#all hail additional scholarship income

[sharlmbracta]

all hail additional scholarship income

[scholad]

Karnataka Scholarship Scheme

Study in India scholarship, for students who dropped out of school due to financial difficulties, are a financial stairway. Both public and private institutions are offering such scholarships for PUC students in Karnataka in 2022.

This Karnataka fellowship for engineering students' main goal is to improve the educational standing of students from underprivileged castes. However, several colleges now provide this prize to students from the General caste group as well, according to multiple studies.

Here’s a quick round-up of some such programs on offer.

·       NSDL Shiksha Sahyog Scholarship for Class 11th Students

NSDL offers the “Shiksha Sahyog Scholarship for Class 11th Students” to candidates hailing from moderate-income families for whom exorbitant tuition fees makes it difficult to finance a quality education. The main goal of this plan is to provide them with financial support. Candidates may apply for the Shiksha Sahyog Scholarship if they’ve completed Grade 10 with a grade point average of 60% or higher. The chosen applicants receive INR 5000. Every year, the last date to apply for this reward is November 30, 2022, and students can apply by visiting the official website, which has the application form available.

·       Fellowship for Post-Doctoral Studies at the Indra Gandhi Institute for Development Research in 2022

The Indira Gandhi Institute of Development Research is the organization behind its launch. To help students continue their successful research while obtaining their Ph.D. degrees, they launched this scholarship with the primary goal of giving them financial support. The maximum age to be eligible for this scholarship is 40 years old, and the monthly stipend can be up to INR 70,000. Click on the scholarship's title to learn more if you're interested.

·       India Fellow Social Leadership Program 2022

The India Fellow Organization will be hosting the India Fellow Social Leadership Program in 2022. This fellowship assists young people in developing into tomorrow's socially conscious leaders, while also assisting them in realizing their true potential. The course duration of 13 months is divided across full-time project work, training assignments, blog writing, and intense interaction with the cohort and fellowship team by the India Fellows.

·       UGC-NET Junior Research Fellowship

The University Grants Commission uses innovative abilities each year when it offers the UGC-NET Junior Research Fellowship. This program is designed to motivate postgraduate students and ease their transition into higher education and courses, such as M.Phil. and Ph.D. The fellowship's advantages last for two years, during which time the chosen candidate receives INR 28,000 along with HRA and escort assistance. The deadline to apply for this program is November 16, 2022.

·       Karnataka's National Merit cum Means Scholarship (NMMS)

The Central Government of India oversees this scholarship. It is a form of financial assistance given by the government to students who are less fortunate financially and lack the means to complete their education. All students enrolled in grades 8 through 12 are eligible to apply for this grant. To qualify, students must have received 55% on their prior exam. The combined annual income of the applicant's parents should not exceed INR 1.5 lakh.

Wrapping it up

These are a few of the scholarships available to Karnataka students that you should not give it up. Additionally, follow Scholad to receive additional updates on Karnataka scholarships as well as any other scholarship in India be it state-level, international, or national scholarships.

[epiclong]

Victoria pratt

#VICTORIA PRATT PROFESSIONAL#

If you see something that doesn’t look right, Contact Us. Victoria Pratt Keywords: Victoria Pratt, Victoria Pratt wiki, Victoria Pratt age, Victoria Pratt birthday, Victoria Pratt Actress, Additional crew,, Victoria Pratt biography, Victoria Pratt wikipedia, Victoria Pratt imdb, Victoria Pratt filmifeed.

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Reading, photography, learning, traveling, internet surfing and to name a few.

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Victoria Pratt‘s search trend from the last 12 months (The below graph report is directly fetched from the ‘Google Trends’): This page will put a light upon the Victoria Pratt bio, wiki, age, birthday, family details, affairs, controversies, caste, height, weight, rumors, lesser-known facts, and more. Check below for more deets about Victoria Pratt. As in 2022, Victoria Pratt's age is 51 years. Born on December 18, 1970, Victoria Pratt hails from Chesley, Canada. Victoria splits her time between Toronto, Los Angeles and New Zealand. Victoria is a blue belt in Shotokan karate and her favorite form of exercise is kickboxing. Robert Kennedy (publisher of MuscleMag – whom she used to write for) convinced her to study acting and she began taking classes at the Actors Network in Toronto. She has writen a book on fitness and bodybuilding with one of her former university professors. She was also offered a scholarship to the master’s program in physiotherapy at the University of Toronto but declined.

#VICTORIA PRATT PROFESSIONAL#

In today’s conversation, we explore Judge Pratt’s early childhood, the experiences and moments that shaped her, as well as the powerful moments and exercises that transformed her courtroom into a place not only of justice but of reclamation and an awakening to potential and responsibility.She graduated summa cum laude from York University in Toronto and went on to work at the University in its Human Performance Lab, testing such elite professional athletes as the Toronto Maple Leafs and Winnipeg Jets and San Jose Sharks. At the heart of it all is a call-to-action to elevate the humanity and dignity of all people and focus more on restoration and rehabilitation than punishment. Now a leading voice in criminal justice reform through her consulting firm Pratt Lucien Consultants, Judge Pratt speaks to corporate and organizational leaders about restoring respect to their processes. Her TED Talk, How Judges Can Show Respect, went viral. Judge Pratt gained acclaim as a champion for criminal justice reform in her Newark courtroom, worked with jurisdictions across the US, and as far as Dubai, Ukraine, Mexico and England. For her, it was all about serving the broader humanity and needs of both those who appeared in her courtroom, as well as those who were affected in the community. with a very special wedding officiant conducting the service. Rising up through government and educational institutions, she eventually became a judge, but not your ordinary judge. Trace Adkins, 57, and actress Victoria Pratt, 48, got married in New Orleans on Oct. That deep desire to serve at the sweet-spot between justice and humanity never left her. Growing up outside Newark, NJ, the daughter of a first-generation mom from the Dominican Republic and a dad who grew up going back and forth between Harlem and the Deep South, Judge Victoria Pratt found herself in the role of translator, advocate and champion at a very young age.

[grayroman]

⌠ OSCAR ISAAC, 41, CISMALE, HE/HIM ⌡ welcome back to gallagher academy, ROMAN GRAY! originally hailing from BLACKTHORNE, this alum specializes in RESEARCH & DEVELOPMENT. when i see them walking around in the halls, i usually see a flash of (dark curls above scratched up reading glasses, milk and sugar with a hint of coffee, a multitool in the pocket of a worn brown leather jacket).  it’s the pisces’ birthday on 03/09/1980, and when they were still in school their most requested dish was SPINACH AND RICOTTA RAVIOLI from the school’s chefs. hopefully their presence can help ease the minds of gallagher students.

                                                  𝗥𝗢𝗔𝗠𝗜𝗡’…

ACESS: GRANTED FILE NAME: GRAY, R.; 40; NO AGENCY

Roman Gray has had many ups and downs, sadly typical for someone in this line of work. Still, he likes to think he’s a pretty upbeat, healthy, friendly guy, though he may just be doing a good job hiding all the trauma in his life– again, sadly typical for someone in his line of work. He grew up without the knowledge of the spy world, and never attended a spy prep school. In his public high school in Queens, New York, circa late 90′s, he's the smartest kid in class, leagues above any of the other students. Coming from a low-income family, Roman figures the only way he’d be able to go to college was through a scholarship, so he works hard, thankful for his sharp intellect and aptitude towards technology. Naturally, the president of Robotics Club, he goes on to win several awards, and become nationally recognized– well, in the student robotics and technology community. But that, and his high IQ, puts him on the radar of Blackthorne Institute.

A letter arrives at the Gray household, asking for a chance for Roman to meet with recruiters from a boy’s university in Virginia. The family all jumps at the chance, and Roman meets with two of the buffest and suavest guys he’s ever seen in his life at a nearby coffee shop. They seem to eye the way Roman engages in polite conversation with his favorite barista, how he takes his coffee with 60% milk and sugar, and the way he kindly offers to pay for their drinks. Nonetheless, they disclose to him how his age and intellect would make him a great fit for their school, that even has a Research & Development major that would put his unique skills to use, as well as give him an additional new breadth of skills. However, if he enrolls, he would have to move to Virginia full-time and because of the nature of their private school, he could not withdraw until his degree was complete. But if he so chooses, Roman has a full four-year ride.

It’s a hard decision, to leave his family, but they all agree that this would be the best for all of them. He could go to a university that would not only allow him to pursue his passion, but not cost him or his family a cent, and put him on the road to being able to help provide for their future. So, despite the red flags and the slightly off-putting nature of the recruiters, he accepts.

When Roman first shows up to the Blackthorne Institute For Boys, he’s instantly in for a culture shock. The school is nothing like he’d imagined– bleak and dark, rigid and rough. And when he learns of it’s true purpose, of the world of spies, he feels betrayed. But the problem is there is no getting out now, he's stuck, feeling trapped and tricked by the institute and the people in charge. Still, they promise him that with his proficiency for his major, they could guarantee him a job upon graduation, and that if he tried to leave beforehand, everyone would be sorely unhappy. So Roman stays, in desperate hope to provide for his family, focusing on honing his craft, and channeling all his anger at the cruel nature of the school into all the physical training.

When his third year of school rolls around, he’s gotten good at throwing punches and shooting firearms, though he’s still definitely not the best in those departments– not to mention he hates it. But he’s at the top of his class when it comes to his major, making huge strides and taking advantage of the resources at his disposal, all while managing to keep his goodhearted disposition despite the harshness of the school. But this is also when he starts to hear rumors of the institute’s graduation process, and all this comes screeching to a halt, sick to his stomach. There’s no way out, he knows that, he doesn’t have to ask his instructors. So does that mean…? Roman barrels on ahead, refusing to think about it, refusing to accept that future.

