#asean global superpower

[ranjith11]

The Silent Rise of ASEAN | asean global superpower | Geography facts

In this video, the Geography Guru takes you on an incredible journey into the heart of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). 🌍 Dive deep with us as we unveil the silent yet robust ascendancy of ASEAN, a crucial alliance that often goes unnoticed. From its humble beginnings in Bangkok, Thailand, to becoming an economic powerhouse with a strong cultural foundation, ASEAN is truly a force to reckon with. Join us as we explore this remarkable journey.

[timesofinnovation]

As the luxury market in China shows signs of slowing, the rise of Southeast Asia (SEA) presents a unique opportunity for the global fashion industry. The ASEAN population, projected to surpass 670 million by 2030, is expected to see 70 percent attaining middle-class status. This escalating economic landscape forecasts a consumer market value reaching $4 trillion, as reported by McKinsey & Company. This growth is complemented by the burgeoning digital economy of SEA, which was valued at $218 billion in gross merchandise within the largest six economies—Indonesia, Thailand, Singapore, Vietnam, Malaysia, and the Philippines—in 2023, with projections of soaring to $600 billion by 2030. Against this backdrop, Singapore stands out as a strategic hub for fashion brands looking to capitalize on the SEA growth potential. The nation’s unique location, straddling the trade routes between two superpowers, China and the United States, allows it to serve as a nexus for both imports and exports. In fact, the U.S. remains Singapore’s largest single investor, with an impressive S$574 billion ($428 billion) investment by the end of 2022, according to The Economist. With this anticipated shift in consumer demographics and economic capabilities, what supply chain structures could apparel and contemporary businesses adopt to leverage growth in SEA? Insights from a recent BoF Live event, featuring Sian Nee Ho, regional director of the Americas for the Singapore Economic Development Board (EDB), and Tony Pelli, practice director of supply chain security and resilience at BSI Consulting, provide valuable perspectives on this unfolding story. Navigating the Supply Chain Landscape A key takeaway from the discussion is that there is no universal supply chain strategy suitable for every business. Organizations must scrutinize their supplier base in Asia and tailor their supply chain approach to balance cost management, expedited delivery, and resilience against disruptions. An increasing trend noted is the shift from centralized distribution centers to smaller, more regionalized centers—an adaptation aimed at reducing time to market. This shift could also involve collaborating with various logistics providers to enhance operational capacities. Companies are now realizing the importance of investing in advanced supply chain management capabilities, particularly in data analytics, which aids inventory optimization across varied distribution channels and countries. Being geographically close to major manufacturers and raw material suppliers, Singapore is witnessing a growing trend of brands establishing sourcing and distribution hubs there—an evolution observed over the past few years. Speed Versus Resilience Pelli highlighted the crucial balance between speed to market and inventory resilience. Today’s consumers demand quicker product availability, and the pressure to respond to changing fashions often leads to lower inventory levels. Although this approach improves cash flow and reduces excess stocks, it can undermine a company's resilience during unforeseen disruptions, such as those seen during the pandemic. Businesses are consequently challenged to maintain agility while ensuring sufficient stock levels to mitigate risks. The need for diversification within supply chains stems from increasing geopolitical tensions worldwide. This element of risk management is becoming paramount for companies shifting their supply chains away from traditional strongholds in China to emerging opportunities within SEA. With nations like Vietnam, Indonesia, and Malaysia emerging as attractive hubs for consumer products, semiconductor manufacturing, and headquarters investments, businesses are beginning to recognize that a more diversified approach can provide a buffer against disruptions. Innovating Through Data and Local Insights While companies appreciate the strategic role of data analytics, many struggle with how to act on this data effectively. It is essential

that organizations first assess their internal processes before attempting to integrate advanced data management systems. Mapping out supply chains serves as a foundational strategy that aids in identifying vulnerabilities and can then be enhanced with real-time analytics to create a more resilient network. As noted by Ho, a critical aspect of successful supply chains is their ability to proactively manage the entire lifecycle—from sourcing to ongoing supplier management. Companies should not think of supply chain issues only as obstacles to be faced when problems arise; they must be embedded into the overall operational strategy from the beginning. Leveraging Regional Expertise Countries in SEA like Vietnam and Indonesia possess large consumer bases, providing robust avenues for fashion brands to establish operational footholds. Singapore, with its established connectivity through air and sea, acts as a vital distribution hub. Investments seen from global leaders, such as FedEx expanding operations in Singapore, validate the opportunities existing in the region. The rise of next-generation sourcing platforms, like PDS Limited, further challenges traditional supply chain management players and indicates a shift in how brands, including high-profile names like Zara, are adopting innovative tactics to navigate in a competitive landscape. As many sectors now recognize the growing international significance of Southeast Asia, businesses must adapt to the region's unique dynamics. Establishing central hubs with satellite operations across various countries allows brands to maintain strong local connections while enhancing distribution efficiency. Conclusion The burgeoning Southeast Asian markets represent a pivotal opportunity for the global fashion supply chain, everything from consumer expectations to resiliency against disruption must be actively managed. Companies need to harness data intelligently, optimize supply chain structures, and take bold steps into these rapidly evolving markets. Those who strategically position themselves within this landscape will not only navigate potential risks but will thrive in the increasing demand of the SEA consumer.

[amankumar1018]

Vietnam's Foreign Policy: A Balancing Act in a Changing World

Are you considering exploring the beauty and culture of Vietnam? Vietnam Tour Packages offeVietnam Tour Packagesr you a chance to delve into the heart of this mesmerizing Southeast Asian nation. But before you embark on your journey, it's essential to understand Vietnam's foreign policy, which plays a pivotal role in shaping the nation's identity and relationships with other countries. In this blog, we'll explore how Vietnam has mastered the art of diplomatic balance in a rapidly changing world, all while celebrating the rich tapestry of Festivals In Vietnam.

Vietnam's Foreign Policy: A Balancing Act

Vietnam's foreign policy is a delicate balancing act that has evolved over the years. This nation, nestled between China to the north and Cambodia to the southwest, understands the importance of maintaining stable relationships with its neighbors while expanding its global reach.

Diversifying Alliances: Vietnam's foreign policy is marked by its commitment to diversifying alliances. While the country maintains strong ties with fellow members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), it also seeks partnerships with major global players like the United States, Russia, and India. This approach allows Vietnam to safeguard its sovereignty while benefiting from economic and security cooperation.

