#and restored them both later but as illegitimate ones

[fideidefenswhore]

[Admiral Chabot] had come, not to replace to Treaty of Mutual Aid with a dynastic alliance offering the prospect of a future closer tie between [England & France], but because Charles [V] was offering the French king generous concessions concerning his claim to the Duchy of Milan if he successfully arranged a marriage between the Dauphin and [Princess] Mary [...] Chabot was nonplussed when Anne insisted that it must be [Princess] Elizabeth-- not her stepdaughter-- who should marry one of Francis [I]'s sons. Henry too said the Admiral must be joking in proposing Mary as the bride.

Hunting the Falcon: Henry VIII, Anne Boleyn & the Marriage That Shook Europe, John Guy & Julia Fox

[defenderoftruth]

President Donald J. Trump is the heart and soul of the MAGA movement, he will need to be surrounded by a group of warriors in Congress who share his devotion to strict America First principles.

The next Congress is poised to have some of the strongest and most patriotic America First candidates to date.  This will be a freshman class like no other, equipping President Trump with the firepower – and much-needed backup – that he mostly lacked in his first term in office to advocate for some of his bolder agenda items in Congress – including mass deportations, and returning law and order to towns and cities across the land.

Each one of the following candidates are MAGA firebrands – steadfastly devoted to President Trump and his agenda of securing our borders, ending the weaponization of our justice system, and eliminating election fraud.

None of these patriots would have certified the illegitimate results of the 2020 presidential election if it were up to them.  They all will go beyond what any current member of Congress has done to fight for the release of the January 6th hostages currently being imprisoned by the Biden regime.

They all love President Trump, and readily understand that his cause represents America’s hope.  For that reason, they heard the call and feel dutybound to enter the storm – and do whatever it takes to help President Trump come next January in his second administration to give him all the support he needs to Make America First Again:

Combat Veteran JR Majewski (OH-09)

The people of Ohio deserve much better than their current leadership, both Democrat and Republican, and Majewski’s election to Congress will benefit MAGA patriots nationwide, giving them a trusted voice and proven fighter who will prioritize America First values, over Mitch McConnell and the DC Swamp now bringing this country to ruin.

Make America Dominant Again!

J6 Patriot Derrick Evans (WV-01)

Derrick Evans arguably paid the greatest price for standing up for this country. Evans was one of thousands of Americans who peacefully demonstrated at the Capitol on January 6th – as a result, he had his liberties stripped away and was forced to serve three months in prison, including over a week of agonizing solitary confinement.

Derrick Evans has never wavered in his support for President Trump and America First principles.  In fact, last August, when President Trump’s mugshot was released, Evans posted it alongside his own mugshot in a display of solidarity with the 45th President, which the President later ReTruthed.

Trump Soldier Anthony Sabatini (FL-11)

Anthony Sabatini was the most outspoken Trump supporter while serving in the Florida House of Representatives, and was the only legislator to really hold then-Governor Ron DeSantis’ feet to the fire, pushing him to the right on policies ranging from gun rights to immigration.

Among his many accolades, Sabatini was the first Republican County chairman in the state of Florida to endorse President Trump.

He has been an unwavering backer of the 45th President’s, stating repeatedly on record that he would not have certified the results of the illegitimate 2020 election, while also calling on Governor DeSantis’ office to permanently cut ties with Biden’s DOJ in the aftermath of the unlawful raid on Mar-a-Lago in August of 2022.

Sabatini has represented J6 defendants as part of his legal practice and continues to be a stalwart advocate for the most vulnerable members of our society – the J6 victims and their families.

He is the most loyal and patriotic Florida legislator, bar none, and is a terrific addition to the next Congress.

America needs more great Patriots like Anthony Sabatini!

America First Patriot Blake Masters (AZ-08)

America First is here to stay, thanks to leaders like Blake Masters. He will support President Trump to solve the border crises and restore law and order in America.

Together with President Trump, Masters will bring illegal immigration to an end. He will protect our right to own and use firearms, so our streets safe again.

Vote for Blake Masters AZ

[aesthetic-solar-space]

Queen/Lady Jane Grey (The Queen for Nine Days)

Lady Jane Grey, later known as Lady Jane Dudley after her marriage and then she was known as the "Nine Days Queen". She was an english noblewoman who claimed the throne of England and Ireland from July 10 - July 19 1553.

She was the great granddaughter of Henry VII through his younger daughter Mary, making her first cousin once removed of Edward VI (Henry's son and successor)

She has an excellent humanist education, and a reputation as one of the most learned women of her day. She was married in May 1553 to Lord Guildford Dudley, a younger son of Edward's chief minister.

June 1553, Edward VI wrote his will nominating Jane and her male heris as successors to the crown upon his death, this was in part do to religion that differed between himself and his half sister Mary Tudor who was supposed to succeed him according to Henry VIII's will. This change would not only remove his half sister Mary but also his half sister Elizabeth Tudor from the line of sucession on account of their illegitimacy.

After Edwards death, Jane was proclaimed queen on July 10th 1553 and awaited her coronation in the Tower of London. Support for Mary quickly grew while most of Jane's supporters abandoned her - including the English government. The privy council proclaimed Mary Tudor as Queen on July 19th 1553, deposing Jane.

Her prime supporter and Edwards old chied minister (Jane's father in law) was accused of treason and executed less than a month later.

Jans on the otherhand was held prisoner in the Tower of London and was convicted of high treason in November 1553 - a death sentence in of its own.

Mary initially spared her life. However Jane soon became viewed as a threat to the crown when her father, Henry Grey became involved with the Wyatt's rebellion against Queen Mary's intention to marry Philip of Spain.

Jane and her husband were executed on February 12th 1554, at the time of her death Jane was only either 16 or 17 years old.

Jane was the eldest daughter of Henry Grey, 1st Duke of Suffolk with his wife Frances Brandon. No one knows exactly when she was born though there are many theories; October of '37, May of '37, May of '36, or February of '37.

Jane's mother was the eldest daughter of Henry the eighths younger sister, Mary. Jane also had two younger sisters; Lady Katherine and Lady Mary Grey.

She spoke Latin and Greek from an early age, she also studied Hebrew and Italian as well. She was a commited protestant.

She much preferred academic studies as apposed to activities such as hunting parties. She may even have believed her strict upbringing, something very common at the time, to have been too harsh.

Around February 1547, Jane was sent to live in je household of Edward VI’s uncle, Thomas Seymour, who was soon to be married to Catherine Parr. Henry VIII’s widow.

She was an attendant to Catherine up until her death during childbirth in September of 1548. She was close to Catherine and was even involved in her funeral

When Thomas Seymour was convicted of treason, Jane proceeded to return home and continue her studies.

Throughout her life she had a few engagement talks but nothing was made of them until May 25th 1553. That same day the couple was married at Durham House in a triple wedding. The wedding of on of each of the couples sisters was also happening.

The third succession act of 1544 restored Henry VIIIs daughters to the line of succession although they were still regarded illegitimate. This act also gave Henry the ability to alter the line of succession through his will. It reinforced the succession of his three children and declared should none of them leave descendants the throne was to be passed to heirs of his younger sister, this included Jane.

For unknown reasons when making the succession, Henry excluded Jane's mother as well as the claims of his own older sister.

During Henry's reign both of his daughters had been named illegitament when his marriages to their mothers were declared void.

15 year old Edward VI lay dying in the summer of 1553, with Mary still as his pressumed heir. Edward however in a draft will ("my devise for the succession") which was composed in early 1553, had first restricted the succession to (non-extistant) male descendants of Frances Brandon and her daughters, before he named his protestant cousin. "Lady Jane and her male heirs" as his successors.

Probably in June 1553 the intent was to ensure his protestant legacy - removing Mary who was a devoted Roman Catholic

Edward personally supervised the copying of his will which was issued on June 21st and signed by 102 notables. He also announced to have his "declaration" passed in parliament in September.

The King died on July 6th 1553, however his death was not announced for four days. On the 9th, Jane was informed she was now queen - claiming to accept the crown only with reluctance.

The 10th, she was officially proclaimed Queen of England, France, and Ireland. After she had taken up a secured residence within the Tower of London (usually where monarchs lived from time of accession until coronation). Jane refused to name her husband as king, since it would require an Act of Parliment.

A goal of many at this time was to isollate and attempt to capture Mary Tudor to stop her from gaining any further support.

When Mary was sure of the demise of her half brother, she left her residence at Hunsdon and set eyes for East Anglia where she began to rally her support.

Jane is often labelled the Nine Days Queen, although her technically reign goes from Edwards true death on the 6th - making it a few days longer. July 19th Jane is imprisoned in the Tower's gentlemen gaoler's apartments while her husband was in the Beauchamp Tower.

September parliament declared Mary the rightful successor and denounced and revoked Jane's proclaimation as that of a usuper.

Jane was charged with high treason as were her husband, two of his brothers, the former archbishop of Canterbury, and Thomas Crammer.

Trial by special commission took place in November 13th 1553, as to be expected all defendants were found guilty and sentenced to death. Jane's guilt of having treacherously assumed the title and power of a monarch, with evidence of a number of documents she signed as "Jane the Quene".

Her sentence was to "be burned alive on Tower Hill or beheaded as the Queen pleases."

Burning was traditional english punishment for treason when it was committed by a woman.

The imperial ambassador reported to Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor, that her life was ro be spared by Queen Mary.

Wyatt's rebellion in January 1554 against Queen Mary's marriage plans with Philip of Spain however sealed Jane's fate in a different way. Her father, Henry Grey and his two brothers joined the rebellion, and so the government and Queen Mary decided to go through with there verdict for Jane ans her husband.

Their executions were first seceduled for February 9th 1554 but was postponed for three days to give Jane a chance to convert to the Catholic faith.

On the morning of February 12 1554 they took Guildford from his rooms within the Tower of London to the public execution place on Tower Hill where he was then beheaded. his remains were brought back to the tower past Jane's rooms, she was then taken out to Tower Green inside the Tower to be beheaded.

She made a speech as she ascended the scaffold, the resighted Psalm 51 (have mercy upon me, o god). She handed her gloves and handkerchief to her maids. The executioner asked her for forgiveness which she granted. she then blindforlded herself. She failed to find the block by hand and cried out, once helped with her head upon the block Jane spoke her last words.

"Lord into thy hands i commend my spirit." the axe then fell beheading the young girl in one clean stroke.

Jane and her husband were buried in the Chapel of St Peter ad Vincula on the north side of the tower green. No memorial stone was erected at their grave.

Jane's father was executed 11 days after Jane on the 23rd of February 1554.

Her mother, Duchess of Suffolk married her Master of Horse and Chamberlain - Adrian Stokes in March of 1555. She was fully pardoned by Queen Mary and allowed to live at court with her two surviving daughters. She died in 1559.

During Mary's reign Jane became viewed as a protestant martyr for centuries to come.

[mademoiselle-red]

Hello! I saw that you had once posted about Renault's "Purposes/Promise of Love" as contrasted with some aspects of The Charioteer, and seeing as there really doesn't seem to be a whole lot of commentary on PoL (i have looked and found a few things, but there's a dearth of reviews), would you be willing to share a few more thoughts or general impressions of the book? (And regardless, thanks for keeping such an interesting blog)

Thank you for the question, and I apologize for taking literally forever to respond!!!

For a long time, I found that I had nothing else to say about the novel, but a thought suddenly occurred to me this afternoon. It is not very well thought out at all, but I feel like rambling, so here we go:  

I think Vivan and Mic were trying to escape from unequal gender roles in their heterosexual relationship by emulating their ideal image of a gay relationship. Both of them are unsatisfied with heterosexual conventions for different reasons: They are both bisexual and only have had same-sex dalliances until now, so this is their first foray into a “conventional” heterosexual relationship. Vivian fears losing her independence, her career, and her sense of equality in a relationship with a man. She also worries that a relationship with a man would make her more like “other woman”, who she sees as, by convention, intellectually inferior and superficial compared to men. Likewise, Mic dislikes “most women”, who he believes are attracted to superficial pleasures and scorn him for his poverty and illegitimate status. He fears that he cannot live up to the conventions of a “male provider” for a woman because he is an illegitimate child with no family and does not earn enough money in his current job to marry Vivian. 

And so Mic and Vivian attempt to have a “gay” relationship. 

In their first meeting, they bond over Plato. 

He moved himself to the edge of the box to let her explore.[...] She found herself with the Hamilton Memoirs in one hand and the Symposium in the other, and laughed. 

“House-moving makes strange bedfellows,” said Mic. 

“Compared with the Restoration people,” said Vivian idly, “how full of purpose the Greeks were, even in their sins. Nothing, however intrinsically pleasant, without a reason, even though they each had to find a different one.” She stopped because, though she had been looking at the book in her hand, she had been sure that Mic’s eyes, under their unnecessary lashes, had slanted round at her. But he was searching for something in the packing-case. She went on, rather more quickly, “There wasn’t a soul in the Symposium who could have sat through an evening with De Gramont except possibly Alcibiades, and he’d have been yawning long before the end.” 

“Yes,” said Mic. “I suppose so.” But his attention seemed to have wandered. Vivian looked up and saw Jan, smiling, in the open door.

Jan is Vivan’s negligent older brother and Mic’s soon-to-be-ex-boyfriend, who has at this point in the book decided to dump Mic, abandon Vivian (again), and set them up with each other so they won’t be lonely without him. It works out because Mic and Vivian do fall deeply in love, turn out to be very compatible, and can give each other the commitment and care that Jan cannot. 

Vivan then notices a pair of fencing foils in Mic’s room and challenges him to a fencing duel. She beats him. 

“Are you—” Absurd: she had only tapped him. “I thought for a moment I’d hurt you.” 

“Oh, no.” They looked at one another, smiling, confident and intent. 

“I can’t remember where I’ve seen that done before.” 

“I invented it.” She flirted her foil, a schoolboy’s swagger. What was happening to her, she wondered; she was not this kind of person with anyone else.

But once the match is over, Vivian loses her boyish swagger:

 “With a little jolt she returned to normal; straightened with her toe a rug she had heaped up in a lunge; stood her foil neatly against the wall; a polite female visitor.”

Later in the novel, Mic tells her that he fell in love with her during the fencing match because she seemed so different from other women:

“I should never … but you were so different. That was why I—” She finished for him, in a little flat voice like a child reciting, “That was why you loved me.” 

“You seemed not to be part of it. Unconscious, like … The day you came here and we fenced. I suppose I first wanted you then.”