By the time of his senior year, his father gets laid off from his low-rung corporate job, the only thing that had been keeping their family afloat. Loans are taken out, his family is put under more strain than ever before, and Roman resents both the capitalist assholes that had cut corners to line their pockets and the school that was keeping him hostage away from his family. Towards the end of his last year at Blackthorne, the CEO of the corporation is on trial, for revelations of embezzlement and even other heinous physical crimes committed against individuals in his employment. He’s at his peak of frustration, and with all the pressures of the school crushing him, he sets out on his graduation. After executing a hit on the CEO, Roman is silent the entire drive home, and upon reentering the school, runs straight for the bathroom to vomit.

Blackthorne pulls through on their promise, setting up a now emptier Roman with a job at an agency, working on developing and building new weapons. He hates it, really, but it pays extremely well, allowing him to support his family on his salary alone, and it gives him the space to later become one of the foremost experts in his industry. After years there, his murder farther in the past with each day, Roman starts to become more himself again, a humorous hotshot and quick as a whip. He even meets his best friend at that agency, a field agent who understands him better than anyone else.

Nearly a decade ago, while out on a mission, this best friend is caught in a struggle with his opponent, and as a result, the enemy gets a hold of his gun– a model Roman had made himself– and shoots him.

Roman quits immediately.

Since then, he’s become a freelance worker, taking jobs all over the globe, always moving. He’s been consulting on research studies and developing tech for hire, making a good earning for himself, and enough to keep sending his family back home money every month. On the outside, he’s his regular self– jovial, extroverted, cracking jokes and staying on top of his work, but he’s acquired a fear of staying in one place too long, making it impossible to commit to anyone or anything.

Fresh off a juncture in Berlin, he gets a call from one Laura Sutton, offering a mentoring job as a Blackthorne alum and expert in Research & Development at her school, the prestigious Gallagher Academy. While he’s not jazzed about being back in Virginia under Blackthorne’s name, and having to see the many faces of students he was once like, he takes it anyway. To Roman, this should be just another consulting job, and nothing more.

TL;DR - THE FACTS

the R&D alum who would have been here since January lol

was a Blackthorne graduate in order to support his family, since they promised him work after graduation

hates Blackthorne and all it’s memories, did not fare well there, and the hit he had to perform in order to graduate is his only direct kill, and one of the worst moments of his life

worked at agency for many years developing weapons

became a freelance agent after the death of his best friend, works on research and tech for anyone in the spy world who would pay

a bit of a nomad, doesn’t like to stay in one location too long; roaming loner with a heart of gold

generally friendly and easy-going; does his best to ignore all past trauma with humor and smiles

likes to pretend he’s tough, but he can’t take coffee black, has to have alcohol that’s sweet and fruity, and is obsessed with some musicals, so

not super happy about being here as a Blackthorne alum, but he does want to help the students

weary of all this Brotherhood nonsense, can’t help feeling guilty for all the kids, he doesn’t feel strange in wishing there wasn’t so much violence

protect the kids! he’s ready to adopt them but not really he can’t handle commitment, he refuses to like the kids too much

CONNECTIONS

Elise Park

Jack Stone

Irene Bradford

Naomi Powell-King

Hal Hardy

Allie Beckett

and that my friends is what you missed on glee!! hmu on disc to plot!! this has been another strud special!!

@gallagherintro

[mymathews]

Education Institutions in Kozhikode and My Mathews Educare Pvt. Ltd

Kozhikode, formerly known as Calicut, was the capital of Malabar and played a prominent role in Kerala history. It is known as "The city of spices" for its centuries-old trade of spices and "The city of truths'' since Kozhikode people are known for their honesty and truthfulness worldwide. Kozhikode is the second-best place in India to Live with its rich heritage culture, religious harmony, famous tourist attractions, beaches, hospitality-minded people, and world-famous foods. Prominent Malayalam literature writers hailing from Kozhikode include S.K. Pottekkatt, Vaikom Muhammad Basheer and M.T Vasudevan Nair.

The colleges in Calicut are affiliated with Calicut University. It was established in 1968. Calicut University is one of the largest universities in Kerala with 25 Departments for postgraduate and research, under its control and around 395 affiliated colleges in the districts of Kozhikode, Thrissur, Wayanad, Malappuram, Palakkad. It was formed to provide higher education to the youth of North Kerala. All together, the university teaches around 2.75 lakh students each year. The university also gives adequate importance to the development of sports and games, and the university team has won in several regional and national meets. P.T.Usha, Shiny Wilson, Anju Bobby George are a few of the famous alumni of Calicut University.

The premier educational institutions, The Indian Institute of Management Kozhikode (IIMK), The NITC (National Institute of Technology, Calicut), National Institute for Research and Development in Defence Shipbuilding (NIRDESH), National Institute of Electronics and Information Technology, are situated in Kozhikode. In addition, Kerala's first I.B. Continuum school, "The White School International," and the largest medical institute of Kerala, Calicut Medical College, is in Kozhikode. Other leading colleges are Devagiri College, Providence College for Women, Malabar Christian College, Government Arts and Science College, West Hill Engineering Colleges.

The students looking out for college admissions and stay in Kozhikode can always count on My Mathews Educare Pvt.Ltd (www.mymathews.com ) for detailed free counselling, checking college and course accreditation,and finally handpicking the best course that suits each student's aptitude, family budget, and lifestyle. My Mathews always understand the heartbeat of parents and the pulse of the education industry. My Mathews understands that the covid has created financial instability in many families. Sadly the education of many students faces a crisis due to it. A job-fetching career can help ease the financial stress on the family. And on the other side, many seats lie vacant in educational institutes. We understand both sides' needs and agonies. So, we created a plan that benefits both sides.

My Mathews Educare Pvt. Ltd, one of the best educational consultancy in Kerala, has introduced many schemes, benefitting both, especially students and parents. And it will be distributed according to the needs of the students. Some of the deals in our custom-made packages to students are scholarships, fee discounts, free laptops, health insurance. (Please note a scholarship-winning student may not get the laptop or health insurance, and vice-versa. It is either one). We talked to several educational institutions and agreed upon tailored fee discounts and scholarships for our students. Students can also approach us for any education-related legal guidelines and avail of state-wise and other scholarships according to their marks and parents' income status. We also offer attractive custom-made travel packages to the students and parents to visit the college for admission and other requirements. It includes transportation and accommodations to and fro for both parents and students. Successfully course completed students can always come back to us for placement assistance and visa-related queries.

[227snewfacebookfries]

227's™ Facebook Fries!¡' (aka YouTube Chili' NBA) #Nike'Spicy'JPMorgan Spicy' Chase Bank Trending News! #MLB'Spicy'BoiseState Spicy' Basketball! Mark Chili' McGwire's Niece transfers to Boise State! #Nike'Spicy'Tunes Spicy' MLB Spicy' NBA Mix!

Boise State gets a transfer from Oregon — and she's from a famous family BY RACHEL ROBERTS rroberts@idahostatesman.com LINKEDIN GOOGLE+ PINTEREST REDDIT PRINT ORDER REPRINT OF THIS STORY May 03, 2018 01:27 PM Updated May 03, 2018 04:48 PM One of the first players off the bench for the Oregon women's basketball team during the Ducks' run to the Elite Eight announced Wednesday night she plans to transfer to Boise State. Mallory McGwire, a 6-foot-5 sophomore from Reno, Nev., started 19 games for the Ducks in 2017-18 and averaged 4.9 points and 3.5 rebounds in 15.6 minutes per game. "We are excited to have Mallory join our program," Boise State coach Gordy Presnell said. "On the court, she is a terrific player who will fit in to what we do and hopefully help us get to another level. Off the court, she comes from a wonderful family and is a very high-character student-athlete whom everyone will enjoy being around and getting to know. She is a great addition to the Bronco Family." McGwire is the daughter of former San Diego State and Seattle Seahawks quarterback Dan McGwire. Her uncle is Mark McGwire, a longtime first baseman for the Oakland Athletics and St. Louis Cardinals and current bench coach for the San Diego Padres. Help us deliver journalism that makes a difference in our community. Our journalism takes a lot of time, effort, and hard work to produce. If you read and enjoy our journalism, please consider subscribing today. McGwire and her older sister, Morgan, played high school basketball at Reno High with Boise State senior Shalen Shaw. Morgan just finished her career at Santa Clara. "I want to say thank you to the University of Oregon, the coaching staff and my teammates for an amazing past 2 years," McGwire wrote on Twitter. "But I am thrilled to announce I will be joining Boise State University for the remainder of my basketball and academic career." View image on TwitterView image on TwitterView image on Twitter Mallo @mallorymcgwire I want to say thank you to the University of Oregon, the coaching staff and my teammates for an amazing past 2 years! But I am thrilled to announce I will be joining Boise State University for the remainder of my basketball and academic career. Go Broncos💙🧡 9:25 PM - May 2, 2018 587 125 people are talking about this Twitter Ads info and privacy Over two seasons at Oregon, McGwire appeared in all 75 of the Ducks' games, including 43 starts. She averaged a combined 6.1 points and 3.8 rebounds per game while blocking 66 shots and shooting 52.2 percent from the field. In March, Boise State wrapped up back-to-back Mountain West Tournament titles and returned to the NCAA Tournament for the third time in four seasons. The Broncos lose seniors Shaw and Brooke Wheeler to graduation. McGwire, who will sit out the 2018-19 season per NCAA transfer rules, will be joined by incoming freshmen Rachel Bowers (Newhall, Calif./Canyon HS), Maggie Freeman (Beaverton, Ore./Southridge HS) and Jade Loville (Sammamish, Wash./Skyline HS). Transfer Jayde Christopher (Kansas) also will be eligible to play after sitting out last season along with Sofia Galeron (Burgos, Spain), who redshirted last season after joining the team in January. BSU men draw Drake The Boise State men’s basketball team will play Nov. 27 at Drake as part of the 2018 Mountain West/Missouri Valley Challenge. The time and broadcast information for the game in Des Moines, Iowa, will be announced at a later date. Drake finished 17-17 overall and 10-8 in conference last season. The Bulldogs earned a bid to the 2018 CollegeInsider.com Tournament and lost in the second round to eventual champion Northern Colorado. BSU coach honored Boise State's Beck Roghaar was named the Mountain West Women’s Tennis Coach of the Year on Thursday by a vote of the league's coaches. It is Roghaar’s first Mountain West Coach of the Year honor and second coach-of-the-year award in his career. He received the same honor in the WAC in 2011. Roghaar led the Broncos to an undefeated conference record in 2018, winning the Mountain Division for the first time in program history. COMMENTS Forget Your 401k if you Own a Home (Do This) SPONSORED CONTENT Forget Your 401k if you Own a Home (Do This) If you own a home, you should read this. Thousands of homeowners did this yesterday, and banks are furious! Do this now before it's... By dollarfreedom VIDEOS Play Video 3:23 NCAA President Mark Emmert on Boise as host Play Video 6:15 Rice: 2017-18 Boise State season had 'big highs' and 'heartbreakers' VIEW MORE VIDEO BOISE STATE BASKETBALL Former Mountain West rival joining Boise State coaching staff Boise State basketball’s top assistant is leaving. He helped develop Hutchison. ‘Worst’ part of the job comes at ‘crucial’ time of year for Boise State basketball Boise State basketball loses junior to transfer, now has one open scholarship to fill Hollywood's Fresh Faces: Ella Purnell SPONSORED Connatix Boise State women’s season ends as outside shot disappears in NCAA Tournament BOISE STATE BASKETBALL http://www.idahostatesman.com/sports/college/mountain-west/boise-state-university/boise-state-basketball/article210385429.html

