a halt in the Battle of Prokhorovka. In the aftermath of Kursk, the Red Army mounted a series of successful offensives that crossed the Dnieper, retook Kiev and pushed the Germans out of eastern Ukraine. In September 1943, Hoth's army was operationally penetrated by Red Army units and was unable to maintain a continuous front line even in retreat. The army crossed the Dnieper south and north of Kiev with heavy losses. On December 10th, 1943, Hoth was relieved of command, and was not recalled until April 1945.

Following the end of the war, Hoth was tried at the Subsequent Nuremberg Trials, in the High Command Trial. During his testimony he sought to explain his November 1941 order aimed at elimination of the "Bolshevik-Jewish resistance". He claimed that his instructions only meant that his troops should be vigilant and were intended to improve morale: "The German soldier in his good nature ... easily forgot that he was still in enemy territory" and that the "power of Bolshevism had to be broken". He insisted that no physical harm came to civilians as the result of this measure, which his troops executed with "clean hands". Hoth maintained that if any Jews had been killed it was due to their connection to crimes against the German forces. "It was a matter of common knowledge in Russia that it was the Jew in particular who participated in a very large extent in sabotage, espionage, etc.," Hoth claimed. Hoth was found guilty of war crimes and crimes against humanity. On October 27th, 1948 he was sentenced to 15 years in prison. In January 1951, the sentence was reviewed with no changes. Hoth was released on parole in 1954; his sentence was reduced to time served in 1957. Hermann Hoth died on January 25th, 1971 in Goslar, West Germany, he was 85.

[ww2photoarchive]

World War 2 – caught fire tank KV-1 in the Battle of Voronezh