Their romantic relationship officially begins after Mic kisses Vivian because for a fleeting moment, she looked like her brother Jan. He insists that he loves her as she is, but she believes that he prefers her when she’s dressed as a man, and his reaction to her cross-dressing seems to ultimately prove her right: 

There was a dark shirt on which the tie looked very effective. Mic’s best flannels fitted her fairly well, with a little folding at the waist. She brushed her hair back flat behind her ears, and turned round before the glass, admiring the result. When she emerged Mic had got the table almost laid. His back was turned and he did not see her at first. “Well, darling?” She lounged in with her hands in her pockets. “All complete except that I couldn’t find the green carnation. Nice?”

Mic turned round, looked at her, and carefully put the soup-saucepan down beside the fire. “Not very,” he said. “I should take it off if I were you.”

[...]

Such danger-signals as she noticed only added to the interest of things. “Aren’t I handsome enough?” she asked, coming nearer. “I was afraid your standard would be too exacting.” 

Mic stood over her and said, not very loudly, “Are you going to take that off, or am I going to do it for you?” 

“Don’t lose your temper, dear boy. You know my nerves won’t stand it.”

She laughed into Mic’s eyes, which seemed to have changed from brown to black in a way they had at certain times. 

“I mean it,” he said. “Take it off.” 

“After supper I will. Sit down, and I’ll pour out your soup for you. Like Ganymede.” 

Mic caught her by the shoulders. “Damn you. Come here.” She ducked out of his grip and, slipping up under his arm, kissed him. For a moment nothing happened, then her kiss was returned, at a higher rate of interest than she had bargained for.

When Mic catches her cheating on him with his supervisor at the hospital, he first criticizes her for wearing an expensive feminine outfit like the supervisor’s other girlfriends, Vivan defends herself by accusing him of not liking her unless she were dressed as a man: 

I’m wearing a perfectly normal outfit that you can see in every shop and every magazine, and no more make-up than most women put on every day of their lives. Good God, Mic, are you going to raise hell like this every time I show signs of leading an ordinary social life? Because if so let’s get the thing clear. I’m not going to spend the rest of my life slopping about in tweeds and an old shirt just because you can’t stand the sight of a woman unless she’s half got up as a—” She paused, biting her lip.

At the end of the novel, after they’ve broken up and gotten back together again, Vivian believes that she loves and needs Mic more than he loves and needs her, which gives him more power in their relationship, making her the “loser” in their struggle for power. However, she refuses to believe the “half-truths [which] might have sheltered her; that poverty had fought against her; that her work had demanded more of her than was just or than her life could afford; even that she was a, woman and had the fluid of submission in her blood-stream. But she knew that she could not surrender on any of these terms without dishonour.” She believes instead that she had “lost” to Mic “only because she had fought in the conscious craving for self-certainty and power, he in the simple instinctive reaching of his spirit for the good.” Once again adopting the platonic model for gay relationships, Vivian believes that “henceforward their relationship was fixed, she the lover, he the beloved.” 

Having read the book however, I did not come out with the impression that there was a power struggle, or that Mic loved her less than she loved Mic. 

I did however get the impression that Vivian was trying to have a “gay” relationship with Mic not to please Mic, but to flee from the expectation of submission for a woman in a hetero relationship. When she is with Mic, Vivian refuses to let herself be taken care of, be indulged and pampered, wear nice clothes, and socialize with her mother’s old glamorous actress crowd. But we learn that she does want these things, and uses Mic’s more conventionally masculine (rich, charming, high status, assertive) supervisor to indulge in the conventionally “feminine” activities that she looks down upon. It is her love-hate relationship with her own femininity and her fear of submitting to Mic as a woman that motivates Vivian to “submit” to him as a platonic lover. 

We see throughout the novel that while Vivian struggles with the conventions imposed upon women, harbors prejudices against women, and wants to distinguish herself from other more conventional women, she still consistently considers herself a woman, and enjoys certain aspects of conventional femininity. In contrast, Mic seems incapable of accepting Vivan’s gender: 

“Colette says women should never appear in any stage between their frock and their skin. I know at least one who keeps all her make-up under the pillow so as to do her face before her husband wakes up. Would you love me more if I did those things?” 

“Don’t talk like that.” Mic narrowed his eyes in the candlelight. “I don’t like it.” 

“Why not?” 

“Don’t call yourself Women. It sounds beastly. … Rows of them, all pink and bulging. In frilled drawers.” 

“Is that how you see them?” She stopped herself from adding “still.” 

“I don’t see them at all as a rule. I did just then.” 

“Well, what about me?” 

His eyes passed over her, loving and familiar, like an embrace. “You’re simply you.”

Mic doesn’t necessarily want Vivan to be a man or dress as a man, he just likes it when she presents as non-woman. The “gay” relationship model of lover/beloved they adopt from Plato is thus a solution for Mic and Vivan to avoid being “man and woman” in their relationship, so that Vivan can free herself from sexist expectations and Mic can continue to love Vivian as a non-woman.

[paradife-loft]

Things we learn about JGY in MDZS, in chronological order

I mentioned at one point a while back, that when the official English volumes of MDZS came out and I started doing a reread, I wanted to make a chronological catalogue of information we learn about Jin Guangyao.

I wanted to do this both for reference purposes, but also for bringing a quality of deliberation to the experience, trying to look more cleanly at how MXTX’s presentation of him unfolds throughout the novel if you aren’t coming into it already knowing a majority of his story. In particular, I think it’s very relevant to look at that presentation when coming, as I do, from a background of having watched CQL first, because the difference in story ordering (present day with integrated flashbacks, versus mostly linear and chronological) makes a big difference in what and how we learn things about him in, in what order, and therefore how his entire character comes across. (I mean, it does that for probably everybody to greater or lesser degrees, but it’s me, so my main concern is Jin Guangyao.)

So this here is the first part of that reference catalogue! It covers material found in volume 1 of the official published English translation by Seven Seas, which is also what the page numbers refer to.

---

He is the only one of Jin Guangshan’s many illegitimate children to be “outstanding enough” to be recognized and taken back into the family. He is the current head of the Lanling Jin clan in the present day. (page 72)

He is close personal friends with Zewu-jun, Lan Xichen, and as a result of that friendship, the Lan and Jin clans are politically close. (page 82)

His title is Lianfang-zun. He hosts Lan Xichen at Jinlintai regularly. He was the (younger) half-brother of Jin Ling’s father, and the elder half-brother of Mo Xuanyu. He sits on the “highest seat of the cultivation world” and is very politically and personally powerful - entirely unlike Mo Xuanyu. He and Lan Xichen are not simply good friends, but also sworn brothers. (page 124)

He’s the one who gave Fairy to Jin Ling as a gift. (page 222)

He and Lan Xichen had also been sworn brothers with the previous leader of the Nie clan, Nie Mingjue. The two of them now often help his younger brother, Nie Huaisang, with the many difficulties he has running his clan. (pages 225-226)

He is considered “smooth and resourceful, sharp-witted and intelligent.” His oath of brotherhood with LXC and NMJ took place during the Sunshot Campaign, when they each did praiseworthy deeds that later got them the moniker of the Venerated Triad*. (page 270) (*yes, I’m cleaning up/swapping that translation for a different one, because the official one on-page is ridiculous.)

Nie Mingjue “viciously berated” him and ordered him to leave when he stepped in to try and smooth over a diplomatic solution between him and Jin Guangshan over the matter of Xue Yang killing the Chang Clan. He ended up too terrified to say anything more, and hid behind Lan Xichen. (page 308)

Jin Guangyao inherited control of the Lanling Jin clan after his father’s death (a few years after the siege of the Burial Mounds), as well as his position of Cultivation Chief. He ushered in a new regime compared to that of his father, offering many restorative measures to their reputation, including “getting rid” of Xue Yang and any talk of remaking the Yin Tiger Seal. (page 314)

He’s the most popular character for kids to play in “Sunshot Campaign” games! (adorable <3) His background - which we don’t know yet beyond simply his being an illegitimate child - is considered “too embarrassing to speak of”, but that only helps endear him to the common people in the context of his admirable rise to power. During the Sunshot Campaign, he worked as an incredibly effective spy within the Qishan Wen clan; afterwards, he “curried favor by every means possible,” using intelligence and quick wits in all sorts of ways eventually reach his current position as Cultivation Chief. On the other hand, it seems widely-enough known as a part of his reputation that he was regularly scared of Nie Mingjue, that even the kids playing Sunshot games were well aware of it. (page 344-345)

---

And that’s it! A few additional observations of these, taken as a whole:

The strong focus here, presumably in his reputation as narrator!Wei Wuxian is relating it to us, on extraordinary merit as the reason for everything about his ascension.

A strong five out of nine of these passages mentioning him either include, emphasise, or are directly about, his relationship with Lan Xichen. (And one of those remaining four is literally just “he gave Jin Ling a dog”.) - And not only is it a consistent through-line: it’s the literal second thing we learn about him.

Up through the point where Wangxian have retrieved their dismembered corpse friend’s torso from the Chang clan cemetery, we still haven’t heard any mention of Meng Shi’s occupation. The closest we get is the last section, where his background is mentioned as being very embarrassing - but it still doesn’t specify. Even in the very first mention of him, where we learn he’s an illegitimate child, and that Jin Guangshan was an infamous womanizer, nobody here and now is commenting about “son of a prostitute”. Reputation may certainly be fickle - but it’s also very clearly not worth nothing.

(For comparison, in his first couple appearances in CQL, we get, roughly in order: retainer of the Nie clan who Huaisang relies on; son of a prostitute (gossiped about); mutual heart-eyes with Lan Xichen; extremely competent and politically shrewd. Possibly also murders people and lies about it (??), but also jumps in front of a sword for Nie Mingjue.)

[shinsengumi-archives]

Anecdotes about Todo Heisuke

In "近世殉難者一人一首伝" probably written by Nishimura Kanefumi, the author of "壬生浪士始末記", the following is written about Heisuke Todo, who was killed by the Shinsengumi in the Aburanokoji Incident.

"In the Todo clan, there is one name Nambu Yoshichiro from Edo. He was a man of Edo. He was a master of the swordsmanship. He was a student of the Ito (Kashitaro). He died at the same time as him (the Aburanokoji Incident)."

It is accompanied by a poem written by Todo: 

益荒男の七世をかけて誓ひてしことばたがはじ大君のため

I pledge to be a man of valor for seven lifetimes for the sake of the sovereign

Todo Heisuke was born in Tenpo 15, and while studying the Hokushin Itto style of swordsmanship under Itou Kashitaro in Fukagawa Sagamachi, he became a guest at the Shieikan, a dojo of the Tennen Rishin style of swordsmanship headed by Kondo Isami.

In "文久三年異聞録" written by Kojima Shikanosuke, a patron of the Tennen Rishin-ryu in Tama, Todo's name is mentioned as a student.

Many Shinsengumi fans are probably aware that there is a story that he was an illegitimate son of Todo Izumi-no-kami, although the truth is unknown.

The "京師騒動見聞雑記録" describes Todo Heisuke during the Shinsengumi period as follows:

“Todo Heisuke, a Mibu ronin, is another great warrior ...(omitted)... He was cut down at Ikedaya, and was wounded deeply and half-dead, but he survived.”

It is written that he was quite a daredevil.

After the famous Ikedaya Incident, Itou Kashitaro and his faction joined the Shinsengumi as a new force through Todo's solicitation.

Later, when Itou's faction split off from the Shinsengumi after being appointed to the Goryo-eiji, Todo, with Kondo's permission, joined them and took the name Nanbu Yoshichiro, in accordance with Itou's strong wish that "I would really like you to do just that, Todo-san.”

As for this Nanbu Yoshichiro, the Nanbu family home was used by the Shinsengumi as a camp for a while in Mibu. The most popular theory is that he borrowed the name and surname of Yoshichiro, the younger brother of Heizo, the head of the family. However, the reason why Todo changed his name to Nanbu Yoshichiro is not clear.

On the night of November 18, Keio 3, Itou was killed by the Shinsengumi on his way back from being summoned to Kondo's concubine's house. The Goryo-eiji who went to retrieve his corpse, which was left at Aburanokoji, also fought to the death with the ambushing Shinsengumi, resulting in the deaths of Todo, Hattori Takeo, and Kakumono Menai.

Nagakura Shinpachi, the leader of the Shinsengumi's second squad, said that he had been instructed by Kondo to let Todo escape at Aburanokoji. However, Okamoto Takebei, one of the guards who went to Aburanokoji to retrieve Itou's corpse, wrote in "岡本武兵衛聞書”:

“As soon as the corpse was placed on the palanquin, Nambu Yoshichiro pulled down the palanquin's rafters and a sword cut into Nambu's back. Nambu turned around, and was cut in the face from the forehead to the nose, and was killed immediately before he had time to draw his sword.”

It does not appear that Kondo gave the order to let Todo go. The fact that Todo was the first to be cut down is also consistent with a story that Koyama Masatake, a student at the Seishu Juku, heard from a Shinsengumi member.

The Shinsengumi thought that Todo would be the one who would suffer the most in the event of a battle, and it is likely that the Shinsengumi took Todo by surprise and made him the first to be executed. In other words, there was no order to "let Todo go”.

Incidentally, it has been said that the Goryo-eiji were connected with the Satsuma clan and that they were planning to assassinate Kondo, but both of these claims could be considered untrue. Broadly speaking, the Shinsengumi and the Goryo-eiji were on friendly terms. However, after the Great Restoration, Itou incurred Kondo's wrath when the Goryo-eiji jointly submitted to the Imperial Court a letter of recommendation to "restore the monarchy under the leadership of the nobles". Itou had never visited Kyoto before joining the Shinsengumi. In other words, it is my understanding that Itou's lack of awareness that he joined the Shinsengumi without grasping and analyzing the situation in Kyoto after the Kinmon Incident led to the formation of the Goryo-eiji and the tragedy of the Aburanokoji Incident.

There are those who claim that Shimada Wajiro, a swordsman under Otani, was concerned about Itou's preference for art and was very reluctant about him joining the Shinsengumi, but this is written in a novel titled "新選組剣豪秘話" by Koshi Ryuzen, and the work itself has no more documentary value than Shimozawa Kan’s, so it is an inconsequential story. 