Economic Growth: Vietnam has embraced economic liberalization, attracting foreign investments and becoming an essential part of the global supply chain. This strategy has not only led to economic growth but also enhanced its diplomatic leverage. The nation's stable economic environment is an attractive proposition for international investors.

Resolution of Disputes: Managing territorial disputes is a challenging aspect of Vietnam's foreign policy, particularly concerning the South China Sea. Vietnam has employed diplomacy and international law to peacefully address these issues, promoting regional stability.

Balancing Act with the U.S. and China: Vietnam's foreign policy deftly navigates between the United States and China, two superpowers with complex relations. While maintaining a robust relationship with the U.S., Vietnam also nurtures ties with China, ensuring it doesn't become entangled in their strategic rivalry.

Festivals In Vietnam: A Window to Culture

Now, let's immerse ourselves in the vibrant culture of Vietnam by exploring some of its most captivating festivals.

Tet Festival: The Lunar New Year, or Tet Festival, is the most significant celebration in Vietnam. Families come together to welcome the new year with traditional dishes, fireworks, and the giving of red envelopes for good luck.

Mid-Autumn Festival: Also known as the Children's Festival, this event celebrates family reunions. Children parade with colorful lanterns, and mooncakes are shared among loved ones.

Hung Kings' Temple Festival: Honoring Vietnam's legendary founders, this festival showcases traditional rituals, music, and folk games.

Hoi An Lantern Festival: Hoi An's ancient town comes alive with colorful lanterns during this monthly event. The lantern-lit streets create a magical atmosphere, perfect for strolling and enjoying local cuisine.

Hue Festival: Held every two years, this grand event showcases the cultural heritage of the former imperial city of Hue. It features traditional music, dance, and a spectacular procession of historical figures.

Yen Tu Festival: Located on Yen Tu Mountain, this festival is a pilgrimage destination for Buddhists. It's a time for spiritual reflection and cultural immersion.

Cau Ngu Festival: Celebrated by coastal communities, this festival honors the whale and seeks blessings for a prosperous fishing season.

Bai Dinh Pagoda Festival: Located in Ninh Binh, this festival is held at one of the largest Buddhist complexes in Southeast Asia. It combines spiritual activities with cultural performances.

Perfume Pagoda Festival: Taking place in a stunning karst landscape, this festival includes a boat ride to the Perfume Pagoda, where pilgrims pay their respects to Buddha.

Da Nang International Fireworks Festival: While not a traditional festival, this annual event gathers pyrotechnic teams from around the world for a spectacular display over the Han River.

Conclusion:

Vietnam's foreign policy, characterized by strategic diplomacy and economic growth, enables this nation to thrive in a dynamic global landscape. As you plan your Vietnam Tour Packages and explore the Festivals In Vietnam, remember that the country's rich cultural heritage is a testament to its enduring spirit and its ability to gracefully balance tradition and modernity on the world stage. So, pack your bags and get ready for an unforgettable journey filled with culture, history, and the warm hospitality of Vietnam.

[aseaninstituteonline]

US-China Competition and ASEAN’s Quest for Strategic Autonomy

by ASEAN Institute

Caught between two superpowers, ASEAN nations strive to maintain strategic autonomy in the face of the escalating rivalry between the United States and China. With the region being of significant geopolitical and economic importance, navigating these complexities is paramount for the future stability and prosperity of ASEAN countries. This article will explore the various strategies adopted by ASEAN in pursuit of strategic autonomy and the challenges they face in the evolving global landscape.

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has traditionally adopted a policy of non-alignment and regional integration, in an effort to prevent external powers from exerting undue influence over its member states (Acharya, 2017). Nonetheless, the intensifying US-China competition has placed considerable pressure on ASEAN’s ability to maintain a balanced approach.

One of the key challenges for ASEAN countries is striking a balance between economic dependence on China and security partnerships with the United States. While ASEAN member states have benefitted significantly from China’s economic growth, the United States remains a vital security partner for many nations in the region (Narine, 2019). Consequently, ASEAN countries are developing diverse strategies to ensure their economic and security interests are met, without sacrificing their strategic autonomy (Leong & Pitsuwan, 2021).

ASEAN has also sought to enhance its institutional capacity and intra-regional cooperation, in order to minimize the risk of being divided by external powers. The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific (AOIP) is one such example, providing a framework for regional cooperation that is more inclusive and less confrontational than the US-led Indo-Pacific strategy (Egreteau, 2020). This approach reflects ASEAN’s commitment to maintaining its centrality in the regional architecture, while avoiding overt alignment with either superpower (Chachavalpongpun, 2021).

Another avenue for ASEAN to maintain strategic autonomy is through economic diversification, by engaging with a broader range of trade partners beyond China and the US. The signing of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) in 2020 was a significant step towards this goal, as it fosters economic integration among ASEAN countries and other major economies in the Asia-Pacific region (Petri & Plummer, 2021).

Despite these efforts, the US-China competition poses significant challenges for ASEAN’s quest for strategic autonomy. As the rivalry deepens, there is a risk that ASEAN countries may be forced to choose sides, which could undermine regional unity and stability (Storey, 2020). Furthermore, the potential for proxy conflicts or incidents involving US and Chinese military assets in the South China Sea remains a significant concern for the region (Kuik, 2021).

In conclusion, ASEAN’s pursuit of strategic autonomy is increasingly challenged by the intensifying US-China competition. However, through a combination of institutional strengthening, economic diversification, and careful balancing, ASEAN countries are seeking to navigate this complex environment and maintain their independence in the face of great power rivalries.

References:

Acharya, A. (2017). East of India, South of China: Sino-Indian Encounters in Southeast Asia. International Affairs, 93(1), 1–19.

Chachavalpongpun, P. (2021). Navigating the Geopolitical Storm: ASEAN’s Role in the US-China Competition. The Pacific Review, 34(2), 231–246.

Egreteau, R. (2020). The ASEAN Outlook on the Indo-Pacific: Rationales, Objectives, and Limits. Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs, 7(1), 3–21.

Kuik, C.-C. (2021). US-China Strategic Competition in Southeast Asia: How ASEAN Balances the Great Powers. Asian Survey, 61(1), 122–145.