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V. B. Dubai, The Time Politics of Home-Based Digital Piecework, 50 C4eJ (2020)

The woman did not go on; she stayed right there, hour after hour, day after day, year after year . . . racing with death. It was piecework, and she was apt to have a family to keep alive; and stern and ruthless economic laws had arranged it that she could only do this by working just as she did, with all her soul upon her work, and with never an instant for a glance at the well-dressed ladies and gentlemen who came to stare at her, as at some wild beast in a menagerie.” – Upton Sinclair, The Jungle

Introduction

In a 1924 Issue of True Romances magazine, the Auto Knitter Hosiery Co. of Buffalo, New York ran an advertisement targeted at women in need of additional income (Boris 1994, 155). The ad, entitled “How They Make Money in Their Own Homes,” centered the testimony of “Mrs. Unger,” who explained that her husband’s wages were not enough to support their small family. But Mrs. Unger, who cared for their infant child, did not want to “go” to work (Ibid). Having heard through a friend about an opportunity to earn from the sanctity of her home, she sent off for yarn and instructions. Before long Mrs. Unger said she was knitting for Auto Knitter Hosiery “in real earnest . . . putting in every minute [she] could spare from [her] housework.” Other manufacturers of the era similarly hawked homework as a pathway to “profit” and “dignified labor” for women who needed to earn “extra money . . . in their spare time” (Ibid).

But the reality of this homework belied the commercial narratives on profit and dignity. What was being advertised benignly in women’s magazines—industrial homework—was a hotly contested labor practice of garment manufacturers in the early 20th century. Homeworkers—most commonly immigrant women laboring in crowded tenements—were paid by the piece, not the hour, and earned roughly one-half of what women factory workers made (Boris 1985, 746; Daniels 1989, 15). They interspersed long, poorly paid hours of needling or knitting with other obligations of family and community life. Through the sustained advocacy of labor and social reformers, homework paid in piece was largely abolished in the U.S. garment industry soon after the New Deal (Boris 1985, 761). It was, by the 1980s, re-sanctioned, but through a highly regulated certification and hourly wage-based system (Boris 1994, 341; Stone 2006, 19).[1]

Homework as a labor practice and source of precarious, underpaid piecework has made a rapid resurgence in the twenty-first century digital economy, and yet, in contrast to the previous century, it has received little to no attention from labor reformers or regulators. [2] In reviving and intensifying it, technology capitalists have leveraged carveouts in existing work laws to grow an informal economy of dispersed data laborers paid to work by the piece.[3] Jeff Bezos, for example, launched Amazon Mechanical Turk in 2005, famously unveiling his plan to provision “humans as a service” through this crowdsourcing labor platform. AMT, like analogous tech labor companies, has a website—mturk.com—in which requesters with data-related microtasks dispatch these tasks to an atomized and dispersed virtual workforce who compete for and complete the tasks or “turk.” Individual workers are paid, not for their time, but by the piece, which, on AMT is called a Human Intelligence Task or HIT (Irani et al 2013, 1). Unlike homeworkers of the previous century, today’s digital homeworkers both have to spend time competing for tasks and to risk completing tasks that the go unpaid. These workers or, on AMT, “turkers” are treated as independent contractors, and neither data processing requestors nor the labor platform companies assume the legal responsibilities of the employer. Thus, digital homeworkers—more than half of whom are based in the U.S.—do not have access to the minimum wage, overtime, or any safety net protections (Difallah et al 2018).[4] Critically, they also do not have the ability to negotiate pay or the protected right to organize for better working conditions.[5] Since the amount of payment for each task is typically a few cents (sometimes less than one cent), data homeworkers are compelled to work swiftly and quickly through a set of tasks for extraordinarily low and unpredictable wages.

The labor of these precarious data processing workers is critical to the infrastructural monopolies that produce artificial intelligence (AI). Yet, much of the debate around the “future of work” and automation in the United States focuses on the supposedly inevitable displacement of workers by technological shifts. With few notable exceptions, the role of these precarious data homeworkers in the creation of automation and the poor conditions under which they labor has gone under appreciated.[6] Power, in imaginaries of the looming future displacement of workers, is seen to be concentrated entirely in the hands of entrepreneurs and engineers whose algorithms and machines aspire to mimic tasks or services traditionally completed by humans.[7] But central to the infrastructure of AI is the labor of dispersed and atomized workers in global supply chains who create, gather, pick, clean, label, and/or otherwise process the data that informs and shapes AI systems. Through a combination of homework and piece pay, these data workers’ labor is essential to the pace and growth of AI. They—and other overlooked workers—are (and will continue) to be critical to automation production for decades to come. Meanwhile, homework as a labor practice renders nearly invisible data-processing workers and their working conditions.[8]

The development of autonomous vehicle (AV) technology is an instructional example of this invisibility and the lack of regulation over this labor. For technology industrialists, the development of AV technology is an attempt to create fleets of private vehicles for the transport of goods and bodies that generate profit without the overhead of labor costs—that is, without human workers. Despite early, manic projections that self-driving cars would replace ride-hail and truck drivers by 2019, engineers now prognosticate that fully autonomous vehicles will be unavailable for half a century, if then.[9] Meanwhile, any AV advancements rely upon a long and complicated supply chain of dispersed data workers, many of whom complete individual tasks but have no idea what they are working on (Fussell 2019). These include the Uber drivers who produce and collect data about their labor, cities, speed, and traffic patterns; the temporary and contracted workers who drive lidar sensor-equipped vehicles to acquire data images of driving environments;[10] the workers in the U.S. and globally who label, organize, and manage that data to feed AV AI systems; and the millions of temporary workers from staffing agencies who are hired by technology firms to labor as low-level engineers. At almost every stage of the long and complicated data supply chains that produce basic AI infrastructures, home-based digital pieceworkers labor outside the boundaries of employment protections, conducting time-intensive tasks that are—and will continue to be—integral to the success of the automation technology itself. Though critical, these workers remain unseen, including to those charged with the enforcement of work laws.

With this invisibility in mind, this essay averts the gaze from anxieties about the “future of work” and automation to the past and present of these data workers whose labor, which cannot be automated, makes automation and AI possible. From the perspective of technology capitalists, the practice of paying people by piece who work in their homes and ostensibly on their own schedules is an innovation: a new kind of labor arrangement to lower overhead and introduce speed and flexibility to production. As AMT advertises to requestors (including technology companies and researchers), it’s a “good way to break down a manual, time-consuming project into smaller, more manageable tasks to be completed by distributed workers over the Internet” (Amazon Mechanical Turk 2020). Technology capitalists in the U.S. who utilize homeworkers through hiring entities like AMT are unburdened with the risks and expenses associated with being an employer. Requesters can “hire” workers with the click of a button and terminate them just as quickly. Unlike with employee layoffs, these terminations are neither reported to state authorities[11] nor do they trigger legal liabilities. Absent a supervisor, the way in which workers are paid—by the piece and without a wage floor—ties remuneration directly to production speed. But the payment per task is so low that a 2018 study found that the average hourly wage of an AMT data homeworker was an astounding $2 per hour[12] (Hara et al 2018).