As a side note, Itou's group was not the only group to call themselves "Goryo-eiji" during the Keio period. About 30 people, including Nishikawa Oribe and Shimizu Miyauchi, served as "Izumiyama Goryo-eiji" under the control of  Kanshuuji Tsuneosa (see "勧修寺経理日記").

References

歴史読本（December 1997 issue） 

市居浩一著『新選組高台寺党』（新人物往来社刊） 

古賀茂作著『検証・油小路の血闘』（新人物往来社刊『新選組研究最前線』所収）

[nanshe-of-nina]

Favorite History Books || The Witch: A History of Fear, from Ancient Times to the Present by Ronald Hutton ★★★★☆

All of these usages of the word have operated in effect as strategies of redemption of it, from the fear and hatred evoked by the fourth, and perhaps most fundamental, employment of it, to mean a person who uses magic to harm others. By focusing entirely on that usage, the book has – as must by now be readily apparent – not been designed to restore that fear and hatred but to annihilate them, by providing a better understanding of the roots of belief in such a figure and how they developed in a European context. A global survey of similar beliefs has found those to be well represented in all inhabited continents of the world, and indeed among the majority of human societies; though not among all of them. In various places they have provoked witch-hunting of an intensity and deadliness matching or even exceeding that found in Europe. This remains a very live issue in the present world, and one that may well be worsening. A worldwide perspective, indeed, makes Europe look fairly typical in its attitudes to witchcraft, with two resounding exceptions: that Europeans alone turned witches into practitioners of an evil anti-religion, and Europeans alone represent a complex of peoples who have traditionally feared and hunted witches, and subsequently and spontaneously ceased officially to believe in them. In fact, both developments came relatively late in their history and are probably best viewed as parts of a single process of modernization, driven by a spirit of scientific experimentation. The construction of the image of the satanic witch religion, and the trials which resulted, represented a new and extreme application of high medieval Christian theology, designed both to defend society against a serious new threat and to purify it religiously and morally to an extent never achieved before. Its abandonment occurred when the reality of the threat was not satisfactorily demonstrated and the drive for purification failed to produce any convincing improvements. Instead, Europeans developed another, much more radical, final solution to the threat of witchcraft, by defusing belief in it.

One striking feature of a global survey of witchcraft beliefs is the great variation in local forms which they take, usually corresponding to different peoples and cultures, and forming at times large regional traditions but more often a patchwork of ideological systems, not one of which is exactly like another. The same pattern is found across the ancient European and Near Eastern worlds wherever the cultures concerned can be reconstructed from surviving records. The consequences of these ancient variants for later European belief systems were considerable, and this was overwhelmingly because the dominant religion of the Continent became Christianity, a Western Asiatic faith first given established status by the Roman Empire. As a result it absorbed a mixture of cultural traits of crucial importance to its attitudes, which derived from sources spanning the whole extent of the world between the Atlantic and the Indus Valley. From the Persians it derived a view of the cosmos as divided between opposed utterly good and utterly evil divine personalities, with witches serving the evil one. From Mesopotamia came a fear of demons, as constantly active and malevolent spirits abroad in the world seeking human allies and victims. The Hebrews contributed a belief in a single true God, all-powerful and all-knowing. The Greeks stigmatized magic, defining it in opposition to religion as an illegitimate manipulation by shady human beings of normally superhuman power and knowledge, for their own ends and those of those who paid them. The Romans supplied a highly coloured image of the witch as a person of total evil, in league with evil forces, and dedicated to unnatural, antisocial and murderous activities. They also provided apparent precedents for the large-scale trial and execution of people for engaging in magic. Finally, two different kinds of ancient nocturnal bogey were bequeathed to the medieval Christian folk memory, both associated with witchcraft. The Roman one was a bird-like demoness, sometimes confused with a human witch, which attacked small children. The Germanic one was a woman who used magic, sometimes in co-operation with others, to drain the life force, or remove internal organs, from adult people and feast upon the proceeds.

Although the Hebrews, Mesopotamians and Romans, at the least, all feared witchcraft and prosecuted people for it, only the Romans engaged in large-scale, chain-reaction, trials for magic, and then only apparently at two widely separated points in their history. In a global context, the peoples of ancient Europe and the Near East were not, on present evidence, keen witch-hunters, and the Greeks do not appear to have had a belief in the witch figure until the Roman period, and may not have prosecuted people for magic much at all; although they publicly disapproved of magicians and contributed elements of the later image of witchcraft to Europeans. Nor did Christianity initially result in any intensification of accusations for witchcraft. Early medieval Christian states retained a belief in magic, now much of it firmly linked to demons in mainstream theology, and a readiness to punish people convicted of using it to harm others. There is not much evidence for most of the medieval period, on the other hand, that this produced more than a trickle of individual prosecutions in most regions. Indeed, early medieval Christian churchmen seem to have discouraged witch-hunting across much of the Continent, in three different ways. They cast doubt on the existence of both of the nocturnal bogey figures described above, and this doubt was embodied in laws designed to prevent the persecution of people for association with such figures. They placed a heavy emphasis on the power of their Church to defeat and banish demons, rather than on the necessity of action against the human allies and dupes of those evil spirits. Finally, individual churchmen sometimes wrote and acted to challenge and prevent the persecution of individuals for alleged acts of destructive magic.

[maximumphilosopheranchor]

Hello

I was wondering if you knew anything about Philips relationship with his half brother John of Austria.

Hello!

Their relationship was... interesting.

Philip only found out about his existence after their father's death and first met him after his arrival to Spain. Philip acknowledged him as a brother, showed affection and was very generous to him. On their first meeting Philip openly hugged and kissed him and made him Knight of the Golden Fleece. He gave him the family title "of Austria", household and place at court alongside Philip's own son Don Carlos and Philip's nephew Alessandro Farnese, later duke of Parma. He was treated fully as the family member and became a prominent member of Philip's court. John of Austria was entrusted with carrying Philip's firstborn daughter Isabel Clara Eugenia to baptism. He was the one who warned Philip about Don Carlos’s plans to escape to Vienna, and his assassination attempt by Don Carlos were reasons that triggered Philip to lock up his son. Don John also was the only illegitimate Habsburg family member whom Philip buried in El Escorial near their father.

Furthermore, John of Austria wasn't a merely decorative figure, Philip appointed him to very important tasks - he was a military commander to suppress the Moriscos revolt in Andalusia in 1568-1569, he commanded the fleet of the Holy League at Lepanto in 1571 against the Ottomans and gained a spectacular victory (that earned him international fame), and in 1576 he was appointed governor-general in the Netherlands which, however, turned out to be a bad decision.

Although Philip entrusted him all these important missions it seems that Philip thought that his brother was rash and needed to be watched. Thus, giving him supreme command to put down the Morisco revolt Philip paired him with Philip’s old close associate Luis de Requesens and urged him always to consult him. And there were reasons for it because Jonh of Austria used to disobey Philip's direct orders and sometimes it made problematic situations even more problematic and greatly frustrated Philip.

A real discord between them began over Don John’s appointment as governor-general of the Netherlands. Why did Philip believe that Don John was the right person to deal with the huge mess that had developed in the Netherlands is a mystery to me although I understand his reasoning that only his family member possessed the necessary authority for this office and Don John had military experience and reputation. But Don John didn’t want that post and accepted it only reluctantly and on certain conditions. He demanded freedom of action, as much troops and money sent as he asked for and, more importantly, to carry out the conquest of England. For Don John was quite ambitious and dreamed of becoming the king of England! The plan was proposed by some bunch of English and Irish Catholic exiles and the pope and envisaged that Don John with an army should invade England, liberate Mary Queen of Scots, depose Elizabeth I, marry Mary Queen of Scots and reinstate Catholicism in England (it was assumed that the English Catholics will raise up and assist him). Don John was very excited about all this but he needed Philip’s backing. Philip promised him all he wanted but once he arrived in the Netherlands Philip issued a new set of instructions to him that ordered him to pacify the Netherlands, restore peace and order and only then to think about conquering England because for Philip at this point the priority was the pacification of the Netherlands (remember the Dutch revolt!). In short, Philip tricked his brother into accepting the post. When Don John received the instructions he was angered, furthermore the things in the Netherlands were going bad for Philip (the unpaid Spanish army had mutinied and sacked Antwerp killing thousands of people, only one province remained loyal to Philip) and the situation demanded sensitive treatment. Don John though continued to focus on bringing the plan to invade England (Enterprise of England) to fruition and, according to Geoffrey Parker, in that he had two allies – his own secretary Juan of Escobedo and Philip’s secretary of state Antonio Pérez who at this point handled all correspondence between Philip and Don John (which apparently was something that Don John insisted upon, normally this correspondence would go through the hands of Gabriel de Zayas, Philip’s another secretary who was responsible for the affairs of Northern Europe). The actions of this trio - Don John, Escobedo and Pérez - , according to Geoffrey Parker, were directed to the conclusion of peace in the Netherlands on whatever price to clear the way for the Enterprise. And at first it seemed they were quite successful at that. In 1577 Don John signed an agreement (the Perpetual Edict) with the States General of the Netherlands, organized withdrawal of the Spanish troops and the provinces of the Netherlands recognised Philip’s sovereignty… that is, except Holand and Zealand which were led by William of Orange and which were not represented in the negotiations between Don John and the States General. Don John tried to persuade William of Orange to accept the agreement but the latter wasn’t in peace with its conditions and refused, not least because of the encouragement from Elizabeth I who thanks to the Dutch efforts who had intercepted, deciphered and passed to the English Don John’s letters to Philip had found out about Don John’s invasion plans. Don John then lost control. Still determined to carry out the plan to invade England he decided to raise troops for the Enterprise in Germany for the money that was granted to this task by the papacy, called back the departed Spanish troops, sent Escobedo to Philip with “orders to secure either the return of the foreign troops or permission for him to return to Spain” so that he could join to the expedition to England that according to his new plan was to be led by one English catholic exile Thomas Stukely (even if Philip didn’t participate) and then he declared war on William of Orange without waiting Philip’s permission. Philip was shocked and outraged about all this but eventually decided to resume war. Meanwhile the States General ignoring Don John invited William of Orange to Brussels and together they made new demands. With Spanish troops back and under his command Don John attacked Brussels, made William of Orange to flee, and demanded to Philip more troops and more money.

One thing that should be mentioned now here is that both secretaries - Escobedo and Pérez - had covert dealings between them behind Philip’s back and Perez had a habit to manipulate with information, like withholding important information from Philip in promoting his own self-professed goals that amounted to treason. But Escobedo and Pérez fell out, and fearing that Escobedo might denounce his activities to Philip Pérez by fabricating documents persuaded Philip that Don John on Escobedo’s urgings had plotted not only to conquer England but also to return to Spain to make a coup against Philip. And so Philip ordered Pérez to murder Escobedo – or it’s what Geoffrey Parker writes, all of this is according to him. There are other versions on these events and on why Pérez wanted to get rid of Escobedo too. Some say that Pérez didn’t work in concert with Don John and Escobedo, that Pérez didn't like their warlike ways, that he didn't want war to be resumed in the Netherlands, that he had his own idea how the matters should be arranged in the Netherlands, that he had covert dealings and secret communications with the Dutch rebels and Escobedo knew it and could use it against him. Who knows, it's one big muddle.

Anyway, Escobedo was assassinated on 31 March 1578. Don John still in the Netherlands demanded the murder to be avenged. Philip finally decided to recall him from the Netherlands but it was too late – Don John died of typus on 1 October 1578 completely failed his mission. Later Philip found out that Pérez had lied to him regarding Escobedo and Don John, and ordered his arrest.

So yeah Philip and Don John’s relationship by the end was pretty strained. Also, to think about it Don John character-wise reminds me of Robert Devereux, Earl of Essex. I think their personalities were quite similar, also both were handsome, popular and had many love affairs. And when I was reading how Don John ran off from court to participate in the relief of Malta after Philip had turned down his request and Philip sent people to catch him and bring back it felt like reading about Elizabeth and Essex because they experienced exactly the same situation.

[eretzyisrael]

What President Biden Will Mean for Israel

As I write this, preparations are underway for the swearing-in ceremony of a new President of the US. Nobody truly knows what this will mean for us in Israel. Caroline Glick, who can be depended on to see the dark side – often, unfortunately, correctly – finds Biden’s appointments of numerous former Obama officials, some of whom are demonstrably anti-Israel, to be evidence that the new administration will return to the almost maliciously anti-Israel policies of the Obama Administration.

On the other hand, as Bret Stephens notes (in a masterful piece that I hope will be required reading for Biden and his people), the situation has drastically changed since Obama pursued his diplomatic assault on Israel. Everything is different (except perhaps the Palestinians). Israel, Iran, the Arab nations, and the situation in the USA have all undergone significant changes. The damage to American interests from continuing Obama’s policy today would be even greater than in 2008-2016.

But not all politics is rational, as history amply demonstrates. Bad regimes sometimes follow policies dictated primarily by the misapprehensions, prejudices or even obsessions of their leadership rather than the interests of their nations. The Obama Administration was one of those.

Indeed, its interpretations of the intentions of the Palestinians and the Iranian regime – which could be determined simply by paying attention to their words – were so far from reality that I often found myself asking, “stupid or evil?” Did American officials really think that the Palestinians would be satisfied with a peaceful state alongside Israel if only the right concessions were forced out of us? Did they really believe that the agreement with the Iranians would prevent them from getting nuclear weapons, or even significantly slow them down?

There was also an ideological element, a clear affinity of Obama himself to the Muslim opponents of Israel that was demonstrated by the speech he delivered in Cairo shortly after his inauguration. There was his comparison of the Palestinians to black Americans, one of the worst possible analogies. And there was his antipathy for our Prime Minister, which he famously shared in an off-mike chat with the French president. Taking all this into account, one can be excused for thinking that one of the deliberate objectives of Obama’s policies was to weaken and hurt Israel.

While these personal characteristics of Barack Obama do not apply to Joe Biden, he does seem to believe in the traditional (and wrong) principles of American Middle East policy, such as the primacy of creating a sovereign Palestinian state in bringing normal relations to the region. He agrees with Obama that Israeli settlements in Judea and Samaria are “illegitimate and an obstacle to peace,” a position that the State Department reversed under Trump.

American policy toward the Palestinians, going back to the Clinton Administration, has always been to provide ample financial aid to them and get Israel to make concessions up front, both territorial and practical (like freeing jailed terrorists). And Obama’s Iran policy was heavily front-loaded with financial benefits to Iran. One would think that professional diplomats would understand why this strategy failed over and over. Both the Palestinians and the Iranians have objectives that they cannot be paid to give up. Giving them presents only made them ask for more, and in both cases they used the money to pay for terrorism.