Leong, R., & Pitsuwan, S. (2021). ASEAN Centrality and US-China Rivalry: From the South China Sea to the Mekong Basin. The Pacific Review, 34(3), 360–378.

Narine, S. (2019). ASEAN, China, and the United States: The Dilemmas of Hedging and Balancing. Asian Politics & Policy, 11(2), 312–329.

Petri, P. A., & Plummer, M. G. (2021). ASEAN’s Role in the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership. Journal of Southeast Asian Economies, 38(2), 151–168.

Storey, I. (2020). The Impact of US-China Rivalry on ASEAN. East Asia Policy, 12(3), 3–13.

Read the entire article and more at the ASEAN Institute website.

Check out the ASEAN Institute on Youtube!

[velvialifestylesummit]

The shrinking demand for the monetary transactions in US Dollars could evaporate its halve monetary value once the leading oil economies including Arab League, OPEC and ASEAN opt for the change of global currency that the defunct economies such as Cuba, Venezuela, Zimbabwe, Libya, North Korea as well as the aftermath reconstruction of Ukraine are unlikely to be resolved by the incredulous manipulation of US Dollars which has failed to meet the prerequisite conditions for global reserve currency as requested by the longstanding economic dilemmas across the globe which the derailed monetary system of US Dollars must be configured to provide the necessary economic subvention from time to time for the troublous countries with insuperable living conditions under populous congestion and the intermittent transmission of viral pandemic. The suffering economies under the war crisis of depopulation and economic disintegration such as the war ravaged economy of Ukraine and Russia are likely to exacerbate its moribund living conditions amid the enlarging industrial sanctions of America and Europe to trigger further inflationary living expenditure in Eastern Europe and Russia in spite of the surging living cost in EU. The absence of a powerful monetary system to be tackled by the premiere issuance of International Dollars should be initiated and underpinned by the plenary consensus of the United Nations for the change of global monetary system in 2023. It definitely change the struggling conditions in the countries of Third International like Bangladesh, India, Pakistan and Latin America and Africa as well. The unsteadiness of US Dollars in ensuring the constant demand for its circulation appears the Federal Reserve of America has surrendered the issuance of global reserve currency to the bipolar monetary system raised by other superpowers.

[rjzimmerman]

Excerpt this story from the Washington Post:

Could Australia, one of the world’s biggest exporters of coal and natural gas, become a solar superpower?

The island continent, distant from Asia’s megacities, plans to capture the plentiful Outback sun, store it in giant batteries until nightfall and transmit it to Singapore along a watermelon-width cable traversing 2,800 miles of sea floor, including a deep trench.

The Australia-ASEAN Power Link, which is part-owned by two Australian billionaires and was endorsed last month by the Australian government, may be the most ambitious renewable energy project underway anywhere. And it could mark a new chapter in the history of energy: the intercontinental movement of green power.

Eventually, the project’s backers believe that Australia eventually can supply cheap solar power to a pan-Asian electricity grid, lifting living standards for millions of people and reducing the region’s dependence on coal and natural gas, which are big contributors to global warming.

“The cool new thing is to seriously talk about moving renewable energy around long-term as the carbon-free alternative to the existing fossil fuel trade,” said Peter Cowling, chief executive of Vestas Australia, a wind farm builder. “This is the most plausible solution I have seen to helping Asia decarbonize its energy supply.”

Scheduled to start operating in 2027 at a cost of about $16 billion, the project would combine the world’s largest solar farm, the largest battery and longest submarine electricity cable. It would produce three gigawatts of power, the equivalent of 9 million rooftop solar panels.

The specifications are so complicated that it will be designed by computers using artificial intelligence, according to David Griffin, a solar and wind farm builder who said he came up with the idea while driving through Australia’s hot, dry interior.

[xtruss]

Faux Remedy

— Liu Rui | August 16, 2022

Pelosi's Sneaky Visit to Taiwan Makes ASEAN Countries Firmer on One-China

— Herman Tiu Laurel | August 15, 2022

US Legacy in Afghanistan

— Vitaly Podvitski | August 15, 2022

One Year After US' Withdrawal From Afghanistan

— Deng Zijun | August 15, 2022

One Year After Kabul Debacle, US Attempts to Sustain Hegemony at Cost of the Whole World

— Global Times | August 15, 2022

One year ago, the US hastily and embarrassingly withdrew from Afghanistan. Now, the scene of that fiasco still lingers in many people's minds. But a year later, the US did not draw lessons from a war it had failed. What the world sees is since the Kabul moment, the US has been mobilizing its resources to target China and Russia at the cost of the whole world.

US President Joe Biden delivered three speeches in April, July and August last year respectively on the US withdrawal from Afghanistan. Besides looking for a decent excuse for the disgraceful withdrawal, all the three speeches blatantly raised the true intent of the US - the US needs to focus on shoring up America's core strengths to meet the strategic competition with China, and Russia.

In Ukraine, the US as the instigator of the Russia-Ukraine conflict keeps fanning the flames by providing weapons to Ukraine in a bid to deplete the strength of Russia, in disregard of the development of Ukraine and the wellbeing of the Ukrainian people. Even the interests of US' European allies were sacrificed by the US as a stepping stone to consolidate its global hegemony.

With no end in sight of the Ukraine crisis, the US is trying to ignite another clash in Asia. After US House Speaker Nancy Pelosi visited Taiwan island on August 2, a delegation of five US lawmakers arrived on the island of Taiwan on Sunday. By provoking a conflict in the Taiwan Straits, the US is hoping to rally its resources in Asia, contain China's development, and undermine security in Asia.

Now the US, a superpower in its downfall, can only retain its hegemony by creating confrontations and dragging a large number of countries into the muddy water. The US is no longer able to bring the world peace, stability and development, but only engages in messing around the world. Sun Xihui, an associate research fellow with the National Institute of International Strategy at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, believes that provoking major powers like China and Russia is one means through which the US destabilizes the world, and sowing confrontation based on ideology is another.

"The US divides the world with the so-called 'values.' On the one hand, it relentlessly labels countries that it deems could challenge the Western order as 'autocracies,' and on the other hand, it tries hard to convince Western countries and non-Western countries which accept Western values to buy such a view, thus intensifying division among the international community with this 'autocracy vs democracy' narrative. As the US brings about chaos, the deep anxiety over its hegemony and the order it once dominated is fully exposed," said Sun.