In contrast to an earlier era of homework and despite staggeringly low pay, this digital homework has garnered little to no attention from regulators. The growing informal data economy has been largely understood, even by critics, as a new kind of work, rather than as a revived (and reviled) labor process deserving of reform.[13] In Part I, I situate contemporary digital homework historically by returning to the reform efforts and debates surrounding U.S. homework in the early 20th century. Drawing on the scholarship of feminist historians Eileen Boris and Cynthia Daniels, I show how these earlier efforts focused not just on the precarities of the work itself, but on the need to protect the time and space of “private family” from “public work” and the “ravages of industrial capitalism” (Daniels 1989, 21). In affirming that homework threatened the gendered division of labor and “sacred motherhood,” homework reformers reified the Fordist family and the cultural ideal of the male breadwinner. This not only reinforced the economic dependence of women on the Fordist family wage, but also obscured the ways in which women’s unpaid labor in the home sustained industry. But in the contemporary post-Fordist economy, temporal and spatial boundaries between gendered work in the family are less demarcated (Cooper 2017, 8), families are economically diversified (O’Brien 2019, 363), and the home is an acceptable site for production. Digital homework no longer represents a threat to the prevailing economic order; instead, it buttresses it. Homework through AMT, for example, is (mis)understood as an opportunity to enhance the economic autonomy of the private family. For single parents, the disabled, and others who cannot labor as part of the full time, scheduled workforce—and for those whose regular income is by itself insufficient—this data homework purports to provide flexibility and unlimited earning potential.

How do these claims manifest in the lives of workers, and what should the experiences of data pieceworkers mean for the future of work and work regulation? In Part II, I use the narratives of digital homeworkers to explore their relationship to time in work and non-work life. Although piecework payment ostensibly liberates homeworkers from the rigid discipline of the industrial clock such that the data workers are working “on their ‘own’ time,” I find that workers continue to think about data piecework through the structure of the hourly wage. They bemoan that much of their work time—spent competing for and revising tasks—is unaccounted for and unremunerated. Through the structure of digital piece payment, a politics emerges in which time, visible and accounted for in wage work, becomes an invisible node of power (Sharma 2014, 8). Far from offering true flexibility, this power circumscribes the temporal autonomy of digital homeworkers and reinforces the ideological commitment and economic need to work all the time, even filling “spare” time with industrial productivity.[14] In this sense, digital home-based piecework, however poorly paid, reinforces the mythical possibility of self-reliance and stands in conceptual opposition to the welfare state (Cooper 2017, 73). I conclude by considering the implications of hourly wage regulation of this work as a countervailing force to the precarious lives of these digital pieceworkers, to prevailing neoliberal norms around work and time, and to the frenetic pace of AI and automation production more broadly.

1. Time & Piece Pay: From Garment Homework to Digital Homework

The struggle over time has been central to capitalist development across the various phases of the industrialism and fundamental to new shifting time-sense related to labor discipline. Historian E.P. Thompson famously contrasted the “irregular labor rhythms” of pre-capitalist life to the time-thrift of industrialism, marking a profound change in how workers thought about and experienced time. Factory life, Thompson argued, brought with it the now familiar landscape of time discipline via timesheets, timekeepers, informers, and the machine (Thompson 1967, 82). Working in tandem with the growing moralization of “the work ethic,” industrial time discipline[15] shaped how many workers thought about the relationship between time and productivity more broadly, marking as immoral the “unpurposive passing” of the clock (Thompson 1967, 96). Nonetheless, despite the ways in which worker subjectivities were influenced by and constituted through industrial time discipline, long working hours were also met with individual and organized resistance. Over many decades, workers, trade unions, and social reformers engaged in protracted labor struggles to reverse the discipline of the factory clock, winning higher wages that corresponded to shorter workdays and weeks for industrial workers (Schorr 1992, 7; Thompson 1967, 85).

While the time discipline endemic to waged work remains ever relevant in the post-industrial digital world, the growing reality of many workers in today’s technology-enabled work economy is less analogous to factory workers and more similar to piece-paid homeworkers of the previous century.[16] The lives of these U.S. homeworkers in the late 19th and early 20th century existed both inside and outside the temporal domain of the factory. On the one hand, women who performed this homework labored to the rhythm of their families, including a breadwinning husband, his life structured to conform to the factory clock. On the other, their paid work was not directly timed by factory clocks or subject to the immediate time discipline of bosses or machines. Like the work of independent craftworkers, theirs was task-oriented and paid in piece. But their relationship of subordination to industrial capitalists fundamentally changed their relationship to work time. In E.P. Thompson’s terms, this introduction of hierarchy to piecework altered time such that it became “currency: . . . not passed but spent” (Thompson 1967, 61). Homework paid in piece, largely seen as exploitative of both women and children, was vigorously fought by social reformers of the era who demanded and eventually won state intervention (Daniels 1989, 25-29). But unlike labor reforms in other parts of the industrial economy, the successful reform efforts were not rooted in the ideal of leisure, in lower hours, or in higher pay for homeworkers. Rather, in fighting to abolish homework in the early 20th century, reformers were motivated by a socially conservative moral conception of the breadwinning father, idealized motherhood, and the family wage (Boris 1994; Daniels 1989).

In this highly gendered and racialized [17] homework economy, women earned almost one-half of what women working in the factory made for a full week’s work, and factory women, of course, made far less than factory men.[18] While (mostly men) factory workers operated machines, immigrant homeworkers did the garment finishing at home. According to one Senate investigation, “Italian homeworkers and their children finished 98 percent of all garments” (Daniels 1989, 15). During the seven months of the year when work could be found, homeworkers worked between 8 and 10 hours a day sewing garments. This work took place in between and after care work, including preparing meals, caring for children, and cleaning the home. Industrialists recognized these women as a surplus labor pool that they could readily exploit, both because the workers were mostly immigrant women and because the depressed wages of breadwinners in immigrant families made additional income, however insignificant, a necessity. As one journalist wrote in 1912, homework “‘exists because the manufacturer finds it economical to spread his finishing processes through thousands of kitchens . . . .They get their work done for practically nothing’” (Daniels 1989, 19). Ironically, manufacturers argued against providing higher wages to the women homeworkers by relying on the same ideal of a male breadwinner that reformers leveraged to abolish the practice. The women, in the manufacturers’ making, were just working for “pin money” and did not “need to earn a living wage” (Daniels 1989, 17).

Feminist historians have highlighted the role that gendered space played in this conceptualization (Boris 1994, 2; Daniels 1989, 13) but, I argue, have underemphasized the gendered time politics of both the work and subsequent debates about its regulation. A woman’s time was highly regulated by the tempo of her family and its demands. She was expected to fit in homework wherever possible, but because it was “in between” and not during designated hours, manufacturers claimed that it was impossible to offer her an hourly wage. Indeed, industry representatives capitalized on this reality, reframing homework as “pleasure” that could be conducted to make productive the time allocated for relaxation and sociality (Boris 1994, 155). They described it as part of the “leisurely routine of small town life” where a woman might make supplemental income while talking with friends (Ibid).[19] But labor advocates during the Great Depression who sought to abolish the practice painted a different picture. They argued that industrial homework curtailed the fulltime factory employment of breadwinning men, lowered wages of all factory workers, and undercut wage and health standards. Unions claimed it was difficult to organize these isolated women workers, and that the ability of manufacturers to claim their time and labor undermined striking factory workers. These social reformers also argued that homework “commercialized” the home, disrupting the time a woman could devote to caring for family. As the Labor Department’s Women’s Bureau put it, homework upset the “normal demands of home and children upon the housewife and mother” (my emphasis) (Boris 1985, 745).[20]

In understanding women’s temporal lives through this binary (work or home), advocates drew on ideals of “sacred motherhood” to challenge the social costs of homework which, they argued, forced a woman “to exploit her own children and to neglect her home” to earn a pittance (Boris 1985, 756). This conceptualization obscured the economic importance of women’s unpaid labor and undercut the possibility of “unproductive” leisure. The idea that abolishing homework would protect home life from the evils of industrialization—including labor exploitation and child labor—ignored the existing realities of unpaid work and the “irregular labor rhythms” of the home for many women. Indeed, it privileged and reinforced traditional models of paid and unpaid work distribution in the home, ignoring how that model “depended upon having one person who was fully dedicated to [the home’s] maintenance” (Weeks 2011, 157-8). The family, then, was seen as an alternative to work rather than as a site of gendered unpaid work, equally deserving of reform, revision, and reimagining. By the late 1930s, these arguments against industrial homework were ultimately successful in abolishing the practice by law,[21] but in the process, they reified the nuclear family, traditional gender roles, and the invisibility of women’s care work as labor.