The non-professionals of the Trump Administration did understand this. They reversed course and applied economic pressure to both the Palestinians and the Iranian regime, in order to create leverage for negotiations. Unfortunately, the policy hasn’t been in place long enough to tell if it will work, but the desire to be “not-Trump” may cause the new Administration to end sanctions on Iran and re-fund the PA and UNRWA – making failure a certainty. Biden has already promised to restore Trump-suspended payments to UNRWA, the Palestinian refugee agency, thus continuing the decades-long growth of a hostile population of heavily indoctrinated, stateless welfare clients.

We can also expect a resumption of objections from the US against Jewish construction in Judea/Samaria and Eastern Jerusalem, joining the chorus from Europe. It wouldn’t surprise me if another unannounced but near-total freeze on construction will soon go into effect.

In more encouraging news, recent comments by Anthony Blinken, Biden’s nominee for Secretary of State, indicate that he doesn’t intend to reactivate the Iran deal immediately. Nevertheless, we should watch for any loosening of the Trump-applied sanctions on Iran as an indication of the likely direction the administration will take.

Israel has been engaged in a “war between the wars,” against Iranian installations in Syria. The Trump Administration did not interfere. I expect that attacks against these targets will be less frequent under the new administration. A warning sign will be if they stop entirely.

I had hoped that Israel would utilize the last weeks of Trump’s term to destroy the Iranian nuclear installations, perhaps even with American help; but apparently our PM and the IDF believe that their lower-level activities are effective enough that such an ambitious project wasn’t needed. We might regret this later; I will be very surprised if it happens under Biden.

All of the above is based on the assumption that the “moderates” in Biden’s administration, including Biden himself, will be in control. And here is where the real scary stuff begins.

Biden is 78 years old, older than any other American president at the time of his inauguration (Trump was 70 and Ronald Reagan was not quite 78 at the end of his second term). He certainly does not appear to me, admittedly a non-professional, to be at the top of his game … or worse. Even if he remains as president for a full term, it’s hard to imagine that he will be calling the shots. His vice president, Kamala Harris, is an unknown quantity in the area of foreign affairs. And there are strong forces that will be trying to exert their influence on the administration – unfriendly ones.

One is the left wing of the Democratic party, which supported Bernie Sanders for the presidency, and which is strongly anti-Israel. The other is the Obama organization.

When Barack Obama left the White House, he did not retire from politics and retreat to his home state, like so many other ex-presidents. Rather, he bought a home in walking distance to the White House, and transformed his highly effective campaign fund-raising organization into a social action group, with both domestic and foreign policy goals. It’s hard to believe that he will not try to exert influence over the new administration.

I believe that Israel will be able to work with an administration that is somewhat less friendly than that of Trump, as long as it is honestly interested in regional peace. Israel will present the evidence – which is overwhelming – that Iran wants to develop nuclear weapons; indeed, is developing them now. Together with its new allies in the Arab world, it will argue that continued maximum economic and diplomatic pressure is the most effective way to stop Iran, short of war.

I believe also that Israel will be able to convince such an administration that the real reason for the lack of progress with the Palestinians is their refusal to accept the existence of a Jewish state with any borders. We will explain that the development of Israel’s relations with other Arab states means that Palestinian sovereignty can be delayed indefinitely, until the Palestinians are prepared to accept the legitimacy of the nation state of the Jewish people.

But if the American administration undergoes a sharp turn toward the left, either as a result of a takeover by the left wing of the Democratic Party or from the influence of the Obama organization, we could see a return of Obama-era pressure for concessions, restrictions on our actions, and appeasement of Iran.

We’ve made a great deal of progress in the past four years. It would be a shame if it were reversed.

We’ll find out in the next few months.

Abu Yehuda

[gardenofkore]

"Small black eyes,

if you look,

let houses and cities fall down.[...]"

Giovanni Meli, The eyes [According to the tradition, Meli is referring to Lucia Migliaccio's beautiful black eyes].

Donna Lucia Maria was born in Siracusa on January 18th 1770. She was the daughter of Don Vincenzo Migliaccio e Bonanno, of the Princes of Baucina and 8th Duke of Floridia and San Donato, and Spanish descendant Dorotea Borgia e Rau, of the Marquises of Casale. At 6, following her father's death, and as her parents' only living child (her brother Ignazio had already died at just 5 years old), she inherited the Duchy of Floridia. 

On April 19th 1781, only 11 years old, the little Duchess married in Palermo the 25 years old Benedetto Maria Grifeo del Bosco (he was born on November 17th 1755), Duke of Ciminna and firstborn of Gerolamo Maria 7th Prince of Partanna. The Grifeo was an incredibly old and noble Sicilian family whose ancestors received their titular fief during the rulership of the Great Count Ruggero, in 1091, and the baronage in 1139, during the reign of his son, King Ruggero II of Sicily. In 1802 the Prince Gerolamo Maria died, and Benedetto became the 8th Prince of Partanna, making Lucia the Princess consort.

Benedetto also inherited the role of Deputy of the Kingdom, and on November 4th of the same year, he was awarded by King Ferdinando IV of Naples and III of Sicily with the knighthood of the Insigne Real Ordine di San Gennaro. The Prince of Partanna also served as Gentleman of the Bedchamber and State Councillor, giving his wife the chance to frequent Palermo high society and even the Royal court during King Ferdinando's long periods spent in Sicily. Lucia was praised for her intelligence, artistic skills and beauty (in particular her black eyes). 

The Princess bore her husband nine children, five of whom survived infancy: Vincenzo (future 9th Prince of Partanna), Giuseppe, Leopoldo, Luigi. Marianna, the only daughter, is considered by some people the illegitimate daughter of King Ferdinando, since she was born in 1808, when Lucia was already the sovereign's lover, and given the deep affection Ferdinando always exhibited for Marianna. 

Since 1806, the King and his court, had been forced to move to Palermo to escape the French army which had invaded the peninsular part of the Bourbonic kingdom and would establish the Kingdom of Naples under the rulership of Napoleon's brother-in-law, Joachim Murat.

In the meantime, Lucia's beauty (not ruined in the least by the numerous pregnancies) gave soon rise to a lot of gossip, and her name was linked to other gentlemen's ones, like the Neapolitan Lucio Caracciolo, Duke of Roccoromana, renowned womanizer. The existence of a relationship between the two is (according to some) supported by the fact that, once married to the King, she asked her husband to pardon the Duke, as Caracciolo had been loyal to Murat and even took part to the Russian Campaign. Despite his traitorous track records, in fact, the Duke retained until the end his favoured position at the Bourbonic royal court. 

On January 16th 1812, King Ferdinando, who since 1806 had been able to count on the help of the British army and, thanks to them, retain control of Sicily, was nonetheless forced by his protector Lord Bentinck to hand over his powers (on the basis of a fictitious illness) in favour of his son Francesco, who was appointed Regent of the Kingdom. The same year, on March 28th, Don Benedetto Grifeo died at 56, leaving Lucia free to pursue her relationship with Ferdinando with fewer restrictions especially since the King's rightful wife, Maria Carolina, having lost any political influence and accused to have plotted against the British allies  was forced to leave Sicily to never return.

On July 1814 Ferdinando pronounced himself recovered and took back control of the government. As he intended to keep the peace in the Sicilian territory, he declared he would maintain (at least officially) the Sicilian Constitution which had been promulgated in 1812, under the regency of his son. Two months later, on September 8th, Maria Carolina would be found dead in her chamber in Hetzendorf castle, in Vienna. 

Now free, Ferdinando asked Lucia to marry him, and she was too happy to accept. The couple married in Palermo's Palatine Chapel, in a secret ceremony officiated by Friar Salvatore Maria Caccamo, the King's confessor and chaplain, and with Vincenzo and Carlo De Falco as only witnesses, on November 27th, barely 80 days after Maria Carolina's death. Lucia was 44, while her husband was 63. 

Ferdinando's son and heir, Francesco had tried to dissuade his father on the ground of the many rumours going around Lucia's marital fidelity, to which the old King supposedly retorted: "Penza ‘a mammeta, guagliò, penza ’a mammeta!" ("Think about your mom, kid, think about your mom!"), alluding to the deceased Queen's affairs. The only thing that cheered Francesco was that, as a morganatic union, no child born from that marriage could make any claim on the Throne. 

As soon as people got wind of the secret wedding ceremony, the couple was critiqued as their marriage (which moreover had happened too soon) was seen as an attempt made by two cheaters who, now both widowed, had tried to patch things up.

Unlike her illustrious and strong willed predecessor, Lucia proved to be discreet, moderate and accommodating, staying away from political affairs and intrigues. Ferdinando was particularly satisfied with his new wife, bragging that he had now a wife that let him do whatever he wanted, and a Minister that gave him little to do. 

Even though Napoleon had already been (apparently) defeated in Leipzig and sent to exile on the island of Elba, Murat was still ruling in the Neapolitan territory, making for Ferdinando impossible to return, even with the British support. It would be only one year later, that the former Emperor's brother-in-law would be defeated in the battle of Tolentino, at the beginning of May. Thanks to  the agreements made during the Congress of Vienna, and especially since the Treaty of Casalanza signed on May 20th 1814, Ferdinando was given back almost his whole former territories. In this same occasion, although, he lost Malta (which had been part of the Kingdom of Sicily since XIth century) which became a British protectorate, and the Stato of the Presidi (which included the Island of Elba), donated to the Gran Duchy of Tuscany. 

In 1815 Ferdinando returned to Naples with Lucia by his side, while his son Francesco was left in Sicily to act as Lieutenant of the Kingdom. In Naples Lucia was warmly welcomed and was showed the due respect as a real Queen. Moreover, her beauty also helped attracting many artists' attention.

That same year Lucia received from her husband a special gift. The King in fact bought for his wife the vaste estate located in the Vomero quarter in Naples, which once had belonged to the Prince Giuseppe Caracciolo of Torella. As a tribute of Lucia's title of Duchess of Floridia, the manor was renamed la Floridiana, while the park annexed was called Parco Grifeo (deriving from another of her titles). The property was enriched in 1817 with the purchase of other surroundings plots, while between 1817-19 architect Antonio Niccolini cured the reconstruction in Neoclassical style of the pre-existing villa and the re-configuration of the park as an English landscape garden. Friedrich Dehnhardt, the then Director of the Botanical Garden of Naples, oversaw the bedding of more than 150 species of plants, which went to enrich the already beautiful park. By 1819, the estate comprehended two villas (Villa Floridia – later Floridiana - and Villa Lucia), a bridge which connected the two habitations, an open-air theatre called "della Verzura", a Neoclassical circular temple, fake ruins, fountains, statues and greenhouses. La Floridiana was to be Lucia and Ferdinando's haven of tranquillity for the next few years. 

On December 8th 1816 Naples and Sicily were merged into a single state, which was named Kingdom of the Two Sicilies (with Naples as its Capital, much to Palermo and the Sicilian in general's chagrin), and Ferdinando became the first sovereign of the now unified reign, and would be known as Ferdinando I of the Two Sicilies. The heir Francesco resumed his role as Regent and Lucia as Royal spouse.

In his last years, Ferdinando had to deal with revolutionary movements in both Sicily and Naples. He was forced to sign the Constitution and once more to entrust the executive powers to Francesco. It was only in 1821, with the help of the Austrian army which occupied Naples (the revolution in Sicily had already been stopped), the King managed to restore the Bourbonic absolute monarchy and the Constitution was withdrawn. Ferdinando died four years later, on January 4th 1825, after 57 years of reign. He was 73, and his marriage with Lucia had lasted 11 years. Lucia spent her remaining time in her Floridiana. She died one year and three months later, on April 26th 1826. She was buried in the Church of San Ferdinando, in Naples, separated from her husband, who lies in the Church of Santa Chiara, burial place of the Bourbonic Kings of Naples. 

 Her son Vincenzo inherited his mother's titles and fiefs, while La Floridiana was divided in 1827 by the deceased Duchess' children into three distinct parts. Villa Lucia was firstly owned by her son Luigi Grifeo, Minister to the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, and then passed from hand to hand. The villa is currently a private residence whose property is divided into three wealth Neapolitan families. Villa Floridiana and the park, on the other hand, underwent many alterations at the hands of the heirs, until in 1919 they were sold to the Italian State and became the Museum of Ceramic.

[weavingthetapestry]

2nd January 1264: Marriage and Murder in Mediaeval Menteith

(Priory of Inchmahome, founded on one of the islands of Lake of Menteith in the thirteenth century)

On 2nd January 1264, Pope Urban IV despatched a letter to the bishops of St Andrews and Aberdeen, and the Abbot of Dunfermline, commanding them to enquire into a succession dispute in the earldom of Menteith. Situated in the heart of Scotland, this earldom stretched from the graceful mountains and glens of the Trossachs, to the boggy carseland west of Stirling and the low-lying Vale of Menteith between Callander and Dunblane. The earls and countesses of Menteith were members of the highest rank of the nobility, ruling the area from strongholds such as Doune Castle, Inch Talla, and Kilbryde. Perhaps the best-known relic of the mediaeval earldom is the beautiful, ruined Priory of Inchmahome, which was established on an island in Lake of Menteith by Earl Walter Comyn in 1238. Walter Comyn was a powerful, if controversial, figure during the reigns of Kings Alexander II and Alexander III. He controlled the earldom for several decades after his marriage to its Countess, Isabella of Menteith, but following Walter’s death in 1258 his widow was beset on all sides by powerful enemies. These enemies even went so far as to capture Isabella and accuse her of poisoning her husband. The story of this unfortunate countess offers a rare glimpse into the position of great heiresses in High Mediaeval Scotland, revealing the darker side of thirteenth century politics.

Alexander II and Alexander III are generally remembered as powerful monarchs who oversaw the expansion and consolidation of the Scottish realm. During their reigns, dynastic rivals like the MacWilliams were crushed, regions such as Galloway and the Western Isles formally acknowledged Scottish overlordship, and the Scottish Crown held its own in diplomacy and disputes with neighbouring rulers in Norway and England. Both kings furthered their aims by promoting powerful nobles in strategic areas, but it was also vital to harness the ambition and aggression of these men productively. In the absence of an adult monarch, unchecked magnate rivalry risked destabilising the realm, as in the years between 1249 and 1262, when Alexander III was underage.