According to Xu Liang, an associate professor at the School of International Relations of Beijing International Studies University, now the US is a "sick man" who is desperately looking for a therapy like a headless chicken, as if it could find its past health if the world is in chaos.

"The US has found it hard to sustain its hegemony, as sustaining it is too costly for the US now. The US has passed its peak, with its withdrawal from Afghanistan marking the beginning of the decline of US strength. The impetuous moves of the US over Ukraine and Taiwan question prove that the US has fewer and fewer political options," said Xu.

Xu noted that the logic behind US' actions to mess around the world is that as the US declines, the world can be exploited as expendable. The US only wants other countries to coordinate with its national interests to contain China and Russia, which, after all, is nothing but a fantasy.

The US is still a global hegemon, but a discouraged one. From a short-term point of view, a discouraged hegemon can still generate momentary destruction, but from a long-term perspective, it will only consume all of its energy. It is a process in which US' influence declines and its reputation gets tainted.

[peaceforasia]

Understanding Southeast Asia Nuclear Non-Proliferation Efforts Fundamental and Challenges

Increasing nuclear expenditure among nuclear weapons states against the pandemic background is warning us about the unavoidable cost attached along with the unstable strategic environment. These costs are sometimes presented by guns vs butter framework explaining the opportunity cost of public spending between buying big weapons for strategic deterrence (military spending) and an actual human security such as health care system, education or even communication (growth).

 Nuclear weapons, warfare and strategic deterrence are still relevant until nowadays and will continue to hold a strategic importance and contribution to international governance. Therefore, to understand Southeast Asia disarmament efforts will help gain a clearer perspective on Southeast Asian nations strategic security position with the whole world as well as understanding Southeast Asia position in one of the most concerning affairs in the international community.

 SEANWFZ, NPT, ASEAN and Southeast Asia Regional Non-Proliferation efforts  

 Southeast Asia has always been an active contributor to the global nuclear disarmament efforts. This is evidently presented by ASEAN involvement in the global nuclear disarmament efforts. For instance, SEANWFZ, NPT and TPNW.

 Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (SEANWFZ) is one of the five nuclear weapons free zones in the world. It was initiated by seven ASEAN member states and signed under the SEANWFZ treaty, also known as Bangkok treaty, in 1995. The SEANWFZ is one of the highlights of ASEAN contribution to nuclear disarmament efforts. This also linked to the strategic standpoint of the regional position regarding weapon of mass destruction governance as well as strategic security position in international affairs. The nuclear weapons free zone is the area where states, in the region, pledge not to manufacture, test, acquire or possess nuclear weapons.

 The Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty (NPT) is one of the most significant treaties regarding nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. It is a treaty which carries the agenda on nuclear non-proliferation, preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, and also promotes the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Southeast Asia states, ASEAN member states and Timor-Leste, have signed the NPT.

 Finally, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) adopted in July 2017 and entered into force early this year in January is a hopeful sign and an important step toward shifting the global security agenda with humanitarian approaches.  The treaty itself prohibited the state parties from all activities related to nuclear weapons including developing, testing, acquiring and so on. And with the mentioned humanitarian approaches on nuclear disarmament efforts, TPNW also required state parties to provide assistance to the impact of nuclear weapons both to individuals and the environment. Southeast Asia, through the ASEAN representation statement, is also supported by the member states. For ASEAN, TPNW is the treaty which provide a normative support for its own nuclear disarmament agenda such as the SEANWFZ.  

 Security Contribution for Southeast Asia and the Missing “Peace”?

 Southeast Asia’s efforts on nuclear non-proliferation contributed significantly to strategic security and weapons of mass destruction governance in the Asia Pacific through an international relations affairs institution such as ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). ASEAN itself is an evident of the search for peace in times of uncertain international security and geopolitical risks, the SEANWFZ is therefore derived from the desire to keep Southeast Asia as a neutral region. This effort continues on until nowadays against the superpowers competition

To know more: https://peaceforasia.org/from-bangkok-treaty-to-tpnw/

[indianarrative1]

India and Southeast Asia can join the US in an economic partnership to balance China

Southeast Asia, as it was in the 1960s and ‘70s, has again become the fulcrum in the current international relations and global conflict between the two superpowers –this time, however, not between the US and the Soviets but US and China, the latter being the rising delinquent, new muscleman in the town with deep pockets.

Strategic location between the Pacific and the Indian Oceans, together with the region’s proximity to Beijing lends it an added significance in the emerging battleground, if not in military confrontation, but surely in rivalry for influence through other means.

ASEAN centrality has to be rephrased as Southeast Asian centrality, as the region has become the fulcrum not the organization, which is not only divided on the question of China but also has failed to provide any leadership on any major crisis affecting the region, the latest example being the Myanmar crisis.

Individual countries of the region, rather than ASEAN as an organisation have become the focus of outreach for others. This is not to undermine the organisation as such, but only to suggest that ASEAN can act effectively if it is united and speaks with one voice. More importantly, ASEAN centrality could work till the time American and Chinese interests over the region’s security and economic architecture converged.

Read More

[ranjith11]

The Silent Rise of ASEAN | asean global superpower | Geography facts

In this video, the Geography Guru takes you on an incredible journey into the heart of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). 🌍 Dive deep with us as we unveil the silent yet robust ascendancy of ASEAN, a crucial alliance that often goes unnoticed. From its humble beginnings in Bangkok, Thailand, to becoming an economic powerhouse with a strong cultural foundation, ASEAN is truly a force to reckon with. Join us as we explore this remarkable journey.

[risingbricsam]

How Japan Can Navigate Growing US-China Tensions

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US-China tensions have emerged to dominate the geopolitical space. How is this rivalry affecting states, particularly in the Asian context? Japan, a long-standing ally to the US, and at the same time a key economic partner to China, finds itself, as do other states in the region, in a difficult position. Still the US-China rivalry alone fails to fully define the foreign policy challenges Japan faces currently. With the Olympics just recently completed in Japan, and COVID-19 numbers on the rise, vaccination numbers still relatively low, continuing cool relations with South Korea, nuclear tensions with North Korea, and finally a looming national election, it is important to recognize that there are a variety of serious issues that Japan’s current political leadership faces.

The US provides Japan with defence and security, but China boosts the Japanese economy, with 22% of Japanese exports going to China in 2019 alone and increasing another 5.1 percent in 2020. Japan is wary of losing its status as a major power but understands that choosing between the two superpowers is surely a lose-lose proposition.