In comparison to homework of the previous century and to other realms of the digitally mediated in-person piecework economy[22], contemporary digital homework paid in piece—like HITs completed by turkers on AMT—is neither decried as illegal exploitation nor the object of reform. In fact, U.S. labor advocates and regulators have shown little interest in addressing the time-driven precarities of data-processing piecework by enforcing existing work laws in the industry. Why? The answer lies in the work’s invisibility—both physically (in the home) and conceptually (as a hidden part of AI production)—and in how digital homework is conceptualized in relationship to the existing economic order. Almost a century later, in the post-Fordist neoliberal context, where the temporal and spatial boundaries between gendered work in the family are less demarcated (Cooper 8) and families are diversified (O’Brien 2019, 363), homework is no longer understood as a social problem. Instead of being criticized for commercializing the home, digital homework is lauded as a technological innovation that allows people—regardless of their gender—to move quickly and “flexibly” between the institutions of family and work to sustain life.[23] Rather than standing in opposition to the current politics of time in which neoliberal practices merge with networked devices to encourage all workers to be “on” at all times, digital homework reinforces it. Unlike garment homeworkers in the 20th century, digital homeworkers do not necessarily rely upon a single breadwinner. For many, it is fulltime work, or at least income upon which they are dependent. Underregulated, it does the political work of re-shaping everyday rhythms of workers to reaffirm the economic function of the private family against the shrinking welfare state. Discursively and affectively, though critically not materially, digital piecework is too often seen as a way for all people to aspire to “economic self-sufficiency,” especially when no other form of economic support or paid work is available, possible, or desirable.[24]

2. Digital Homeworkers: Temporality, Task Politics, & Perpetual Crises

How do the claims of flexibility and economic autonomy made by technology industrialists compare to the lived experiences of digital homeworkers paid in piece? In examining the narratives of AMT data processors in this section, I argue that although they are ostensibly working “on their ‘own’ time,” a politics emerges in which time, accounted for in wage work, becomes an invisible node of power (Sharma 2014). This power reinforces the neoliberal ideological commitment to work all the time, filling “spare” time, not with leisure, but with poorly paid productivity. People for whom work outside the home is impossible—because of childcare, disability, limited transportation, or lack of work opportunities—can turn, not to the state or to community, but to themselves in attempt to minimally provide. AMT workers, for example, describe moving, frenzied, between care tasks and digital tasks, both of which shift from minute to minute, second to second. They frenetically work to claim higher-paying batches in a competitive, auction-like system that requires constant vigilance[25] and simultaneously label images for artificial intelligence systems, only to remember that it’s time to take their child to the doctor or to get to the store before it closes. Belying narratives of flexibility and independence, the autonomy of digital homeworkers to engage in leisure or to volitionally decide how to spend time is circumscribed.

Although paid by the task, digital homeworkers think of their time through the medium of the hourly wage. While manufacturers in the previous century claimed it was impossible to measure the time that garment homeworkers spent laboring in order to pay them by the hour and not the piece, time laboring online can be meticulously accounted for. Digital homeworkers are even advised to install accessory scripts (Image 1) into their browser to “increase turking efficiency” (MTurk Guide). Turkers use these accessory scripts to attempt to calculate how much money they will earn per hour if they move through batches of HITs at a particular speed. In turn, the scripts intensify the anxiety of piecework, operating as tools of self-management and time discipline—pushing workers without human supervisors to maintain an exacting speed in order to increase their income. On the one hand, these scripts pressure homeworkers to labor at a dizzying pace, frantically completing tasks that are essential for AI production. On the other, the scripts are the only way that these workers can even attempt to approximate how much—or how little—money they will make on a given day or week.

Still, digital homeworkers are acutely aware of what these scripts cannot and do not account for: in particular, how much time the workers spend looking for work or doing data processing tasks that go unpaid. In this sense, they recognize the extent to which technology industrialists have found ways to gamify piece pay, intensifying uncertainty in their lives. Janey, for example, who lives in a small former mining town in Appalachia and has been a digital pieceworker for almost five years, expressed in one of our conversations how profoundly frustrated she was at the functional logic of AMT, which prevented her from predicting and calculating potential income. She bemoaned that the insecurities and temporal demands of digital homework nagged at her through the day and even into the night. Both her conscious and unconscious time was spent looking for work, and this time, she explained, went uncompensated.

If I work 12-16 hours a day, I’ll make maybe $5/hour. But that’s when there is work, but when you’re sitting in between jobs and you consider that time, when you’re just looking for work, then the hourly wage falls dramatically. There are so many of us now, and fewer quality jobs. Sometimes I wake up in the middle of the night just to see if I can grab some good requests. Most HITs are gone if you don’t click right away.

Janey and her homeworking colleagues—like garment homeworkers of the previous century—work not just long, but also unpredictable hours each day—hours that well exceed the traditional 8-hour shift. This time is spent not just completing tasks, but also competing for them. When I asked Janey how she decided that she had worked enough in one day, she answered that it was only when she met her financial goals that she let herself rest.

If I need to make $50 to pay the rent, then I’ll work sixteen hours straight. Whatever I need to do . . . . But then there are those times when you don’t get paid or your work is rejected . . . so you can’t predict the time or the money, really. But you do the best you can.

As Janey eloquently articulated to me, the very logic of AMT obfuscates the possibility of any meaningful wage calculation. She is pit against other turkers as she constantly and anxiously seeks to “claim” work, time that itself goes unremunerated. And simultaneously, the lack of work standards and the reality that completed tasks can be rejected arbitrarily by requestors means that until she is paid, Janey cannot even rely on the income from batches that she completes.

If the experience is so temporally unpredictable and exacting, why do people like Janey turk in the first place? After Janey’s husband and father of her 3 children died of an opioid overdose, a friend recommended AMT to her as a way she could make money at home, and not, she told me “just depend on welfare checks.” She explained, “There was nothing else around here, I mean, nothing . . . and even if there was, I couldn’t do it. I have these kids.” Though she eventually met a new partner, Janey continued to work as the breadwinner. She noted that her new boyfriend was “younger and had never worked.” These days, he works retail—the first job he has ever had. But, she says, “The kids are mine. So I provide.” Digital pieceworkers like Janey bear the weight of breadwinning with minimal state support, and they also harbor many frustrations about how much time they spend working and how they are remunerated.

Dawn, another turking homeworker who lives in an economically depressed, post-industrial U.S. Rust Belt town, has been working as a digital pieceworker for four and a half years. “We used to have good union jobs around here,” she told me, “but those days have passed.” Although she had previously worked as an organizer on political campaigns, Dawn, like Janey, told me that she took up digital home-based piecework because she needed to work from home and without a pre-determined schedule, “Starting around the end of 2015, I had these illnesses that hit me over night. No one knew what was wrong with me; I was ending up in the ER constantly. That’s why I started turking. I needed the flexibility.”

When Dawn tried to point to the “good days” or to be positive about her work, she found herself discussing how time in between the demands of work and family, time that could be spent recreating or in a state of leisure, was adulterated by the temporal anxieties endemic to digital piecework.

I mean, there are days when you meet your goal by noon, and I can . . . cook a nice meal, or whatever. But then you wonder if you should spend that time turking, because what if you come up short the next day or the next week. Is it okay to stop? I don’t know. And then there are the days when I’m so sick I can’t work. When things were really bad, I would push through it, like my heart rate would go up so high, and I needed to go to the ER. And then I’d come back a few hours later and keep working. Sometimes, I’d lay on the floor with feet up and my laptop on my belly and just keep working while I waited for my heart rate to return to normal.

The urgency to compete for and complete tasks—even through emergencies—is itself, I argue, a form of time politics. Many digital pieceworkers—like a growing number of people in the U.S.—live in a feeling of perpetual crisis, they must work quickly, right now, to make rent, to pay for groceries, to care for their children. Through the disciplinary power of time politics, data-processing piece workers internalize the “propaganda of time thrift” (Thompson 1967, 90), often to the detriment of their well-being. For example, in articulating the affective labor that some of the AMT data tasks require of her, Dawn divulged how emotionally overwhelmed she would sometimes be by her work. She framed these emotions not through their effect on her psyche, but through their impact on her time, and consequently, her income. Like other digital homeworkers, slowing down to think, relax, or recreate brought on feelings of guilt and remorse.

The work can be really emotionally taxing. Like this one project . . . I have to label things as hate speech. The things that you sit there and read are horrendous, and you think, people can’t say these things. Or you’ll do a survey that says ‘tell me the worst thing you’ve ever experienced’—and I’m like, you want me to drudge up my worst memories and share them, so I can feed my family. And it makes you feel so bad that you waste time thinking about things or staring into space, and then you can’t meet your goals. And then you just feel bad for the rest of the day. (my emphasis)

For digital homeworkers paid by the piece, time is enforced, not through a didactic supervisor or wage and hour laws, but through a self-management that produces the obligation to cognize all time through the potential for productivity and, accordingly, to work exhaustively.

The speed demanded by the piece payment structure of digital piecework melds with neoliberal ideologies to define what it means not just to survive but to feel worthy. Turking makes it possible to move distractedly between family and work, placing the responsibility of predicting one’s wages—a near impossibility—on the workers themselves. Simultaneously, it engineers an anti-welfare subjectivity: a sense that if they could do it on their own, and if they failed, well, that was on them. Dawn mentioned on more than one occasion that she preferred turking to relying on state proffered safety net protections, which she perceived to be both inadequate and arbitrary,

The other side of it is, right now, if I were to file for disability which is what my doctor wants me to do, and I have too much pride to do at the moment . . . they [the state] deny every case, and even if I get it, during those two years, you can’t work, so you have to magically support yourself for 2 years. So even though turking is depressing work, it gives me a sense that I am contributing to my household, so I feel good about that. (my emphasis)

Through the ever-availability of data processing work, Janey and Dawn both strive to sustain themselves and their families. And yet, the very structure of digital homework precludes not only sufficient remuneration but also financial security and temporal autonomy.

Attention to the lived experiences and everyday crises of digital homeworkers like Janey and Dawn undermines the individual choice, independence, and flexibility that digital homework purports to provide. Through the bodies of the digital pieceworkers themselves, time politics does the dual work of fueling the pace of digital capitalism and sustaining anti-welfare subjectivities. Pieceworkers, then, are casualties, not agents to the temporal orders of automation production. In so much as digital homework exerts power over workers through and with time, reform efforts, I argue, must also focus on time, re-asserting the discipline of the clock on technology capitalists through demands for time-based wage payments.