(A fifteenth century depiction of the coronation of Alexander III.  Source: Wikimedia Commons)

Walter Comyn offers a typical picture of the ambitious Scottish magnate. Ultimately loyal to the Crown, his family loyalties and personal aims nonetheless made him a divisive figure. A member of the powerful Comyn kindred, he had received the lordship of Badenoch in the Central Highlands by 1229, probably because of his family’s opposition to the MacWilliams. In early 1231, he was granted the hand of a rich heiress, Isabella of Menteith. In the end, there would be no Comyn dynasty in Menteith: Walter and Isabella had a son named Henry, mentioned in a charter c.1250, but he likely predeceased his father. Nevertheless, Walter Comyn carved out a career at the centre of Scottish politics and besides witnessing many royal charters, he acted as the king’s lieutenant in Galloway in 1235 and became embroiled in the scandalous Bisset affair of 1242.

When Alexander II died in 1249, Walter and the other Comyns sought power during the minority of the boy king Alexander III. They were opposed by the similarly ambitious Alan Durward and in time Henry III of England, the attentive father of Alexander III’s wife Margaret, was also dragged into the squabble as both sides solicited his support in order to undermine their opponents. Possession of the young king’s person offered a swift route to power, and, although nobody challenged Alexander III’s right to the throne, some took drastic measures to seize control of government. Walter Comyn and his allies managed this twice, the second time by kidnapping the young king at Kinross in 1257. They were later forced to make concessions to enemies like Durward but, with Henry III increasingly distracted by the deteriorating political situation in England, the Comyns held onto power for the rest of the minority. However Walter only enjoyed his victory for a short while: by the end of 1258, the Earl of Menteith was dead.

Walter Comyn had dominated Scottish politics for a decade, and even if, as Michael Brown suggests, his death gave the political community some breathing space, this also left Menteith without a lord. As a widow, Countess Isabella theoretically gained more personal freedom, but mediaeval realpolitik was not always consistent with legal ideals. In thirteenth century Scotland, the increased wealth of widows made them vulnerable in new ways (not least to abduction) and, although primogeniture and the indivisibility of earldoms were promoted, in reality these ideals were often subordinated to the Crown’s need to reward its supporters. Isabella of Menteith was soon to find that her position had become very precarious.

At first, things went well. Although one source claims that many noblemen sought her hand, Isabella made her own choice, marrying an English knight named John Russell. Sir John’s background is obscure but, despite assertions that he was low born, he had connections at the English court. Isabella and John obtained royal consent for their marriage c.1260, and the happy couple also took crusading vows soon afterwards.

But whatever his wife thought, in the eyes of the Scottish nobility John Russell cut a much less impressive figure than Walter Comyn. The couple had not been married long before a powerful coterie of nobles descended on Menteith like hoodie-crows. Pope Urban’s list of persecutors includes the earls of Buchan, Fife, Mar, and Strathearn, Alan Durward, Hugh of Abernethy, Reginald le Cheyne, Hugh de Berkeley, David de Graham, and many others. But the ringleader was John ‘the Red’ Comyn, the nephew of Isabella of Menteith’s deceased husband Walter, who had already succeeded to the lordship of Badenoch. Even though Menteith belonged to Isabella in her own right, Comyn coveted his late uncle’s title there. Supported by the other lords, he captured and imprisoned the countess and John Russell, and justified this bold assault by claiming that the newlyweds had conspired together to poison Earl Walter. It is unclear what proof, if any, John Comyn supplied to back up his claim, but the couple were unable to disprove it. They were forced to surrender all claims to Isabella’s dowry, as well as many of her own lands and rents. A surviving charter shows that Hugh de Abernethy was granted property around Aberfoyle about 1260, but it seems that the lion’s share of the spoils went to the Red Comyn, who secured for himself and his heirs the promise of the earldom of Menteith itself.

Isabella and her husband were only released when they promised to pass into exile until they could clear their names before seven peers of the realm. John Russell’s brother Robert was delivered to Comyn as security for their full resignation of the earldom. Having ‘incurred heavy losses and expenses’, which certainly stymied their crusading plans, they fled.

In a letter of 1264, Pope Urban IV described the couple as ‘undefended by the authority of the king, while as yet a minor’. However, though Alexander III was technically underage in 1260, he was now nineteen and could not be ignored entirely. Michael Brown suggests that Isabella and her husband may have been seized when the king was visiting England, and that John Comyn’s unsanctioned bid for the earldom of Menteith may explain why Alexander cut short his stay in November 1260 and hastily returned north, leaving his pregnant queen with her parents at Windsor. Certainly, Comyn was forced to relinquish the earldom before 17th April 1261. But instead of restoring Menteith to its exiled countess, Alexander settled the earldom on another rising star: Walter ‘Bailloch’ Stewart, whose wife Mary had a claim to Menteith.

Mary of Menteith is often described as Isabella’s younger sister, although contemporary sources never say so and some historians argue that they were cousins. Either way, Alexander’s decision to uphold her claim was probably as much influenced by her husband’s identity as her alleged birth right. Like Walter Comyn, Walter Bailloch (‘freckled’), belonged to an influential family as the brother of Alexander, Steward of Scotland. From their origins in the royal household, the Stewarts became major regional magnates, assisting royal expansion in the west. The promising son of a powerful family, Walter Bailloch was sheriff of Ayr by 1264 and likely fought in the Battle of Largs in 1263. In 1260 Alexander III had the opportunity to secure Walter’s loyalty as the royal minority drew to a close. Conversely John Comyn of Badenoch found himself out of favour and was removed as justiciar of Galloway following the Menteith incident. The king would not alienate the Comyns permanently, but for now, the stars of Walter Bailloch and Mary of Menteith were in the ascendant.

(Loch Lubnaig, in the Trossachs, another former possession of the earls of Menteith)

Isabella of Menteith and John Russell had not been idle in the meantime. Travelling to John’s home country of England, they probably appealed to Henry III. In September 1261, the English king inspected documents relating to a previous dispute over the earldom of Menteith. On that occasion, two brothers, both named Maurice, had their differences settled before the future Alexander II at Edinburgh in 1213. The elder Maurice, who held the title Earl of Menteith and was presumed illegitimate by later writers (though this is never stated), resigned the earldom, which was regranted to Maurice junior. In return the elder Maurice received some towns and lands to be held for his lifetime only, and the younger Maurice promised to provide for the marriage of his older brother’s daughters.

It is probable that Isabella was the daughter of the younger Maurice, and that she produced these charters as proof of her right to the earldom. Perhaps Mary was her younger sister, but it seems likelier that Isabella would have wanted to prove the younger Maurice’s right if Mary was a descendant of the elder brother, and therefore her cousin. However despite Henry III’s formal recognition of the settlement, he did not provide Isabella with any real assistance: for whatever reason, the English king was either unable or unwilling to press his son-in-law the King of Scots on this matter. Isabella then turned instead to the spiritual leader of western Europe- Pope Urban IV.

(A depiction of the coronation of Henry III of England, though in fact the English king was only a child when he was crowned. Source: Wikimedia Commons)

A long epistle which the pope sent to several Scottish prelates in January 1264 has survived, revealing much about the case. Thus we learn that Urban was initially moved by Isabella and her husband’s predicament, perhaps especially so since they had taken the cross. Accordingly, he had appointed his chaplain Pontius Nicholas to enquire further and discreetly arrange the couple’s restoration. Pontius was to journey to Menteith, ‘if he could safely do so, otherwise to pass personally to parts adjacent to the said kingdom, and to summon those who should be summoned’. But Pontius’ mission only hindered Isabella’s suit. According to Gesta Annalia I, the papal chaplain got no closer to Scotland than York. From there he summoned many Scottish churchmen and nobles to appear before him, and even the King of Scots himself. This merely antagonised Alexander III and his subjects. Although Alexander maintained good relations with England and the papacy throughout his reign, he had a strong sense of his own prerogative and did not appreciate being summoned to answer for his actions, especially not outwith his realm and least of all in York. Special daughter of the papacy or not, Scotland’s clergy and nobility supported their king and refused to compear. Faced with this intransigence, Pontius Nicholas placed the entire kingdom under interdict, at which point Alexander retaliated by writing directly to the chaplain’s boss, demanding Pontius’ dismissal from the case.

Urban IV swiftly backpedalled. In a conciliatory tone he claimed that Pontius was guilty of ‘exceeding the terms of our mandate’ and causing ‘grievous scandal’. To remedy the situation, and avoid endangering souls, the pope discharged his responsibility over the case to the bishops of St Andrews and Aberdeen, and the Abbot of Dunfermline. Thus the pope washed his hands of a troublesome case, the Scottish king’s nose could be put back in joint, and Isabella’s suit was transferred to men with great experience of Scottish affairs, who should have been capable of satisfactorily resolving the matter. However, there is no indication that Isabella was ever compensated for the loss of her inheritance, and when the dispute over Menteith was raised again ten years later, the countess was not even mentioned (probably she had since died). Possibly her suit was discreetly buried after it was transferred to the Scottish clerics, a solution which, however frustrating for the exiled countess, would have been convenient for the great men whose responsibility it was to ensure justice was done.

(Doune Castle- the earliest parts of this famous stronghold probably date to the days of the thirteenth century earls of Menteith, although much of the work visible today dates from the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries)

The Comyns could not be dismissed so easily. Never resigned to losing Menteith, John Comyn of Badenoch claimed the earldom again c.1273, on behalf of his son William Comyn of Kirkintilloch. William had since married Isabella Russell, daughter of Isabella of Menteith by her second husband.* The 1273 suit was unsuccessful but William Comyn and Isabella Russell did not lose hope, and in 1282, William asked Edward I of England to intercede for them with the king of Scots. In 1285, with William’s father John Comyn long dead, Alexander III finally offered a compromise. Walter Bailloch, whose wife Mary may have died, was to keep half the earldom and he and his heirs would bear the title earl of Menteith. William Comyn and Isabella Russell received the other half in free barony, and this eventually passed to the offspring of Isabella’s second marriage to Sir Edward Hastings. Perhaps this could be seen as a posthumous victory for Isabella Russell’s late parents, but their descendants would never regain the whole earldom (except, controversially, when the younger Isabella’s two sons were each granted half after Edward I forfeited the current earl for supporting Robert Bruce).

Conversely, Walter Bailloch’s descendants remained at the forefront of Scottish politics. He and his wife Mary accompanied Alexander III’s daughter to Norway in 1281, and Walter was later a signatory to both the Turnberry Band and the Maid of Norway’s marriage negotiations. He also acted as a commissioner for Robert Bruce (grandfather to the future king) during the Great Cause. He had at least three children by Mary of Menteith and their sons took the surname Menteith rather than Stewart. The descendants of the eldest son, Alexander, held the earldom of Menteith until at least 1425. The younger son, John, became infamous as the much-maligned ‘Fause Menteith’ who betrayed William Wallace, although he later rose high in the service of King Robert I. Walter Bailloch himself died c.1294-5, and was buried next to his wife at the Priory of Inchmahome on Lake of Menteith, which Walter Comyn had founded over fifty years previously. The effigies of Walter Bailloch and Mary of Menteith can still be seen in the chapter house of the ruined priory: the worn faces are turned towards each other and each figure stretches out an arm to embrace their spouse in a lasting symbol of marital affection.

(The effigies of Walter Bailloch and Mary of Menteith at Inchmahome Priory, which was founded by Walter Comyn in 1238 and was perhaps intended as a burial site for himself and his wife Isabella of Menteith. Source: Wikimedia Commons).

The dispute over Menteith saw a prominent noblewoman publicly accused of murder and exiled, and even sparked an international incident when Scotland was placed under interdict. For all this, neither Isabella of Menteith nor John Comyn of Badenoch triumphed in the long term. Even Walter Bailloch eventually had to accept the loss of half the earldom after holding it for over twenty years. In the end the only real winner seems to have been the king. Although at first sight the persecution of Isabella and her husband looks like a classic example of overmighty magnates taking advantage of a breakdown in law and order during a royal minority, Alexander III was not a child and his rebuke of John Comyn did not result in any backlash against the Crown. Most of the Scottish nobility fell back in line once the king came of age, but the king in turn had to ensure that he was able to reward key supporters if he wanted to expand the realm he had inherited. Although it was important to both Alexander III and his father that primogeniture and were accepted by their subjects as the norm, in practice both kings found that they had to bend their own rules to ensure that the system worked to their own advantage. The thirteenth century is often seen an age of legal development and state-building, but these things sometimes came into conflict with each other, and even the most successful kings had to work within a messy system and consider the competing loyalties and customs of their subjects.

Selected Bibliography:

- “Vetera Monumenta Hibernorum et Scotorum”, Augustinus Theiner (a printed version of Urban IV’s original Latin epistle may be found here)

- “John of Fordun’s Chronicle of the Scottish Nation”, vol. 2, ed. W.F. Skene (this is an English translation of the chronicle of John of Fordun, made when Gesta Annalia I was still believed to be his work. It provides an independent thirteenth or fourteenth century Scottish account of the Menteith case

- “The Red Book of Menteith”, volumes 1+2, ed. Sir William Fraser

- “Calendar of Documents Relating to Scotland, Preserved Among the Public Records of England”, volumes 1, 2, 3 & 5, ed. Joseph Bain

- “The Political Role of Walter Comyn, earl of Menteith, during the Minority of Alexander III of Scotland”, A. Young, in the Scottish Historical Review, vol.57 no.164 part 2 (1978). 

- “Scotland, England and France After the Loss of Normandy, 1204-1296″, M.A. Pollock

- “The Wars of Scotland, 1214-1371″, Michael Brown

As ever if anyone has a question about a specific detail or source, please let me know! I have a lot of notes for this post, so hopefully I should be able to help!

[cinema-tv-etc]

Why The Godfather Part III has been unfairly demonized

By Caryn James1st December 2020

he mafia trilogy ended with a closing chapter that has long been vilified. But as a new recut is released, 30 years on, Caryn James says it deserves to be re-evaluated. T

The final part of the Godfather trilogy is considered such an artistic disaster that you'd think Francis Ford Coppola had forgotten how to make a film in the 16 years that followed The Godfather Part II (1974). Part III's most famous dialogue – Al Pacino as the aging Mafia don Michael Corleone snarls, "Just when I thought I was out, they pull me back in" – has become an easy laugh line.