Territorial Disputes

Territorial disputes are a long-standing issue for Japan. Between 2010-2012 tensions began escalating with China over the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea. However, while the Senkaku Islands remain an area of contention, the question of Taiwan is a cause for even greater concern. Japan’s southernmost island, Yonaguni, is just some 111km east of Taiwan, and in recent months, China’s presence around Taiwan has grown. Threats have increased. In April 2021, when Prime Minister Suga visited President Biden in Washington, their joint statement on the renewal of the US-Japan partnership mentioned “Taiwan” for the first time since 1969: “We underscore the importance of peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait and encourage the peaceful resolution of cross-Strait issues.”

Beijing responded harshly to the statement and accused the US of interfering in “internal affairs”. For a country like Japan, a response of this nature raises concern: China’s been known to utilize economic means to retaliate against countries that condemn their actions. Therefore, while it may be important for Japan to collaborate and work with the US on matters relating to Taiwan, Japan is treading quite carefully with China.

Former Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama argued that the US-Japan Joint Statement’s mentioning of “Taiwan” was counterproductive to seeking cooperative relations with China. However, various US military officials in the Indo-Pacific have argued conflict between China and Taiwan is highly probable in the next six years. Given Japan’s proximity to Taiwan and the US’s presence in the region, Japan must consider the wider geopolitical implications.

Emerging Technologies & Supply Chains

Escalating US-China tensions also raises concerns for Japan surrounding emerging technologies. The US-Japan Joint statement in April explicitly discusses the protection of “sensitive supply chains, including semiconductors” as a means for cooperation. Japan specializes in semiconductor manufacturing equipment (SMEs). Production includes wafers, fabrication tools, and assembly, testing, and packaging (ATP). Furthermore, Japan is a leader in the manufacture of advanced lithography equipment, extreme ultraviolet (EUV) scanners, and argon fluoride immersion scanners, areas that the Chinese semiconductor market lacks.

The Chinese government is making moves, however, to ensure a dominant position over the semiconductor market. But, the US is also a leader in the global semiconductor supply chain, specializing in chip design and SME. With semiconductors at the centre of securing global technological dominance, there are concerns about the creation of two rival camps – US and China – for semiconductors, which puts pressure on countries like Japan, Taiwan, and South Korea to maintain a competitive edge.

The Japanese government has been vocal about the need to diversify supply chains to reduce economic dependence on China and has even provided subsidies to Japanese companies in China to move elsewhere. Major Japanese companies in China, to this point, have yet to show serious interest in relocating. However, the Japanese government is showing more of a commitment to ensuring economic security for Japan given the detrimental impacts of COVID-19 on the economy and concern over “sensitive technologies” being leaked in China.

The Quad, Cybersecurity, and the Digital Space

China’s attempts to dominate the digital world is a growing concern for Japan. As a member of the Quad – a strategic partnership between the US, Japan, India, and Australia – it has become increasingly clear that curbing the growth of Chinese firms is a priority. On March 21st, members of the Quad met to create a new working group centered on emerging technologies, telecommunications and coordinating standards for the digital space. While the Quad members are in agreement that China poses a threat to digital freedom and moved to ban Chinese applications and Huawei from 5G trials, rifts exist between Quad members. In particular the members disagree as to how best to share technology and data between them. Experts suggest that more cooperation with the private sector and CEOs is required for the Quad to have an impact. The Quad will also need to find alternatives to Chinese platforms that they can agree upon and develop standards and compliance mechanisms for data-governance to make strides against China’s cyberspace and digital ambitions.

Japan-South Korea Relations

Another area of contention for Japan is its relationship with South Korea. In the last few years, the Japan-South Korea relationship took a turn for the worse, when in 2018 the South Korean Supreme Court ruled that Japanese companies should pay reparations to the victims of forced labour during Japanese colonial rule. Japan saw this ruling as a breach of the 1965 Normalization Treaty. As a result of the Court’s action Japan launched a tit-for-tat trade feud between the two countries, which at one point jeopardized their intelligence-sharing and security pact. Prime Minister Suga and his cabinet have maintained a “cold and stubborn” attitude towards Seoul, raising public speculations both within South Korea and Japan about the future of the bilateral relationship.

Tensions between Japan and South Korea also makes it more difficult for the US to organize allies against China. While the election of President Biden and his prioritization of rebuilding and strengthening alliances in the Asia-Pacific region might be a source of optimism for Japan and South Korea, unfriendly relations between two key regional partners is a cause for concern.

Japan and South Korea are also a part of the Trilateral Summit with China, a platform for the three East Asian countries to forge strong relations and negotiate on regional economic cooperation. Rifts between Japan and South Korea pose challenges for the US but end up giving China the upper hand, possibly. If these tensions between Japan and South Korea continue, China is left benefiting economically from bilateral relations with each country and puts China in an advantageous position if the US is unable to rally its allies in the region.

Deep-seated historical, identity and territorial issues makes cooperation between Japan and South Korea difficult, but not necessarily impossible. The US, therefore, should consider encouraging friendly relations between Japan and South Korea, by focusing on cooperation in the Korean Peninsula via joint exercises, intelligence cooperation and coordination mechanisms like sanctions and North Korean denuclearization. Additionally, the US should push for more trilateral collaboration on matters relating to COVID-19, climate change and the digital space. The positive impact of these trilateral relations on common issues might allow for positive spillover in the Japan-South Korea bilateral relationship.

Moving Forward: Considerations for Japan

So, where does Japanese foreign policy go from here? Firstly, Japan could consider adopting some form of ‘mediator role’ between the US and China. For Japan choosing sides ensures that it is at risk of losing something valuable. Leveraging relations with the Quad, ASEAN, Europe, and even South Korea could pressure the US and China to resolve supply-chain monopoly, and digital primacy more diplomatically. Zero-sum competition between the US and China undermines the peace and stability of the East Asia region. Therefore, Japan should see this as an opportunity to lead the region away from conflict and these geopolitical tensions.

Alternatively, Japan might consider decreasing its dependence on both the US and China to avoid being put in these challenging positions. Under Prime Minister Abe, Japan started making moves towards greater defensive independence through a reinterpretation of the constitution to allow the involvement of Japanese forces overseas, and increasing military spending above the initial cap of 1percent of GDP. Additional independence might be sought through a more concerted effort at supply-chain diversification. Japan’s current dependence on both superpowers makes it vulnerable to being entangled in conflict.