Conclusion: Against Piece Pay

Digital homework is much more central and integral to today’s technology economy than industrial homework ever was to the garment industry in the previous century. Hidden behind internet platforms and laboring in their homes, today’s data processing pieceworkers conduct time-consuming, poorly paid tasks critical to AI and automation. Nevertheless, in marked contrast to homework of the previous century, their important work remains largely invisible to reformers and regulators, many of whom are otherwise engaged in dynamic policy debates on the potential displacement of U.S. workers by automation.[26] To make sense of the disregard for the enforcement of existing work laws in the data processing economy, this essay historically situates the time politics of piecework in the precarious lives of contemporary digital homeworkers.

Digital homework paid in piece is hyped by technology capitalists as an innovative pathway to economic stability for the people who are unable to support themselves and their families through waged work outside of the home or through one full time job alone. In reality, this work builds on and intensifies an abolished labor practice utilized by industrialists in the previous century to profit off the desperation of immigrant women and their families. Like garment manufacturers before them, companies like Amazon Mechanical Turk argue that digital piecework provides “an opportunity” for workers to move quickly and flexibly between the institutions of family and work to provide. But the life experiences of contemporary homeworkers belie this contention. Rather than provide flexibility, the time politics embedded in the structure of data piecework circumscribes autonomy, fueling both the drive and the financial need of homeworkers to work all the time, even thru crises. This reinforces the existing neoliberal economic order in which productive, paid work is not seen as an infringement into non-work life, but instead accepted as the subsumption of life as work.

I end this essay by suggesting that rather than abolish this homework, as reformers did in the garment industry, digital piecework can and should be formalized and regulated to account for all time laboring. The enforcement of existing wage and hour laws on the labor processes of today’s technology industrialists, for example, has the potential to introduce temporal autonomy and financial predictability into the uncertain, anxious lives of people like Dawn and Janey, who, for reasons different than women homeworkers of the previous century, cannot work outside the home. As a small intervention into the time politics of digital piecework—one that harkens back to minimal standards in most low-wage sectors—such regulation could serve as a countervailing force to the growing acquiescence of life as work in the digital piecework economy. It could also give digital homeworkers the time to reinvent their lives, to create collective spaces and relationships in nonwork, nonfamily time. In this sense, eradicating piece pay in digital capitalism can be linked to the greater struggle to transform temporal politics around productive paid work, enabling workers—of all genders—to imagine new life and formulate new demands, unscripted from the existing binary of work and family. For reformers and regulators concerned about job loss to automation, the hourly wage may also be understood as a force of friction, slowing down the wheels of digital capitalism, creating time to consider—and even control—the future of work.

Bibliography

Accenture. “Autonomous Vehicles: The Race is On.” 2018. Accessed July 4, 2020. https://www.accenture.com/_acnmedia/pdf-73/accenture-autonomous-vehicles-the-race-is-on.pdf

Alkhatib, Ali, Michael S. Bernstein, and Margaret Levi. “Examining crowd work and gig work through the historical lens of piecework.” In Proceedings of the 2017 CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems (2017), pp. 4599-4616.

Amazon Mechanical Turk. Accessed July 4, 2020. https://www.mturk.com/.

Boris, Eileen. Home to work: Motherhood and the politics of industrial homework in the United States. Cambridge University Press, 1994.

— — — “Regulating Industrial Homework: The Triumph of ‘Sacred Motherhood.’” The Journal of American History 71, no. 4 (1985): 745-763.

California Future of Work Commission. Accessed July 4, 2020. https://futureofwork.ca.gov/.

Chin, “Key Volkswagen Exec Admits Full Self-driving Cars ‘May Never Happen.’” The Drive. January 13, 2020. Accessed July 4, 2020. https://www.thedrive.com/tech/31816/key-volkswagen-exec-admits-level-5-autonomous-cars-may-never-happen/.

Collier, Ruth Berins, V.B. Dubal, and Christopher Carter. “Disruptive Regulations: The Politics of Uber in the US.” Perspectives on Politics 16, no. 4 (2018), pp. 919-937.

Cooper, Melinda. Family Values: Between Neoliberalism and the New Social Conservatism. MIT Press, 2017.

Daniels, Cynthia R. “Between Home and Factory: Homeworkers and the State.” Homework: Historical and contemporary perspectives on paid labor at home (1989): pp. 13-32.

Difallah, Djellel, Elena Filatova, and Panos Ipeirotis. “Demographics and Dynamics of Mechanical Turk Workers.” WSDM: Proceedings of the Eleventh ACM International Conference on Web Search and Data Mining, pp. 135-143. February 2018.

Dubal, V. B. “Wage Slave or Entrepreneur: Contesting the Dualism of Legal Worker Identities.” Calif. L. Rev. 105 (2017): 65.

Freeman, Carla. Entrepreneurial selves: Neoliberal respectability and the making of a Caribbean middle class. Duke University Press, 2015.

Gray, Mary L., Siddharth Suri, Syed Shoaib Ali, and Deepti Kulkarni. “The crowd is a collaborative network.” Proceedings of the 19th ACM Conference on Computer-supported Cooperative Work & Social Computing, (2016), pp. 134-147.

Hara, Kotaro, Abigail Adams, Kristy Milland, Saiph Savage, Chris Callison-Burch, and Jeffrey P. Bigham. “A Data-driven Analysis of Workers’ Earnings on Amazon Mechanical Turk.” Proceedings of the 2018 CHI Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, (2018), pp. 1-14.

Irani, Lilly. “Difference and dependence among digital workers: The case of Amazon Mechanical Turk.” South Atlantic Quarterly 114, no. 1 (2015): pp. 225-234.

— — — “Hype, Profit, Labor, and Agency in the Shadows of the Fourth Industrial Revolution.” Workshop: What’s at Stake in the 4th Industrial Revolution? Medium (Mar 29, 2019). Accessed July 4, 2020. https://medium.com/whats-at-stake-in-a-fourth-industrial-revolution/hype-profit-labor-and-agency-in-the-shadows-of-the-fourth-industrial-revolution-509afd51a82c/.

— — — and M. Six Silberman. “Turkopticon: Interrupting Worker Invisibility in Amazon Mechanical Turk.” CHI 2013, April 27-May 2, 2013.

MTurk Guide. Accessed July 4, 2020. https://www.mturkguide.com/scripts.html.

O’Brien, M.E. To Abolish the Family. Endnotes #5. October 2019. Accessed July 4, 2020. https://endnotes.org.uk/file_hosting/EN5_To_Abolish_the_Family.pdf

Roberts, Sarah T. Behind the screen: Content Moderation in the Shadows of Social Media. Yale University Press, 2019.

Roediger, David R. The Wages of Whiteness: Race and the Making of the American Working Class. Verso, 1999.

Roose, Kevin. “The Hidden Automation Agenda of the Davos Elite.” The New York Times. Jan. 25, 2019. Accessed July 4, 2020. https://www.nytimes.com/2019/01/25/technology/automation-davos-world-economic-forum.html.

Salehi, Niloufar, Lilly C. Irani, Michael S. Bernstein, Ali Alkhatib, Eva Ogbe, and Kristy Milland. “We are Dynamo: Overcoming Stalling and Friction in Collective Action for Crowd Workers.” Proceedings of the 33rd Annual ACM Conference on Human Factors in Computing Systems, (2015), pp. 1621-1630.

Semuels, Alana. “The Internet is Enabling a New Kind of Poorly Paid Hell.” The Atlantic. Jan 23, 2018. Accessed July 4, 2020. https://www.theatlantic.com/business/archive/2018/01/amazon-mechanical-turk/551192/

Schor, Juliet. The Overworked American: The Unexpected Decline of Leisure. Basic Books, 2008.

Schüll, Natasha Dow. Addiction by design: Machine gambling in Las Vegas. Princeton University Press, 2014.

Sharma, Sarah. In the meantime: Temporality and cultural politics. Duke University Press, 2014.

Sinclair, Upton. The Jungle. Dover Thrift Editions, 2001.

Stone, Katherine V. W. “Legal protections for atypical employees: Employment law for workers without workplaces and employees without employers.” Berkeley J. Emp. & Lab. L. 27 (2006): 251.

Taylor, Astra. “The Automation Charade.” Logic Magazine: Failure 5 (2018). Accessed July 4, 2020. https://logicmag.io/failure/the-automation-charade/.

Thompson, E. P. “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism.” Past and Present, No. 38 (December 1967): pp. 56-97.

Wallis, George W. “Chronopolitics: The Impact of Time Perspectives on the Dynamics of Change.” Social Forces 49, No. 1 (1970): 102-108.

Weeks, Kathi. The Problem with Work: Feminism, Marxism, Antiwork Politics, and Postwork Imaginaries. Duke University Press, 2011.

Weil, David. The Fissured Workplace. Harvard University Press, 2014.

Footnotes

The re-emergence of homework and homework debates in the 1980s followed the resurgence of the practice in both the garment industry and in the technology industry, particularly for microcomputer assembly and word processing (Boris 1994, 341).

In contrast, other forms of digital piecework have received quite a great deal of regulatory attention—particularly in the so-called “gig economy.” (Collier et al 2018).

Technology capitalists insist that these digital homeworkers are independent contractors, but the question of their status as either employees or as independent contractors is a legal one that has not yet been definitively decided in the United States, in large part because of lack of public and private enforcement.

Although the demographics shift, an online “m turk tracker” indicates that in June 2020, on any given day, roughly 56-81% of turkers were laboring in the U.S.; 11-33% were in India; and 9-21% were in other countries. This data was accessed at http://demographics.myturk-tracker.com/#/countries/all on July 3, 2020 (Difallah et al 2018).