But 30 years after its release, it is time to rescue Godfather III from its terrible reputation. Pacino's eloquent, fiery, knowing central performance is supported by several bravura set pieces that are mini-masterpieces in themselves. With deliberate echoes of the earlier Godfather films, there is singing and dancing at a family party, a bold murder during the San Gennaro street festival, a tragedy on the steps of an opera house in Sicily.

In the film’s confusing main plot, Michael gets tangled up in dealing with the Vatican  

Hindsight alone would tell us how seriously the film has been undervalued, even without Coppola's newly restored, re-edited and renamed version. It now has the title Mario Puzo's The Godfather, Coda: The Death of Michael Corleone. Calling it a coda emphasises its connection to the earlier instalments, and even hints at its lesser stature. And the word 'death' signals its dark inevitability, although the meaning of that word is slipperier than it first appears.

Twelve minutes shorter, it rearranges some key episodes, eliminates a few minor scenes and trims a line here or there. But until its altered ending, it is fundamentally the same film, better in parts than as a whole. It is too flawed to come close to the accomplishments of The Godfather (1972) or its sequel, both among the most towering and influential films of the 20th Century. They have penetrated the culture, from their language ("I'm going to make him an offer he can't refuse") to their quintessentially American story of immigration and upward mobility. But the new version clarifies Coppola's epic vision, revealing how much the Corleone story was always Michael's, a deeply moral saga of guilt and redemption. He just happened to be a mob boss.

For me the tragedy of The Godfather, which is the tragedy of America, is about Michael Corleone – Francis Ford Coppola

Coppola was always lucid about the trilogy's vision, even when others were confused. "For me the tragedy of The Godfather, which is the tragedy of America, is about Michael Corleone," he says in the extras on a DVD set of the three films released in 2001. He wanted The Death of Michael Corleone to be the title back in 1990, but Paramount, the studio releasing it, did not. The film's initial reception was measured disappointment, not dismissal or horror as we now assume. Roger Ebert actually loved it. Pauline Kael did not love or hate it, but offered the withering, condescending assessment. "I don't think it's going to be a public humiliation." Expectations were high because of the legacy of the earlier films, yet low because Part III came with a whiff of desperation and of selling out. Coppola had resisted making another Godfather for years, then wrote the screenplay (with Mario Puzo) and edited it in a rush to meet its Christmas Day release. It even got seven Oscar nominations, including best picture and director. It is an odd example of a movie whose reputation has declined over the decades.

Why the film is misunderstood

Then and now, the series has largely been misunderstood. Crime movies like Coppola's and Martin Scorsese's are so seductive that audiences have embraced them for apparently glamorising the love of raw power and the concept of honour among thieves. Beneath the Mafia-friendly surface, though, they are built on ethical themes their more hot-headed characters don't grasp. The Godfather Coda tells us that crime really doesn't pay when you're ready to search your soul. The young Michael struggles with the idea of killing and crime in the first Godfather. The consequences of his decision are central to Part III, which takes place in 1979, 20 years after the events of Godfather II. Michael, a billionaire living in New York, has made his businesses legitimate and is left to grapple with his guilt for so many crimes, especially ordering the murder of his  brother Fredo, who betrayed him.

The film still has problems that no amount of editing can change. In a needlessly confusing main plot, Michael tries to take over a European conglomerate called International Immobiliare. By buying the Vatican's shares, he'll be bailing out the corrupt Vatican bank. The family part of the story revolves around Michael's nephew, Vincent Mancini, the illegitimate son of his brother Sonny. Andy Garcia is as good a Vincent as you could hope for, handsome, swaggering, rough around the edges, dynamic on screen. But his character never makes much sense. Vincent has his father's explosive temper and appetite for violence, but somehow goes from a not-so-bright thug to a shrewd, controlled crime strategist in a matter of months. His change is far from the engrossing, methodical character trajectory that takes the young Michael from idealist to murderer in the first Godfather.

And the film's most severely criticised element is no better than anyone remembers. Winona Ryder, who had been set to play Michael's daughter, Mary, dropped out weeks before filming started and was replaced with unabashed nepotism by Coppola's teenaged daughter, Sofia. Today, we know Sofia Coppola as a brilliant director, but it's easy to see why her amateurish performance made her another target of Godfather III jokes, particularly for the unintentionally awkward and passionless romance between Mary and her cousin Vincent. Coppola actually snipped a couple of Sofia's lines in the new version.

He makes a major change at the start of the re-edited film, eliminating the lovely original beginning. It set an elegiac tone by showing images of the abandoned family house in Lake Tahoe from Part II, and includes a flashback to Fredo's death, while Nino Rota's familiar soundtrack music evokes the past. The new version begins with a duplicitous archbishop soliciting Michael's help for the Vatican, a scene originally placed later in the film. The change highlights the finance plot without making it any clearer.  

The exhilarating start

But the film soon picks up with its true, exhilarating beginning. Several generations of Corleones, along with friends and business associates, gather at a party celebrating Michael. His sister, Connie, sings an Italian song, while shady-looking visitors pay homage to Michael in his office. He now has bristly grey hair and a lined face, and controls his family and business with authoritarian power. The extravagant 30-minute sequence echoes Connie's wedding at the start of The Godfather, and the First Communion party in Lake Tahoe that began Godfather II. Michael's office even has the same light slanting through the blinds that we saw in his father's office in the first Godfather, when Marlon Brando as Vito Corleone received visitors. Throughout, these call backs to the previous films add resonance while trenchantly revealing how things have changed.  Michael is burdened by conscience in a way Vito never was. "I don't apologise," Vito tells Michael near the end of The Godfather, justifying his brutality because he was trying to save his family. Godfather III is all about Michael's need to atone.  

Al Pacino's performance may have become an object of derision, but he knows what he's doing.

The party scene flows easily as it brings every character up to date. Diane Keaton is as deft as ever as Michael's ex-wife Kay, who pleads with him to allow their son, Tony, to pursue a career as an opera singer. Kay can be chilling. "Tony knows that you killed Fredo," she warns Michael. Yet she has never got over him, as we see in a later scene when they have a tearful tête-à-tête in Sicily, a scene Pacino and Keaton make painfully real.

Connie, played with glorious sharpness and wit by Talia Shire, has morphed into Lady Macbeth. Mafia princesses can never run things, but they can pull the strings. It's Connie who ruthlessly tells Vincent, "You're the only one in this family with my father's strength. If anything happens to Michael I want you to strike back." She has asked the right person.

Vincent is central to many of the set pieces. During a meeting of Mafia heads in Atlantic City, when Michael announces he is out of the crime business, a helicopter approaches the window and shoots most of them dead. Vincent rushes Michael, the main target, to safety. The intrigue and rapid-fire violence in the perfectly orchestrated scene might obscure the real point: Michael can't escape his past. That attack causes his cry: "Just when I thought I was out..." Pacino's performance may have become an object of derision, but he knows what he's doing. He is raw and angrily over-the-top in some scenes, but modulates those outbursts with quieter moments. When a stress-induced diabetic attack sends him to the hospital, in his delusional state he calls out Fredo's name. Pacino shows us a conflicted Michael, weakened yet clinging to power.

The power of the re-edited finale

The tone becomes more ominous and the themes more spiritual when the entire family goes to Sicily for Tony's opera debut. (There are spoilers here, but the time limit on spoilers has expired after 30 years.) Michael grapples with the Sicilian Mafia, for reasons linked to the Immobiliare deal, but that is less important than his inner crisis. He makes a confession to a cardinal, breaking down in tears as he says, "I'm beyond redemption." When his protector, Don Tommasino, becomes another victim of Michael's power struggle, he sits by the coffin and says to God, "I swear on the lives of my children, give me a chance to redeem myself and I will sin no more." In this version, Coppola eliminates lines in which Michael asks why he is feared and not loved, removing that plea for the audience's sympathy. Michael gives Vincent control of the family, but does he really have a clear conscience when he knows too well the vengeance Vincent will plan?

The Trump era has been full of Godfather references; Trump himself regularly attacks CNN's Chris Cuomo by calling him Fredo.

That revenge plays out in the elaborate, gripping final sequence at the opera, a counterpart to one of the most famous episodes from The Godfather, when a baptism is intercut with a series of murders. That first sequence was about Michael's rise to power; now he suffers the consequences. While the family watches Tony on stage, Coppola weaves in scenes of Vincent's crew settling scores. One shoots an enemy who plummets off a beautiful spiral staircase. Another murders a rival by stabbing the man's own eyeglasses into his neck. At the opera, hitmen are after Michael, which leads to the shooting on the steps, and a bullet meant for him that kills Mary. For him there is no coming back from that, no possible way to forgive himself.  

As the film ends, Coppola makes a brilliant editing choice. The original ending flashed ahead years to the elderly Michael, sitting alone in a gravelly yard as the camera closes in on a face still full of desolation and sadness. He falls to the ground, obviously dead.  With a tiny cut, Coppola transforms the meaning of the scene. It now ends with the close-up of Michael's face, still alive. Living with his guilt is his true death, a death of the soul and of hope. Coppola adds text at the end, which says: “When the Sicilians wish you ‘Cent'anni’... it means ‘for long life’... and a Sicilian never forgets.” Michael is doomed to a long life of remembering.

Godfather, Coda restores Coppola's original darker vision, but one element creates a jolt even he couldn't have seen coming. The locations listed in the end credits include Trump Castle Casino Resort in Atlantic City, where the exterior of the helicopter attack was shot. The Trump era has been full of Godfather references. Some are from mainsteam media, including a 2018 Atlantic Magazine article with the headline Donald Trump Goes Full Fredo, comparing a Trump tweet saying that he is “like, really smart” to Fredo famously insisting in Godfather II, “I'm smart! Not like everybody says, like dumb, I'm smart!”  Similarly, Twitter trolls routinely mock the president's circle and his grown children as Fredos, portraying them as weak and bumbling like the character,  including pasting Donald Trump Jr’s head on a photo of Fredo's body.  Donald Trump himself regularly attacks CNN's Chris Cuomo by calling him Fredo. Godfather II even turned up in court documents charging Trump's advisor Roger Stone with obstructing justice, citing an email in which Stone asked someone to protect him the way Frankie Pentangeli covered up for the Corleones. Today the location credit lands like a coda to the end of the Trump presidency, and offers a reminder of how influential the Godfather films have been, even when they were embraced for all the wrong reasons.

Mario Puzo's The Godfather, Coda: The Death of Michael Corleone is available on BluRay and streaming from 8 December.

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https://www.bbc.com/culture/article/20201201-why-the-godfather-part-iii-has-been-unfairly-demonised

https://www.bbc.com/culture/article/20201201-david-fincher-hollywoods-most-disturbing-director

[carelessgraces]

astoria, her father, and the couslands —

Note — This revised history of the Couslands and Mac Eanraigs is developed alongside Wren Cousland, Bryce Cousland, and Eleanor Cousland, found at @imageofdeparture, and Henry Greengrass and Daphne Greengrass, found at @acciortum. I am writing Margaery Cousland, Fergus Cousland, and Cassandra MacEanraig myself, both at @worldevoured. Unless writing with a male or nonbinary Cousland, this will be my default backstory, even if writing with another Hero of Ferelden.

The Mac Eanraigs and the Greengrasses

     The patriarch of the Greengrass family, Edward Greengrass, was a staunch supporter of Meghren’s reign in Ferelden, and a constant ally to Orlais. One of the noble families in Amaranthine, the Greengrasses had always just barely missed becoming titled, and Edward saw an opportunity to gain one of the bannorns stripped from the various Fereldan lords and ladies who rebelled against the Orlesian occupation. When it became clear that the Howes would continue to hold Amaranthine, Edward turned his attention to the Storm Coast, where Fearchair Mac Eanraig and his wife Moira ruled the Bannorn. 

     It wasn’t hard to convince Meghren to strip the Mac Eanraigs of their title; they had been involved in active rebellion for years, now, with all four of their children becoming threats in their own right. Meghren made the Mac Eanraigs an offer: Fearchar and Moira would have no claim to the land or title, but one of their daughters ( Cassandra, the eldest ) could remain Bann if she married an Orlesian appointee to the title. Arthur Greengrass, Edward’s oldest son, was chosen, but he died of a fever shortly before he was scheduled to meet his betrothed, and his younger brother, Henry Greengrass, was sent in his stead. Henry and Cassandra were married.

     Edward was pleased to see a Greengrass as Bann, but his plan — and Meghren’s — ultimately failed when, shortly after meeting his wife and her family, Henry, along with his illegitimate half-sister Siobhan, joined the Mac Eanraigs in active rebellion against the Orlesian occupation. Henry fought alongside his wife’s family, including his brother-in-law, Bryce Cousland, until Meghren was overthrown and Maric Theirin was restored to the throne. He enjoyed his wife’s, and her family’s, respect for several years, through the birth of a daughter, until, years later, it came to light that he’d had a brief affair with an Antivan noblewoman, Veronica Grimani, whom he clearly loved — and who, upon returning to Antiva, bore him a daughter. 

     When he learned of this, Henry simply left, and was gone for just over a year while he traveled to meet his daughter, Astoria Grimani. When he had been assured that she was well cared for, and in fact in line for a title of her own in addition to lands and wealth from her mother’s family, Henry returned to the Storm Coast, which his scorned wife had been managing beautifully in his absence. His relationship with the MacEanraig siblings, especially Eleanor — now Eleanor Cousland — had been destroyed, and while Cassandra remained furious with him for the personal and political embarrassment, over the course of several years, they were able to resume a working marriage, though any real love for one another was gone. They were cordial, and worked beautifully together politically, and there was even hope that they could become friends once more, someday.  

Astoria’s Arrival in Ferelden 

     Astoria and her father maintained as close a relationship as they could through her childhood and teenage years, writing often and visiting when they could. One of Astoria’s fondest memories was visiting Denerim with her grandfather when she was six years old, hoping to negotiate a trade agreement with King Maric; Henry met them there, spending as much time with her in Denerim as he could spare. She remembers Henry introducing her to Maric, and hanging on her father’s hand. 