On relations with South Korea, a strong Japan-South Korea relationship will not only be necessary for US-China relations, but also for cooperating with the US on other issues in the Asia-Pacific, namely North Korean denuclearization. Platforms like a trilateral cooperation between the US-Japan-South Korea, should be seen as opportunities for rapprochement between Japan and South Korea. Focussing on common interests over short-term domestic political gains should be prioritized to protect the peace and stability of the East Asia region, and their own prosperity, overall.

It is also important to acknowledge that a political change in Japan could have a significant impact on how Japan handles US-China tensions and relations with South Korea. Suga lacks the popularity and clout that his predecessor had, so it is difficult to know how much of a positive impact Japan will have on either the US-China or South Korea issue under Suga. On July 26th, Prime Minister Suga’s approval rating reached an all-time low of 34%. Public discontent with Suga stems from the decision to host the Olympic games in the midst of a pandemic, the ineffectiveness of declaring a fourth state of emergency, and a general “lack of leadership”. Furthermore, there is speculation that the prevalence of negative attitudes towards South Korea puts Suga in a precarious position in the upcoming election, where concessions towards South Korea could put the Japanese electorate ‘over the edge’. President Moon himself also only has less than a year left in office, so ameliorating relations with South Korea might prove meaningless if a new leadership emerges.

While the low approval ratings do not specifically reflect issues relating to US-China relations, or the intricacies of Japan-South Korea tensions, the impact of low approval ratings for Suga could mean new leadership in Japan, and even more uncertainty about Japan’s positioning in the US-China rivalry.

Regina Robbins-Codera recently graduated with a Master’s of Global Affairs from the Munk School of Global Affairs & Public Policy, University of Toronto. She has been accepted into the Japan-Canada program and will be in Japan learning the language and teaching English for the next several years.

Image Credit: Reuters.com

How Japan Can Navigate Growing US-China Tensions was originally published on Rising BRICSAM

[aseaninstituteonline]

Navigating the US-China Trade War: ASEAN’s Role in Managing the Fallout

by ASEAN Institute

Amidst the turbulence of the US-China trade war, the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has emerged as a critical player in mitigating its disruptive effects. Leveraging their unique position, ASEAN countries have managed to navigate this complex geopolitical landscape, capitalizing on trade opportunities and promoting regional stability. This paper explores the multifaceted role of ASEAN in addressing the repercussions of the trade war, drawing from a diverse range of academic sources to support its analysis.

As the world’s two largest economies, the United States and China have wielded significant influence on global trade and investment flows (Liao & McDowell, 2019). The escalating tensions between these superpowers have generated ripple effects across the globe, with ASEAN being no exception. However, this dynamic region has managed to adapt and thrive, in part due to its strategic position at the crossroads of the global economy (Petri et al., 2018).

Firstly, the redirection of trade and investment has created new opportunities for ASEAN nations. As companies seek to diversify their supply chains and reduce exposure to trade barriers, ASEAN has emerged as an attractive alternative destination for manufacturing and sourcing (Amiti et al., 2019). This shift has spurred economic growth in the region and allowed member states to capitalize on their comparative advantages.

In addition, ASEAN’s diplomatic efforts have played a vital role in maintaining regional stability. By fostering dialogue and cooperation among its members, the organization has been able to present a unified front in the face of global challenges (Vuving, 2020). Through initiatives such as the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), ASEAN has encouraged trade liberalization, ultimately facilitating economic integration and reducing the region’s reliance on any single trading partner (Urata, 2021).

Furthermore, ASEAN’s pursuit of multilateralism has contributed to its resilience during these challenging times. Engaging with both the US and China in various forums, the association has successfully balanced its relationships with the competing superpowers, ensuring that the region is not solely dependent on either party (Severino, 2019). This pragmatic approach has allowed ASEAN to act as a stabilizing force in the midst of the trade war.

In conclusion, ASEAN has adeptly navigated the US-China trade war, mitigating its fallout by capitalizing on economic opportunities and promoting regional stability. The organization’s ability to adapt and maintain strategic relationships with both superpowers underscores its importance in the global geopolitical landscape. As the trade war continues to evolve, ASEAN’s role in managing its consequences will only grow in significance.

References:

Amiti, M., Redding, S., & Weinstein, D. (2019). The Impact of the 2018 Trade War on U.S. Prices and Welfare. Journal of Economic Perspectives, 33(4), 187–210.

Liao, S., & McDowell, D. (2019). No Panacea: The Limits of China’s Influence in Shaping the Global Economic Order. International Studies Review, 21(2), 219–240.

Petri, P. A., Plummer, M. G., & Zhai, F. (2018). Adding Japan and Korea to the TPP: Implications for Regional Integration in Asia and the Pacific. Pacific Economic Review, 23(1), 3–29.

Severino, R. (2019). ASEAN’s Diplomacy Amid the US-China Trade War. Asia Policy, 14(1), 58–66.

Urata, S. (2021). The Impact of the RCEP on the Global and Regional

Read the entire article and more at the ASEAN Institute website.

Check out the ASEAN Institute on Youtube!

[velvialifestylesummit]

The plangent tension of South China Sea amid the diplomatic chasm of China and the Philippines over the untouchable maritime sovereignty in the highly disputed water territories tends to become the next warzone where the massive naval deployments of America is the decisive momentum to wipe out the menace from the economic bloc of China and Russia before the sudsy monetary hegemony of America is fully evaporated in conjunction with the unsustainable chemical contamination crisis of Ohio facing the next election of Biden in 2024. It appears to be the next warzone to divert the military forces of China from supporting Kremlin in Ukraine where the hijacked powers including the chasm of NATO associated with the emerging fourth superpower led by Berlin and Amsterdam seems to dismiss the untenable relationship of NATO and America despite the colonial relationship of America and UK remains impeccable in this war. Meanwhile the outflowing two Trillion revenue of China could trigger the economic intrusion of Beijing to deeply penetrate the economic developments of the globe including America and Europe. The enlarging military developments of China to defend the sovereignty of natural resources in South China Sea appears the intransigent stance of China in the maritime sovereignty under the siege of Asean in particular Malaysia and the Philippines. It is the threatening economic developments of China to eventually annex the vested economic zone so as to replace the hegemony of America in the region. It is the silent warfare to slump the ramshackle stock markets around the globe which should be tactically responded by Federal Reserve of America. The predisposed momentum of stock markets tends to be the ending moment of global monetary system under the impact of stagflation in 2023.