In the United States, the protected right to organize to better working conditions is reserved for employees. Independent contractors who attempt to organize could be liable for violations of anti-trust laws. Turkopticon is a third-party platform created by Lilly Irani and M. Six Silberman that facilitates non-traditional organizing without implicating anti-trust laws. Through Turkopticon, instead of negotiating directly with requestors and AMT to raise and standardize the price of tasks, turkers can recommend superior jobs to each other and alert other workers to bad requestors who refuse to pay (Lilly et al. 2013). Dynamo, another third-party platform, was also created to help workers facilitate and organize letter writing campaigns to better their work environment. Amazon has made it difficult for turkers to enroll in Dynamo (Salehi et al. 2015).

In the academy, Lilly Irani’s work is the most notable exception. Professor Irani has written extensively on “turking” as a labor process that “transforms people into ‘human computation’” (Irani 2015, 227). She argues that through platforms like AMT, technology industrialists have “generated an industry of startups claiming to be the future of data.” But, she notes, “Hiding the labor is key to how these startups are valued . . . .” Rather than advertising themselves as “labor companies,” Irani explains, they hide the labor “rendering it manageable through computing code” and call themselves “technology companies (Ibid, 231). Mary L. Gray and Siddarth Suri have also written on the human labor powering artificial intelligence systems, calling workers like those who labor on AMT “ghost workers” (Gray et al 2019). Sarah T. Roberts’ important book Behind the Screen, which focuses on commercial content moderation, also makes visible the labor processes created by “microlabor websites” (Roberts 2019).

Astra Taylor calls this process “fauxtomation.” Taylor argues that “automation exponentially oversells the shifting workplace dynamic.” She describes how automation does not take away or remove work; instead, it changes the person doing the work and ensures that as much labor as possible goes uncompensated or under-compensated (Taylor 2018).

Lilly Irani writes, “By hiding the labor and rendering it manageable through computing code, human computation platforms like AMT have generated an industry claiming that the future of work resides in the programming powers of master engineers and algorithms and robots they produce” (Irani 2019, 3).

In 2020, for example, the CEO of Volkswagen, admitted that fully autonomous vehicles might “never happen.” (Chin 2020).

In a single working day, one of these vehicles produces as much data as the Hubble Space Telescope produces in one year. All of this data needs to be sorted and labeled (Accenture 2018, 3).

Under the WARN Act, companies in the U.S. with 100 or more employees must provide employees and state officials 60 day advanced notification before mass layoffs or plant closings.

The federal minimum wage in the United States has been $7.25 since 2009.

For example, Alana Semuels, in a widely circulated expose on the precarities of turking, describes it as a “new kind of poorly paid hell.” (my emphasis) (Semuels 2018).

Indeed, the incursion of networked devices and work into all aspects of everyday life was the initial step that enabled digital homework like turking.

I use the term “industrial time discipline” to encompass scientific management theory, but it is much broader than just systems to introduce speed to the production process. In addition to time management techniques, this time discipline extended to self-management techniques, constituting how workers feel about their identities and their lives.

Increasingly, for example, technology companies use independent contractors, temporary workers (hired through staffing agencies), and vendors (who hire their own workers) to core and peripheral aspects of work. This practice displaces the risk and liabilities associated with employment onto other entities, including the workers themselves. Economist David Weil calls this phenomenon the “fissuring” of the workplace.

The labor history traced by David Roediger explains how Italian immigrant workers were viewed as “below white” in the construction of racial identity in the early 20th century (Roediger 1991). While Jewish men and single Jewish women predominated in the factory, married Italian women predominated amongst garment homeworkers (Daniels 1989, 16). Manufacturers explained that the Italian women had “more delicate fingers” than women of other “races.” (Boris 1994). One said, “[T]hese green horns . . . they cannot speak English and they don’t know where to go and they just come from the old country and I let them work hard, like the devil, for less wages.” (Daniels 1989, 18).

The difference, for some, was as much as $3.60 versus $6 per week. This $3.60 per week represented the labor of many people who assisted the woman—including children (Daniels 1989, 16).

In fact, employers frequently had no idea how homeworkers fit the work into their home schedule. Even when time records were required by law, homeworkers used books filled in advance by employers so that it appeared that they were making exactly the minimum wage in a forty-hour work week (Boris 1994, 155).

A failed attempt to regulate homework through the National Industrial Recovery Act in 1933 reinforced the belief that only legal prohibition could end the exploitative nature of homework (Boris 1985, 747-61).

The administrator of the Wage and Hour division explained in 1943, “the very factors that make homework seem attractive . . . the absence of factory discipline, the fact the work can be done on the worker’s own time, and in a casual way, and that she is enabled to attend at the same time to her household responsibilities while supplementing the family income, preclude any possibility of reasonable assurance that . . . home workers . . .  are . . . actually receiving the minimum [wage].” (Boris 1994, 299). The Fair Labor Standards Act Between ultimately banned homework in specified industries, forecasting a widescale reduction of the system. 1939 and 1957, at least six congressional amendments attempted to exempt homeworkers from FLSA coverage (Ibid 286). While, in the 1940s, some manufacturers attempted to get out from under these regulations using independent contractor business models, courts stymied these efforts (Ibid 279).

Much of the work in the digital piecework economy is visible, in-person service work—like ride-hailing and food delivery—conducted outside the home. In jurisdictions all over the world, including the U.S., public and private enforcement actions have been brought against companies that proliferate this kind of piecework, like Foodora, Uber, Instacart, DoorDash, and Ola. They have been charged with misclassifying their workers as independent contractors paid by the piece, instead of as employees paid by the hour.

Fascinatingly, men turk more than women. Only one-third to one-half of people turking in the U.S. during the month of June 2020 were women. This data was accessed at http://demographics.myturk-tracker.com/#/countries/all on July 3, 2020.

In the shadow of liberation movements that rightfully challenged nuclear family and male-bread winner model of capitalism, we have “witnessed the strategic reinvention of a much older, poor-law tradition of private family responsibility.” (Cooper 2017, 21). As Melinda Cooper has painstakingly detailed in her book Family Values, neoliberals have found common cause with social conservatives on the question family.

The very way in which AMT operates, forcing workers to competitively and constantly search for and grab good work in an auction-like system, functionally resembles how online poker produces “addiction by design,” profiting off a system in which the phenomenon of chance is gamified, rather than tamed (Schull 2014).

For example, in 2020, the Governor of California, Gavin Newsom, created a Future of Work Commission with the purpose, among other things, of considering “automation and the resulting transitions for workers” (California Future of Work Commission 2020). Pointing to the hypocrisy of these conversations, Kevin Roose reports that corporate executives all over the world publicly, “wring their hands over the negative consequences that artificial intelligence and automation could have for workers,” and privately, “spend . . . billions of dollars to transform their businesses into lean, digitized, highly automated operations” (Roose 2019).

[ronaldmrashid]

Are Americans Really So Financially Unprepared?

According to an American Psychological Association survey, 72% of Americans say they’ve felt stressed about money at some point in the last month with as many as 50% so stressed out they admitted to not being able to sleep. Is that you? Hope not, because this is Financial Samurai! If so, please read every single post on my site before spending your next buck.

I also found a 2015 Federal Reserve survey monitoring the economic well-being of U.S. households. The survey reports that 46% of adults claim they either could not cover an emergency expense costing $400, or would cover it by selling something or borrowing money.

Hmm. Did the Federal Reserve only survey the most impoverished communities in America? Surely many of you can go to the bank and withdraw $400 to pay to fix a leaky window, a burst pipe, or a tow truck. If not, there’s always the Bank of Mom and Dad.

The Fed says the 5,600 survey respondents were selected at random, but I’m highly doubtful given the median household income is roughly $56,000, or $4,667 a month.

Alleviating Consumer Anxiety About Money

Despite a bull market in stocks and real estate, there does seem to be some growing consumer anxiety around having enough control over their personal finances. As a result, Capital One, one of my supporters, is leading an effort to redesign the banking experience and inspire a new era of confidence when it comes to people’s relationship with their money.

They’ve launched a Banking Reimagined 10-city Tour that’s coming to San Francisco this weekend. Their 54-foot trailer will be at Pier 39: Beach Street & The Embarcadero on February 11 and 12. I’ll be there from 12noon – 1pm, February 11 to see what they’re up to if you’re in the area and want to hang out and talk story.

I’m told each participant visiting the tour will be invited to go through a 20-minute, interactive session that will help uncover the financial behaviors that best match their value system. The experience includes:

Advanced Interactive Touchscreens – 9 Multi-Taction Touchscreens spanning 22’ wide and 5’ tall that allow up to three people to interactively scroll through values and goals, giving you an understanding of how your outlook shapes the way you view your money.

HoloLens Augmented Reality – Interact with 3D holographic imagery in real space and time, bringing your financial goals to life.

Video Selfie Booths – Participants can record a message for their future selves with the knowledge they’ve gained from the experience. I’m going to remind myself to never stop grinding!

Sounds like fun, especially since our torrential downpour of rain will have abated by then! I’ll update this post with some pictures of my experience right after I get some Dungeness crab with melted butter.

Finally, in addition to Capital One’s Union Square Café, they’re also opening up another Capital One Café in Walnut Creek in the East Bay. If you’ve never been, it’s a chill place to grab some food and drink, lounge around, and seek financial help.

They’re offering free 90-minute Money Coaching sessions by appointment. I’m going to go through one and report back my experience in a future post. Anytime something is free and has the potential to help readers achieve financial independence sooner, I’m all over it.

Financial Samurai Reader Demographics

Below is the Financial Samurai reader demographic survey based on over 80 polls I’ve conducted over the past four years. My #1 goal is to help as many people as possible reach financial freedom sooner, rather than later.