     When she began her studies in Orlais, Astoria wrote to her father again, this time to tell him the full story of what had happened to her while under the Vetris’ control. She told him that she was hesitant to return to Antiva during holidays from university, and asked if she could come to stay with him in the Storm Coast, and Henry immediately agreed. Her arrival was tense for everyone but father and daughter — Cassandra was hardly pleased at the arrival of her husband’s bastard daughter, but she saw no value in taking her anger out on a child, and her relationship with Henry soured more with each visit. Henry was pleased to be with his daughter, pleased even more to realize that Astoria was his mirror: they shared the thick red curls that the Greengrasses passed from generation to generation, darker than any of the red hair on her mother’s side; she set her jaw and her shoulders in the same way he did when he was angry; she picked up his accent whenever she spoke Common. She was a stark contrast to her half-sister; Daphne had inherited her mother’s blonde hair and light eyes, and was far gentler than either of her parents. Henry, certain that his younger daughter needed him more now, shifted all of his focus to Astoria whenever she came to visit. 

     The Couslands, Eleanor especially, were sensitive to the insult not only to Cassandra, but to Daphne, and while they made no effort to exclude Astoria — raised in Antiva, educated in Orlais, clearly built more for a life of hedonism than hard work, and training in the bardic arts simply for something to pass the time and to play at real danger — they did make an effort to remind Cassandra and Daphne that they were welcome in Highever, and among their family. Astoria’s own Antivan attitude toward marriage likely did little to endear her to them — Antivans took lovers, and if a marriage was made for politics rather than love, why did it matter? Henry had been happy, as had her mother, and Henry remained to fulfill his political duties. She wouldn’t inherit any of her father’s land, wealth, or title; she was referred to as Lady while in Ferelden only because of her grandfather’s role as Merchant Prince of Seleny, and the expectation that she would take on the role herself when her grandfather died. 

     Astoria’s teenage years were spent at least somewhat in the company of the Cousland children. Fergus, the eldest, found her interesting, but largely tried to stay out of it, as did his father. His wife was Antivan, and Astoria and Oriana very much enjoyed one another’s company, and having the opportunity to reminisce over a well-loved homeland. Margaery was less friendly to the idea of Astoria, defensive of her aunt’s and cousin’s honor and happiness; she was polite, if a bit icy, until the year before Astoria concluded her studies, when she began to warm to her. Wren followed her mother’s lead, concerned about Daphne especially, but found the bardic-trained Astoria more interesting than she would let on. For her part, Astoria grew very fond of the entire family, returning for each visit with carefully chosen gifts for everyone; she especially adored her sister, and made every effort to connect with her. 

     To Cassandra’s relief, Astoria never tried to make any play for the bannorn — even as a teenager, it was clear that Astoria was clever, and didn’t always play fair, and Henry’s obvious favoring of his younger daughter could have posed a threat to Daphne’s future. However, Astoria’s unshakeable love for her sister — and growing respect for Cassandra — made her unwilling to even consider the prospect. It was the first major test of Astoria’s ambition versus her loyalty to her family, and her family won out, as they would for the rest of her life.

The Fifth Blight

     If Wren is the Hero of Ferelden — When Astoria finds Wren in Redcliffe, she is ecstatic to be reunited with a woman she considers family, but horrified to learn of the Couslands’ murders. When they reach Denerim, she hires spies to locate any survivors: Wren saw her parents’, and Oriana’s and Oren’s, bodies; she didn’t see Margaery’s. After months of digging, Margaery is found, one of Howe’s prisoners, and Astoria informs Wren as soon as she’s made aware. 

     Regardless of the Hero of Ferelden’s identity, she sends a letter to her father when she reaches Denerim, coded using a cipher she taught him a few years before during one of her visits, letting him know where she is and what she’s doing, and that he will need to prepare for civil war. By the time of the Landsmeet, Henry is in Denerim; when he and Astoria are reunited, they are inseparable for a long while as she tells him everything that’s happened. Unless the Hero of Ferelden asks her to come into the city with them, Astoria fights alongside her father, and the Storm Coast’s forces. After the Blight, she stays in Denerim if Alistair becomes King; if he does not, she goes directly to the Storm Coast, and remains there for a few years before she returns to Seleny. When she invites Henry to come with her, he does, and he and Veronica are reunited after more than twenty-five years. 

[beyondthecosmicvoid]

~Henry VII: The Red Dragon’s Unlikely Triumph~

Henry’s victory to success is simply amazing due to how far down he was in the line of succession -if he was at all! Of all the Tudors, and don’t get me wrong I love them all! He had the most adventurous life! His life is the stuff of movies and you’ll see why. Henry was born to Edmund Tudor, Earl of Richmond and Margaret Beaufort, heiress of Lancaster in Philippa Gregory’s words. But she was far removed from the line of succession! The Beauforts derived their name from a castle John of Gaunt had in his possession in English occupied French territory. John of Gaunt married three times, the last to his mistress Katherine Swybford. When they married their children were already grown up but by no means less ambitious. In an effort to ingratiate himself with the shifty king Richard II, John betrayed many of his comrades and persecuted anyone who stood against the king, his nephew. In return for his good services, Richard II legitimized all the Beauforts but that’s it. No say if they were inthe succession or not. Later after John died, his firstborn, Henry Bolingbroke ascended to the throne after he deposed Richard. He didn’t overturn Richard’s legislation but added a new restriction: The Beauforts were legitimate in the eyes of the law of men but due to their revious bastard status they were excluded from the line of succession. So bye-bye ambitions. By the time Henry IV’s grandson had issue, this changed altogether. Their descendants were still seen as progeny of a bastard branch (albeit legitimized) of the House of Lancaster but their status had changed overnight as support build around the Duke of York and his Neville relations (who also descended from the Beaufort line, but through the female line). Henry VI betrothed his young relation, Margaret Beaufort to his half brother Edmund Tudor. He was thirteen years her senior and while it was common for women to be married at a young age, people still found it disturbing because the groom didn’t wait for her to grow up. As soon as she was 12, he married her and the next year she was pregnant.Edmund and his brother Jasper had supported the Duke of York on various occasions but when the conflict escalated to war, the Tudor brothers sided with their kin. Edmund was captured during battle in late 1456 and died in attenpts to escape, possibly of sickness. Margaret , thirteen at a time, was already a young widow and expectant mother. She feared for her safety and the safety of her unborn child so she started a dangerous sojourn to Wales, to Pembroke castle where her brother in law resided. There, she gave birth to her only child, a boy she named Henry.Henry did not have a lonely childhood like some Ricardians and fiction writerss love to depict, nor was his mother a crazy fanatic. She was the same as the rest of the women. Religion was not separate, it was part of women’s lives, especially the adoration of female saints and the virgin Mary from whom women kept relics and images to pray to so they could be safely delivered or to protect their young. Of this latter cult, Henry became a firm follower, worshipping the image of the blessed mother with the same fervor as his mother. Likely, the little boy had childhood companions like David Owen, the illegitimate son of his grandfather by an unknown mistress. In spite of her second marriage, Margaret was allowed to visit her little boy and spend hours teaching him, but then her fortunes changed when Edward Earl of March forced the Lancastrians to flee and was declared king by popular acclaim in March 4 1461. Margaret and her new husband now had to curry favor with the new regime and to prove their loyalty, they had to let her son go. Edward saw Henry Tudor as a potential threat and to neutralize this threat he gave his custody to a loyal Yorkist, William Herbert and his wife Anne. They raised Henry as if he was one of their own, and he had the company of the new Earl’s other wards. But Henry knew that a prison made of gold was still a prison. One mistake from his mother, his guadians or worse, his runaway uncle and he would be dealt with.After the Lancastrian Readeption which only lasted a year, Jasper Tudor was forced to flee yet again. This time he took his nephew with him. The deaths of every Lancaster made Henry a potential threat. Every male Beaufort was also gone. Margaret had to let him go once more, this time she would not see him for another fourteen years.Bad weather brought them to the court of Francis II, Duke of Brittany. There he continued his education, by the time of Richard III’s accession, he enjoyed the company of many English exiles, among them the formidable and staunch Lancastrian loyalist -Earl of Oxford. It was in Brittanny, that December of 1483 after it was clear that the princes were gone for good, that he made a promise to marry Elizabeth of York and become King of England, thus uniting both bloodlines, the Houses of York and Lancaster into one.The next year and a half he spent his time planning, borrowing money and now in the court of France, currying favor with the French king. He had tried to invade England but failed. What made Henry think, the French king and others told him, he could succeed? But they didn’t know Henry. He was by now an educated, cosmopolitan young man who was also confident that god was on his side. On July 29 1485, Richard III gave the seal to Barrow, one of his officials to carry out his orders in the counties nearby and prepare for war.To be fair, Richard III was the most experienced soldier here. He had known the horrors of war since he was very little and his life parallels Henry’s but unlike the latter he had been participant in many military campaigns and had the entire North at his disposal. Henry had mercenaries, disatisfied English exiles, Edwardian Yorkists and most of Wales with him, but that was not enough to beat Richard’s armies. On August 7, Henry’s ships docked on Milford Haven. According to Fabyan when he disembarked he knelt and thanked god, reciting the Psalm 43: ‘Judica me deus & discern causam mean’. -Judge me, Oh god, and distinguish my cause. The following days he spent recruiting, some of Richard’s most staunch supporters defected to Henry, others refused to fight and just stood by as the two armies clashed on August 22. Others like his stepfather, chose to intervene in his favor only when the tide turned against him. After William Brandon, his standard bearer was struck down, Stanley and his brother with his armies charged down, and with their combined forced Richard’s was cut down. Richard, according to various sources screamed 'traitors’ and refused to go, instead seeking to confront Henry, but he never got to. The enemy got to him and he was forced down from his horse and minutes later, killed. It was a glorious day for Henry Tudor, now Henry VII. He had won against all odds, but the war was from over. Henry would face many pretenders and plots against him, his mother knew and she cried tears of fear, likely anticipating all her son would have to endure. He died in 1509 after twenty four years of reign.

In relation to Paul Atreides from DUNE MESSIAH onwards …

While DUNE, the first published novel of Frank Herbert set in the Dune universe is the book every reader should start with; DUNE MESSIAH is the most crucial one of ALL Dune novels because rather than reading like a science fiction novel or another inclusion into this space opera, it reads like a narrative tale that is chronicling events that already happened. For a history buff, this novel is the deciding book in the series that sets the tone for the rest of the saga. Additionally, aside from being a deconstruction of the hero mythos, it is also a critique of history. From the onset, the book starts with one of many historians being killed simply because he wanted to tell the truth. But obviously, Muad’Dib, the grand emperor Paul Atreides with his ongoing Jihad spread across the Known Universe can’t have that. So … what does he do? He starts rewriting the past, allowing only a few historians (who in reality are propagandists and religious zealots) to tell his version of history. Irulan is (thankfully) exempt from this. Despite being made fun of by the ‘I do not need to read books because thanks to the spice melange and the superior breeding program of the Bene-Gesserit I am a product of, I can access all the knowledge stored in my super evolved brain to keep feeding my ego’ crowd, she stays a true historian until the very end. She doesn’t agree with Paul Atreides or his other crazy fam, but slowly comes to realize that what they are doing (while terrible) needs to be done to free humanity of pre-destination and oblivion. And due to being understimated by the pretentious Lady Jessica, her husband’s concubine and true love, the Fremen Chani, and of course, Paul and his whole band of Jihadists, she gets to write down history as it truly transpires. But she does it in a way that makes him look less of a tyrant and more of a reluctant hero.

This historical treatment is the same kind of treatment that was given to the Tudor Dynasty starting from its very first monarch, HENRY VII. 

I long for the day that Henry VII is correctly portrayed on screen because the way that the Tudors have gone down in history is how the Atreides clan did in the Dune universe. For every history buff that has enjoyed Dune, I urge that likewise, Dune readers do a deep dive into Tudor history to further appreciate both fandoms and see how the two can be studied together and dissected. Currently, revisionist historians who want to restore Richard III’s reputation have not ended up doing that. Instead, they have swung the pendulum the other way. As DUNE MESSIAH teaches us (through Irulan’s writings and Alia’s observations), the best way to understand saviors and deified leaders is not by extolling or vilifying them. Rather, see them as individuals trapped within their time period who feel as though they are ahead of it, and have to do what they must because otherwise darkness will reign.

Paul and Henry Tudor started off as exiles. Their foes never expected them to beat the odds but they did. But part of the reason why they did is because of the element of prophecy. And I am not just talking about the whole Henry Tudor claimed to be the long lost descendant of Arthur Pendragon and what not. Edward IV and Richard III did that too (though it worked less for Richard). I am talking about the issue with the whole Welsh prophecies that supposedly predicted the rise of Henry Tudor, Earl of Richmond. Before he was born, a prophecy was sung that from his father’s line, the savior that the Welsh were hoping for would come. This prophecy in itself was a call back to a much older one which said that eventually one of the Welsh royal houses would rise to claim the English throne and unite all of the Isles. Well … Henry didn’t unite all of the British Isles but he did start the process when he married his eldest daughter Margaret to the King of Scots, James IV. Their descendants, from James VI of Scotland and I of England and Ireland, ruled all the British Isles.

In an interview, Frank Herbert said that he chose to take the direction of Paul Atreides and (especially) his son, Leto II’s stories in the way he did to caution about the danger of charismatic leaders who reach messiah or (in the case of Leto II) divine status. It’s not so much the power they possess or how evolved thy are that makes the Atreides so revered, it is their genius at how they present themselves and understand that the power of propaganda (be it religious, political or both) is the stronger force in the universe and what shapes human events. In studying the Tudors and Dune we learn that history is a collection of accepted events that are part factual, part propaganda, and part a reflection of the time period when they were written.

[the-busy-ghost]

Thoughts on TSP S2E05- The Plague

Well that was An Episode. Actually I thought the writing in this one was a little better than the other episodes (at least until the last three minutes or so, what the fuck), and I did like some of Katherine’s speeches this time. Nonetheless some thoughts:

- Firstly, I would like to see the casting call. Do they cast for ‘Whispering Lady #1′ and ‘Whispering Lady #2′? Seems like you could make a career out that, given how often they appear in period dramas.

- How long has Sir William Compton been ill? I know the plague was a terrifyingly quick disease but you would think someone would have noticed he looked a bit peaky BEFORE he dropped dead in the middle of the hallway. Also they’ve established that he’s the physically closest person to the king and yet nobody is at all focused on checking to see if Henry is well?

- I really feel like they’re setting up Anne and Katherine’s relationship to be Bessie Mark 2. Like Anne is going to be portrayed as a close attendant and confidant and then stab Katherine in the back, thus robbing Anne (and indeed Bessie) of any independent motivation or justification.