[citylightsatnight04-blog]

Is South China Sea Actually the West Philippine Sea?

Territories are such a sensitive and complicated matter. Especially when it’s disputed territories and one of those parties involved is a global superpower, then these disputes get very tense. That’s what happened in recent history regarding the South China Sea or the West Philippine Sea, both Philippines and China claim dominion over the territories of the bodies of waters in that particular region. According to China, they have the right to claim it as their sovereign territory within the 9 dash line due to historical rights however this claim also encroaches on 80% of the Philippines 200m exclusive economic zone (EEZ) which by definition would be our territory in the West Philippine Sea. This 9 dash line doesn’t just affect us in the Philippines, but also the countries Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei and Indonesia.

Obviously, this has become a huge issue especially with various countries territories on the line, Philippines decided to take it to the international court filing an arbitration case. The 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, or UNCLOS helped solidified the Philippines case in retaining our claim of the West Philippine sea. When it was taken to international court, they ruled in our favor but to nobody’s surprised China refuses to recognized the ruling. They instead offered a joint development partnership towards the disputed areas which as I said mostly covers Philippine territories, effectively removing the exclusivity in our sovereign right, no other country has taken this offer as well. This then becomes an issue of what do we do about it?

My personal take is to continue to fight for it and not let such injustice continue. This historical claimed only started during 1947 according to China with still little to no evidence of what historical claim they said have over these waters, and yet our EEZ was much older than that. Even if China Doesn’t Recognize the ruling, every other country has or at least majority does, the whole ASEAN region could have banded together or Philippines could have invoked our mutual defense treaty with the United States in protecting our waters and fishermen. The point it we don’t back down just because the aggressor is a superpower, might doesn’t make right, allowing such acts to continue or relenting to compromise only harms the country in the long run. The problem with regimes or superpowers is that if we let them get away with such actions, they will do it all over again and who’s to say they will stop at mere water disputes? Does this mean our country will just bend over to any foreign power just because they supposedly more powerful? By that logic we should have accepted the Japanese occupation or their preposition of the Greater Co-prosperity sphere of Asia during World War 2 and surrender our sovereignty. No, we should instead protect the West Philippine sea, even if as simple as boycotts or as elaborate as naval blockades, these are things still worth fighting for.

[peaceforasia]

Understanding Southeast Asia Nuclear Non-Proliferation Efforts Fundamental and Challenges

Increasing nuclear expenditure among nuclear weapons states against the pandemic background is warning us about the unavoidable cost attached along with the unstable strategic environment. These costs are sometimes presented by guns vs butter framework explaining the opportunity cost of public spending between buying big weapons for strategic deterrence (military spending) and an actual human security such as health care system, education or even communication (growth).

 Nuclear weapons, warfare and strategic deterrence are still relevant until nowadays and will continue to hold a strategic importance and contribution to international governance. Therefore, to understand Southeast Asia disarmament efforts will help gain a clearer perspective on Southeast Asian nations strategic security position with the whole world as well as understanding Southeast Asia position in one of the most concerning affairs in the international community.

 SEANWFZ, NPT, ASEAN and Southeast Asia Regional Non-Proliferation efforts  

 Southeast Asia has always been an active contributor to the global nuclear disarmament efforts. This is evidently presented by ASEAN involvement in the global nuclear disarmament efforts. For instance, SEANWFZ, NPT and TPNW.

 Southeast Asia Nuclear Weapon Free Zone (SEANWFZ) is one of the five nuclear weapons free zones in the world. It was initiated by seven ASEAN member states and signed under the SEANWFZ treaty, also known as Bangkok treaty, in 1995. The SEANWFZ is one of the highlights of ASEAN contribution to nuclear disarmament efforts. This also linked to the strategic standpoint of the regional position regarding weapon of mass destruction governance as well as strategic security position in international affairs. The nuclear weapons free zone is the area where states, in the region, pledge not to manufacture, test, acquire or possess nuclear weapons.

 The Nuclear Non-Proliferation treaty (NPT) is one of the most significant treaties regarding nuclear disarmament and non-proliferation. It is a treaty which carries the agenda on nuclear non-proliferation, preventing the spread of nuclear weapons, and also promotes the peaceful use of nuclear energy. Southeast Asia states, ASEAN member states and Timor-Leste, have signed the NPT.

 Finally, the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons (TPNW) adopted in July 2017 and entered into force early this year in January is a hopeful sign and an important step toward shifting the global security agenda with humanitarian approaches.  The treaty itself prohibited the state parties from all activities related to nuclear weapons including developing, testing, acquiring and so on. And with the mentioned humanitarian approaches on nuclear disarmament efforts, TPNW also required state parties to provide assistance to the impact of nuclear weapons both to individuals and the environment. Southeast Asia, through the ASEAN representation statement, is also supported by the member states. For ASEAN, TPNW is the treaty which provide a normative support for its own nuclear disarmament agenda such as the SEANWFZ.  

 Security Contribution for Southeast Asia and the Missing “Peace”?

 Southeast Asia’s efforts on nuclear non-proliferation contributed significantly to strategic security and weapons of mass destruction governance in the Asia Pacific through an international relations affairs institution such as ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). ASEAN itself is an evident of the search for peace in times of uncertain international security and geopolitical risks, the SEANWFZ is therefore derived from the desire to keep Southeast Asia as a neutral region. This effort continues on until nowadays against the superpowers competition

To know more: https://peaceforasia.org/from-bangkok-treaty-to-tpnw/

[xtruss]

© AP Photo / Andy Wong

OPINION

Why the US Has No Chance of Winning Either a 'Cold' or a 'Hot' War Against China

— 07.16.2020 | by Ekaterina Blinova | Sputnik

While ramping up pressure against Beijing on multiple fronts, Washington appears to not be taking into account China's sustainability and resilience, which stem from its sophisticated culture, says sociologist Dr. Heinz Dieterich, explaining why the US' current China strategy is erratic and doomed to failure.

On Monday, US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced that "most" of China's maritime claims in the South China Sea are null and void. The People's Republic claims up to 80% of the 3.5-million square kilometre sea, in accordance with the so-called "nine dash line".

"The world will not allow Beijing to treat the South China Sea as its maritime empire", Pompeo stated.

In response, the Chinese embassy in the US warned the Trump administration against "stirring up tension and inciting confrontation in the region."

Washington Stepping Up Pressure Against Beijing

The latest spat came on the heels of tit-for-tat sanctions against senior politicians implemented by Washington and then Beijing over Xinjiang as well as the US show of force in the South China Sea earlier this month. The Trump administration is continuing to tighten the screws on China's trade, high-tech sector, and artificial island building. According to public opinion polls, anti-China sentiment is now on the rise in the US, with about 66% of Americans thinking unfavourably about the People's Republic, prompting speculations about a forthcoming "cold war" with Beijing.

However, at the same time, the US Chamber of Commerce has recently demanded that top Chinese officials redouble efforts to implement phase one of the trade agreement which was concluded between Washington and Beijing in January 2020.

"Any scientifically sound metric of international standing – economic, scientific, demographic, political, military or Covid-19 – shows, that the US is in no condition to either win a 'cold' or 'hot war' against China", says Dr. Heinz Dieterich, director of the Centre for Transition Sciences (CTS) at the Autonomous Metropolitan University in Mexico City, and coordinator at the World Advanced Research Project (WARP).

Washington´s China strategy is erratic and being coupled with the internal partisan and social divide which has manifested as a systemic crisis in the US, he remarks.

The crisis is systemic, because it has affected political, economic, cultural and social dimensions. It dramatically evidenced the breakdown of the intra-elite consensus between Democrats and Republicans on how to preserve the global US domination-system. It has also aggravated longstanding social inequality, skyrocketing national debt and swirling protests, the professor notes. Besides endangering the country's internal stability, it threatens to affect the global balance of power and world peace, Dieterich warns.

The Demise of the Transatlantic Partnership

While the US is now praising the UK's decision to ban Chinese telecom equipment from its 5G networks, the Trump administration cannot boast good relations with the European Union, as it has largely alienated Germany, "the undisputed leader" of the bloc.

On 29 June, German Foreign Minister Heiko Maas warned that the current tensions between the US and Germany are unlikely to be solved in the foreseeable future, no matter who wins the November vote: "Everyone who thinks everything in the trans-Atlantic partnership will be as it once was with a Democratic president underestimates the structural changes," Maas told the German press agency DPA.

The Trump administration has repeatedly lambasted Berlin over NATO spending, migration and economic policies, as well as its participation in the Russia-led Nord Stream 2 gas pipeline project, which was recently subjected to US sanctions.

At the same time, the US open policy of intimidation against China, Russia, North Korea and Iran has proven ineffective and failed, according to the academic. Iran's delivery of about 1.5 million barrels of Iranian gasoline and related components to Venezuela, a country suffering from a US embargo, in May and June 2020, clearly indicated that Washington's policy of "maximum pressure" against nuclear or powerful states does not work.

U.S. Secretary of State Mike Pompeo gives a news conference about dealings with China and Iran, and on the fight against the coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic, in Washington, U.S., June 24, 2020

Despite sabre-rattling and muscle flexing in the South China Sea, the US is unlikely to engage in a direct confrontation with the People's Republic as it is doomed to failure, according to Dieterich, who recollects that the US has de facto "lost" four wars in Asia: China's civil war (1946-49), the Korean War (1950-53), the Vietnam War (1955-75), and most recently in Afghanistan.

"My Center for Transition Sciences (CTS) has developed a multi-variable 'Geopolitical Index of Relative Power of Nation-States' (GIRP), which we presented in Moscow in 2014 that clearly shows that the US and its allies would have won a nuclear war against China in the 1950s. But, even against the lightly armed peasant army of Mao Zedong, they could not win the Korean War," the professor notes.

The US as a superpower is today only "a shadow of what it was after 1945", according to the academic, who claims that it has turned from a “tiger with nuclear teeth” (as Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchov defined it) into a “paper tiger” (as Mao Zedong called it).

US Underestimates China's Sustainability

Touching upon the massive pressure the US has exerted on China's economic, social and political spheres, as well as raising stakes in the South China Sea, Dieterich presumes that Washington underestimates China's resilience based on its sophisticated culture and "dialectical spirit of Confucius, Lao-Tse, and Gautama Buddha" which have many times helped the nation overcome dramatic historical challenges and paved the way to its socio-economic and political transformation.

He notes that if one takes a look at the past two centuries, one would see that the Chinese managed to fend of the Japanese intervention, survived the Civil War, and proved sufficient in the Korean and Vietnam wars. IT successfully underwent the Cultural Revolution under Mao Zedong and then further socio-cultural transformation under Deng Xiaoping. Currently, he says, Chinese society is making a dramatic technological leap striving to accomplish its Made in China 2025 strategic plan under Xi Jinping.

"These successes have produced an overwhelming support of the people for the government, a strong national unity behind a clear strategic leadership, based on the scientific principles of Marxism, and an international global power and standing in all important metrics," Dieterich says.

Chinese President Xi Jinping prepares to present a medallion during a conference to commemorate the 40th anniversary of China's Reform and Opening Up policy at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Tuesday, Dec. 18, 2018

The Chinese are not sitting on their thumbs while the US is trying to build an anti-China coalition; the People's Republic is actively forging multilateral alliances and strengthening ties with Russia and the Germany-led European Union.

Thus, Beijing is pushing ahead with the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), a proposed free trade agreement in the Indo-Pacific region, which brings together the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and its FTA partners, namely, China, Australia, Japan, New Zealand, and South Korea. Furthermore, the People's Republic is signalling a "positive and open attitude" towards joining the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP), an "updated" version of the Obama-era Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) shredded by Donald Trump when he assumed the office.

To preserve the global balance of power, Washington should adhere to a symmetrical multi-polar world and give up plans of "subjugating China, Russia and Europe, in order to recuperate its former world supremacy", according to the professor. "Democracy and Justice in the world system are only possible between entities, which roughly have the same amount of power," he remarks.

"The only stable and viable solution for the species to survive is a new eco-civilisation, based on a global non-market economic system, in which the private tyranny of the market – a global plutocratic elite of profit mongers – and anti-democratic oligarchic political systems do no longer rule the destiny of the people," Dieterich concludes.