- Could they call this episode Bessie Blount and the Fastest Three Year Pregnancy in England

- And while we’re on the subject poor Bessie. I really feel like she’s been robbed a little by the writing (not by the actress, Chloe Harris is great). She doesn’t get to say a word in her defence until halfway through (the silent Other Woman), and then we’re supposed to believe that being the king’s mistress was such a huge dishonour she’d be chucked out, and then the only reason she is restored to favour is probably going to be because of Katherine? That’s a lot to saddle on one woman. I was already a supporter of the Bessie Blount defence squad and I am quietly seething on her behalf. Also I feel like they could have had Katherine help at the birth IN LITERALLY ANY OTHER WAY THAT WAS VERY GROSS AND NOT AT ALL SAFE AND THEN YOU JUST LEFT HER THERE BLEEDING AND FUCKED OFF WITH HER BABY

- Katherine “what did you think I was going to use it for” WELL SURE I DON’T KNOW KATHERINE BUT HOW IS THIS BETTER??? The Myranda absolutely JUMPED out here, I cannot even BEGIN to describe how appalled I am.

- Also again is this supposed to be a sympathetic portrayal? Snatching baby Henry away from his mother before she’d even held it? Even if you hate her it’s a dick move especially since you are known to dislike the pregnancy and you also just pulled a knife on her? And you won’t even hold your own daughter so like double shit?

Anyway moving on...

- They are really playing up the ‘Wolsey lives vicariously through Henry’s mistresses’ vibe this episode. It is A Lot

- Also how does Stafford always manage to say things in literally the grossest way possible. Who gave Olly Rix these lines.

- Lol @Wolsey just dropping his cardinal’s hat casually into the conversation. Classy.

- Nobody “understands” Henry. Except Wolsey of course. Poor misunderstood baby king, AYE RIGHT.

- Mary’s storyline was actually pretty well done. They ARE cute. But I suppose it’s easier to pull off the ‘beautiful princess in arranged marriage and secret wedding’ plot than anything more complex like Margaret’s. I’m still not over the fact that that is very clearly Waddesdon though.

- *Technically* I’m not sure their marriage actually counts as treason, in the terms of the fourteenth century treason acts, but I’m no expert on that so I could be wrong. Just seems that period dramas throw the word treason around a lot when it had quite a specific meaning in England (in Scotland not so much, it’s a very flexible word there).

 - Mega Feminist Katherine of Aragon refusing to touch her daughter and continuing to refer to her as a ‘useless girl’. 100% Accurate and Feminist portrayal this (not). But Girl Power right?

- Awkward sex scenes GALORE this episode

- Margaret’s storyline was... somewhat comprehensible this episode but still a bit naff. Not the actors fault, they are doing their best. But I suppose it works? I do have some specific thoughts on details on that though, so more below

- Do I have to keep pointing out that James V WAS the king not the future king? Did you all miss the mourning coronation or something? Also the ‘Stewart clan’ does not “insist” on anything, because that is waaaaay too simplistic and also the wrong terminology.

- Albany’s line about ‘civilised company’- I mean as a Scot OUCH but also it’s quite believable coming from him I suppose, wee John was not a huge fan of Scotland.

- Holyroodhouse was not part of Margaret’s dower so far as I’m aware? At least it wasn’t traditionally part of queens’ dowers in Scotland and it wasn’t in any of the documents I’ve seen made at the time of her marriage.  It also had a freaking abbey attached to it (though tbh, that had fallen into decline a bit by the early sixteenth century). So why not pretend you’re using one of Margaret’s actual dower houses, further north? Also if I were Angus and I was trying to hide out from the Duke of Albany while illegally retaining control of James IV’s illegitimate children, I would probably go to the much more secure castle of Tantallon, not Holyrood. But everything has to happen in Edinburgh I suppose.

- Ok it’s a tiny detail but I am still exercised about the Presence of James IV’s illegitimate children. Firstly, how are they all still kids?? The only one who should still be under the age of twelve in 1516 (or 1519? God knows when this is) is Janet Stewart, the future Lady Fleming and daughter of the Countess of Bothwell. There is no evidence that she was ever raised at court and her mother Agnes was still very much alive (she actually spent Christmas with Margaret Tudor at Morpeth after the queen’s flight into England). 

The others were either dead (Alexander via Flodden and a few who died in infancy), married adults (Katherine, Countess of Morton, and Margaret, Lady Gordon- the latter *might* have also been in a relationship with Albany’s older brother Alexander Stewart at this time, it’s unclear), or teenagers approaching adulthood who were either on the continent or in Albany’s camp (James, Earl of Moray). 

SECONDLY how does it AT ALL fall in Margaret’s purview to raise them, let alone that of the Earl of Angus. Margaret could theoretically have stepped in as a benefactor- that’s not unknown and the royal family was a wide concept so Albany and Margaret sometimes did act on behalf of royal cousins and illegitimate children- but Angus? Even Jane Stewart of Traquair would theoretically have more right to one of the children than him (and NOT because of some stupid ‘Stewart clan’ nonsense) since wee Janet Stewart was probably her first cousin. (Margaret Stewart, Lady Gordon was Angus’ first cousin but once again, she was a married woman with children of her own). Although if they’re implying this was a political move on Angus’ part then that would have been a smart move- having custody of James IV’s illegitimate children could be quite useful politically, as later events involving both Albany and Margaret Tudor showed. But since the show has sort of been implying that they’re useless and that Margaret is stuck with them, it doesn’t make a lot of sense.

- Also none of this is how a pre-contract works, and while we know very little about Jane Stewart of Traquair anyway, it’s clear that the show knows even less. But we love to see the Earl of Angus torn to shreds by both Margaret and Jane. One would hope that that was him Telt but sadly we all know this isn’t the case.

- Oh and a woman! In Scotland! Who is Scottish! We’re not cryptids after all! And she was then immediately chucked out.

- Also he just... walks off?? No attendants, no kinsmen, no horses? Do the writers have any idea of the level of power and status the Earl of Angus theoretically held?

- One of the men behind Margaret had A Line. I fear this is how Henry Stewart is being introduced to us.

- Can they shut up about the god damn kilts for TWO. MINUTES.

- BUT the real award for the most truly disappointing thing about this episode goes to the fact that we are now unlikely to get the Margaret and Mary reunion we all deserve. I mean I cannot BELIEVE this show passed up the opportunity to show the Queen of England and the dowager Queens of Scotland and France all acting in consort after the Evil May Day Riots. But then I suppose they would have to deal with that event in a sensitive fashion which like, I do not see them doing. I am genuinely disappointed by this, since the actresses are doing their best and I think it might actually have been a good scene. And it would have been an excuse for some fabulous costuming.

Anyway. That’s about all I’ve got.

[chiagappy]

Imagine in the Edo period, Josuke being the illegitimate child of a foreign king and a geisha who served under the emperor in Japan.

Tomoko would have been shunned by her own family and much worse by her own people for her betrayal to the king. So she fled the kingdom with the help of another geisha Aya, advised by her sympathic father to take her to a shrine in hopes they offered her sanctuary. It was the Kishibe Shrine, which held close connections with the Higashikata household throughout decades. They were received with no hindrances, only that she agreed to have her child be raised and serve the shrine, given the Higashikatas came from a lineage of samurai and trade merchants. 

Tomoko agrees with the terms and earns her stay despite the ridicule and resentment thrown her direction. She knew she would never see her family again, nor her lover, but she prayed for her child's survival. She decides to name her child Josuke once he was born.

Years pass and she manages to adjust to her duties as well as raise her child, with the guidance of Nanase Kishibe and Grandmother Kishibe. Soon enough Josuke was able to read and write at the age of 3 and perform small laborious tasks by 5. He was a fast learner, however he often wore his heart on his sleeve, a weakness when it came to all the shrine maidens and children that would whisper words about him. Avoiding him. Calling him a blue-eyed demon. A cursed child. Josuke couldn't understand it whenever it happened, but when it did he would find his mother in anger, if not weeping into her palms whenever she thought that Josuke fell asleep.

Because of those moments, he knew that he had to be strong for his mother because he was going to be a samurai someday and restore their honor.

So he worked harder with each day passing and honed his skills and strength that exceed most of his disciples in training. He was unmatched and quite popular, given his exotic features, with the shrine maidens and commoners in the nearby village by the time he reached his age of coming.

Josuke took no interest in romance as much as he did in having companions, as he viewed them as a distraction from his duties, but he couldn't deny his curiosity when he overheard Nanase talking to his mother about her nephew arriving at the Kishibe Shrine soon. She spoke highly of him, as she used the words "gifted" and "clairvoyance in prophetic readings," it was assumed he would be a good attraction to the shrine and bring in travelers from all over Japan.

He was apparently the same age as Josuke as well, causing Josuke to anticipate this new arrival. Soon enough, a carriage arrived the following day. Josuke couldn't partake in the welcoming, as he had to attend sword training, but he did steal a glimpse of a white robe with golden lining and evergreen hair. He knew he shouldn't have stopped what he was doing just to see him but he ended doing so as he stalked outside of the room where Nanase's nephew was- a large room, half of it sealed with a netted metal fence-like screen, similar to a confessional booth. Josuke slowly enters the room with cautious steps as he sees the boy in the white robe, sitting with legs folded on the floor jotting down words into a scroll on the other side of the room.

Curiously Josuke walks a little closer only to accidentally step on a creaky floorboard that draws the other's attention. Josuke was stunned to see emerald eyes piercing back at him as the other asked "who are you? You are not allowed to be here." Leaving Josuke to stutter an poor excuse and making the other laugh in response. It was a surprising bloom of a strange companionship.

Josuke would constantly visit Rohan afterwards, being Rohan's only friend and an annoying one at that according to the clairvoyant. They would pass their time over chrysanthemum tea and Josuke would be the first to ask about his day and his duties. He learns quickly that Rohan shares prophets and has built a reputation in accuracy according to locals and nobles alike. They called him Heaven's Door, because he was able to stop tragedy or bring fortune to those who seeked it. However when Josuke asked about who he served and his family, Rohan would refrain from doing so and dodge it all together, asking Josuke about himself, if not, asking if he could bring him items whenever he traveled out of the shrine; as he was never allowed to set foot out of the boundaries. Josuke never dared to ask him the reason behind it or insisted on him leaving because it was assumed that Rohan was an important figure. So to this Josuke promises to Rohan that one day they will be able to travel outside the shrine together when he's a full fledged samurai so he can protect him from any danger. Rohan was speechless at his declaration, but decides to harshly joke on Josuke on how he would never hire such an oaf of a samurai like him, despite the butterflies filling his chest at those words.

The time they shared was short yet they felt like they  had known each other for years, and slowly but surely they grew closer, unaware of the tragedy that befalls them next.

 It began with an innocent thought.

Josuke insisted to Rohan that they should both attend the Midsummer festival since this was a time of the year to celebrate, even for those in the shrine. Naturally Rohan refuses, deeming his safety and duties a priority but Josuke manages to convince him after telling him how there's a variety of art pieces he can witness. He knew how much Rohan loved paintings and carved trinkets so it was bound to interest Rohan! After much persistence,  he wins Rohan over and they both snucked out later that evening, hand-in-hand in long cloaks.

Rohan vaguely remembers the last time he was able to go to a festival like the one he was attending, and fell in awe with the sights and sounds of the town covered in lanterns and booths. He's never seen such an assortment of dancers and musicians parading the street in glee. He was especially impressed by the fireworks, very impressed that he clung on to the taller man the first time they had set off. Josuke couldn't help but find it endearing and relents from teasing the clairvoyant. They both secretly wished that this moment would last forever, unbeknownst to them that someone was keeping an close on the pair.

It happens the following day, where Rohan was to perform his divinations to a large gathering during the festivities at the shrine that he was struck with an arrow. The crowd was in disarray along with the Kishibe household members and shrine members present, while Josuke sought out after the intruder. He managed to catch them and before anyone had a chance to stop him, he plunged his sword into them and killed them.

He couldn't help himself after realizing that this intruder was hired by someone in the shrine. A traitor.

He had failed to protect Rohan, and even worse failed to uphold the honor he worked so hard to earn, now being stared at like the demon they thought he assumed he was behind pokered faces. He was placed under house arrest, barred and cuffed before being sentenced to death. He was told that an anonymous letter was shared with the Kishibe family, showing evidence that he had taken Rohan outside the temple warranting death for endangering the clairvoyant. Of course, Rohan begged on behalf of his life, admitting that he had strayed away from Josuke during the time, and agreed that he would never perform a divination if Josuke was not allowed to live, went as far as to threaten to take his own life if he had to. So the Kishibe family agreed to his terms but only if he agreed to never be allowed to see him again.

Josuke's heart broke at the news of this, wept more than he ever had in his lifetime- all the hardships he faced while growing up, his mother's passing couldn't compare to the amount of turmoil he felt at this moment. He had to figure out who was responsible for the assasination attempt, but first he had to tell Rohan before it was too late.

After several days passed, Josuke overhears that Rohan was to leave the shrine by the next morning and he manages to break his own thumbs to slip out of his handcuffs and find a way out of his cell- with the help of a neighboring inmate from the cell across from him. He reaches Rohan's quarters carefully so as to not get noticed by the guards and makes it in only to find Rohan lying in a futon with thick bandages over his chest. He softens at the sight and approaches closer, gently squeezing his hand on Rohan's. The latter stirs, barely conscious but sees Josuke's silhouette in the darkness of the room. He begins to cry, whispering to him to leave before he gets caught but Josuke refuses saying he missed him and he had to warn him about the traitor in the shrine. He proposes they both flee from the shrine as it would be safer for Rohan but Rohan refuses, telling him to leave despite his tight shaky grip on Josuke's hand. Josuke does what he thinks would be the best way to calm Rohan down and presses a kiss on his lips, successfully making him stop trying to push Josuke away. Rohan flushes immediately that Josuke quickly remembers that this was his first kiss- no their first kiss, Rohan being sworn into celibacy, and also shared with a man no less, but it didn't stop him from pressing more kisses on Rohan. He realized he was in love with the clairvoyant and that he had felt the same. After some time, they both regain their composure and Josuke continues to persuade Rohan to consider the idea about eloping together to a town outside the boundaries of the emperor's rule, they can leave behind their identities and do what they want together. He can do what he wants. Freedom.

And so they fled the shrine in the hopes of a new beginning. (I can go on but it would be rather long, that's all my sick brain could muster also please don't butcher me about history uvu;)