It’s interesting to see the numbers compared to nationwide medians and averages. Are people getting wealthier reading personal finance sites? Or do wealthier people have a higher proclivity for reading personal finance sites? I’m sure there’s a mixture of both. But one thing I do know is that any of you who’ve been taking my advice since 2009 should have seen your net worth more than triple since!

* Age: 76% of you are between the ages of 26 – 45. 11% are under age 26. 13% are over 45.

* Annual Income: 45% of readers make over $100,000. 33% of you make between $100,000 – $200,000 a year. 18% of you make over $200,000 a year, while 17% of you make between $75,000 – $100,000 a year. 3.3% of you make over $500,000 a year, the level which I consider to be the definition of rich. 

* Value Of Primary Residence: 39% of you said your apartment or house is worth between $250,000 – $500,000. 28% said your apartment or house is worth between $500,000 – $1,000,000. And 9% of you said your apartment or house is worth more than $1,000,000. Most homeowners have refinanced at least once over the past 10 years to take advantage of record low interest rates.

* Retirement Savings: About 19% of you have saved over $1 million dollars for retirement, excluding the value of your primary residence. Another 18% of you have saved between $500,000 – $1 million dollars. While 38% of you have saved between $100,000 – $500,000.

* Social Class: 67% believe you are part of the Mass Affluent Class followed by 20% who believe you are Middle Class.

* Education: 62% of you went to public university while 29% of you went to private school with grants or scholarships worth at least $4,000 a year. Roughly half of public university attendees got grants or scholarships worth at least $2,000 a year.

* Debt Levels: 52% of you have $0 consumer debt outstanding. While 22% of you have less than $10,000 in consumer debt outstanding. 36% of you have total debt outstanding (mortgages, credit cards, student loans, etc) between $150,000 – $500,000. 15.5% of you have no debt of any kind.

* Net Worth: 35% of you have a net worth of between $300,000 – $1 million. 23% of you have a net worth over $1 million. 80% meticulously track their net worth with today’s free tools.

* 401k/IRA Savings: 21% of you have between $100,000 – $200,000 in your 401k or IRA. 25% of you have between $201,000 – $500,000. 17.5% have over $500,000.

* Ideal Income For Happiness: 14% say you need to make $101,000 – $150,000 a year to feel “very happy.” 22% say $151,000 – $250,000. While 52% of you need to make over $250,000 a year to feel very happy.

* Savings Discipline: 15% of you save between 11% – 20% of your after tax income each month. 18% save between 21% – 30%. 28% save between 31% – 50%. While 23% of you save over 50% of your after tax savings.

Are You Financially Prepared?

Please take a moment to fill out this simple poll regarding whether you can pay for a $400 emergency expense without having to go into debt or sell something. My guess is that only 15% of you will say you can’t cover a $400 emergency expense compared to the 46% nationwide average. What percentage do you guess?

Financial Samurai readers hail from all 50 states, all ages, all races, and all incomes. I believe we’re as good a representation of Americana as any other survey. Perhaps I’ll see some of you at Pier 39 this weekend for the Banking Reimagined Tour!

Note: There is a poll embedded within this post, please visit the site to participate in this post's poll.

Readers, do you believe that ~46% of Americans will have trouble coming up with a $400 emergency expense? If so, why do you think this is given the median household income is ~$56,000? How large of an emergency fund do you keep? I’ve usually got at least three months of living expenses on hand. If I need more liquidity, I’ll just sell some public securities. 

from http://www.financialsamurai.com/are-americans-really-so-financially-unprepared/

[hottytoddynews]

Ole Miss continues to hit on all cylinders academically speaking, and the Meek School of Journalism and New Media is one of the hottest places on campus. HottyToddy.com recently visited with Dean Will Norton to better understand why the school is excelling.

Susan, Will, Alex, Dean Norton and Laine at a recent birthday party.

HottyToddy.com: Dean, before we address all of the great things happening on campus, please share with our readers a little about your history.

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: I was born in the Belgian Congo. My parents were missionaries. I completed undergraduate work at Wheaton College, majoring in History. I was the sports information director for two years at Wheaton and then became sports editor of the small daily newspaper in the town.

HottyToddy.com: However, your formal education was only starting.

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: Yes. I was awarded an M.A. at Indiana University and a Ph.D. at the University of Iowa – at that time perhaps the leading Ph.D. program in the nation. In the interim, I worked at the Chicago Tribune and was managing editor of a Christian magazine publishing house in Wheaton, Ill.

Will Norton and Blake Tartt. Photo by Jim Hoot Heo.

HottyToddy.com: You apparently were quite driven at an early age.

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: I had good preparation, and when I arrived at Ole Miss in 1974, journalism was a small department that produced great graduates.

HottyToddy.com: What an understatement! Your first experience at Ole Miss would extend how many years?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: I was here until 1990. I was interim chair of the department for two years and chair for 11 of those 16 years.

HottyToddy.com: Your travels then took you to Nebraska.

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: I was Dean of the College of Journalism and Mass Communications at UNL for 19 years, returning to Ole Miss in 2009.

HottyToddy.com: How has the Meek School changed during the last eight years?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: We now boast a faculty of 32 compared to nine positions as recently as 2011 (We had more than nine persons teaching for us in 2009, but those positions were not in our school). Our faculty is far more diverse — which better relates the “real world expectations.”

HottyToddy.com: Wow! Talk about growth. What prompted this tripling in size?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: The university has a spectacular Dept. of Admissions. Whitman Smith, the director, does an incredible job. Also, the beautiful campus makes our job so much easier in recruiting. Jeff McManus and his team demonstrate an organization with a high morale that makes this place look like a park. Also, out-of-state tuition at Ole Miss ($11,000) a year is cheaper than in-state tuition in most states.

Will Norton with Larry King, who hosted an interview program on CNN, and Wes Pippert, former White House correspondent for UPI.

HottyToddy.com: Aren’t you being overly modest about the Journalism’s role in this unprecedented growth?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: Our school is doing very well. We’re attracting students from throughout the nation. We are definitely moving in the direction of the top tier schools. Most schools of media have declined in number of majors – many have declined drastically. We, fortunately, have been able to triple in size in seven years.

HottyToddy.com: Who is the best and why so?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: Northwestern and Arizona State are definitely at or near the top. These institutions have more dollars to work with and are directly connected to the elite media. Their scholarship, teaching and service is all focused on media. Even their theory classes relate to the challenges media professionals face. I believe we relate well with their standards, and we also have an emphasis the media of our state and region. A quality media school has close connections with the broadcast, newspaper and media communications practitioners of their states. Some of the programs in elite universities do not have those close relationships.

Will Norton and Nosa Egiebor in the Palace of Haile Selassie in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. Dr. Egiebor is Senior international officer, executive director of global engagement and professor of chemical engineering.

HottyToddy.com: In this respect, haven’t we done well in placement of graduates?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: Yes. When this was a department, students left here and became media leaders throughout the region and also in the elite media. We are continuing with similar success. The Meek School has continued that momentum. During the last few decades, the program has been particularly effective in placing graduates in broadcasting and magazines, but the long-term heritage is placement in elite newspapers like the Boston Globe, Los Angeles Times; Miami Herald The New York Times and the outstanding weeklies and dailies in Mississippi. Remember, we were a print-only program until 1979.

HottyToddy.com: Will this phenomenal growth continue here?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: Future increases in enrollment probably will be less dramatic because of how big we have become. Our growth has been driven by the addition of the Integrated Marketing Communications degree program. Students are attracted to degree programs that feature professors who actually worked at in the business. They want to learn how to survive in the marketplace. As the job market becomes tighter, students and parents appreciate the Meek School focus.

HottyToddy.com: What is one of the ways that you advise incoming students and parents today?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: Students can major in either Journalism or Integrated Marketing Communications (IMC), all IMC students must have a minor in business. We also encourage students to double major.

We offer a broad range of classes preparing students for work in audio, video, magazines, social media and newspapers. Almost any profession today is going to be greatly influenced by technology, but our first priority is to help each student write and speak better. No matter what the technology, a professional has to write and speak well. That means an emphasis on good grammar.

HottyToddy.com: What motivates you?

Farley Hall, home of the Meek School

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: Students. You do everything you can to help each student who wants to excel and you do everything you can to help all the students become skillful with the English language. We have three classes that are quite large lecture classes, but most courses are required (by accreditation standards) to be 20 students or fewer. Having smaller classes facilitates close interaction with students and leads to faculty spending a lot of time working with students outside of class.

HottyToddy.com: What is driving this success?

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: There are five elements to a great program: Good faculty, good students, an outstanding curriculum, good facilities and alumni who truly care. We have alumni who stay in contact and support our efforts to produce outstanding graduates. In fact, there are not many schools that have alumni like Becky and Ed Meek who have committed their resources so that media students will have a great education. I could mention many more like Becky and Ed. We are truly blessed to have many alumni who have been incredibly successful and continue to care for this school. They know that we are among the elite programs in the nation, and they cheer us on and support us in so many ways because they remember their days here and how their years at Ole Miss changed their lives.

HottyToddy.com: Let’s talk core numbers for just a moment.

Dean Will Norton, Jr.: We had 263 students graduate in 2016. As of December, the Meek School of Journalism and New Media had 1510 majors. In 2009, this number was 455. We have 67 majors who also are in the Honors College. In 2009, we had nine. So, we feel we have improved in number of majors and in quality.

Farley Hall

Steve Vassallo is a HottyToddy.com contributor. Steve writes on Ole Miss athletics, Oxford business, politics and other subjects. He is an Ole Miss grad and former radio announcer for the basketball team. Currently, Steve is a highly successful leader in the real estate business who lives in Oxford with his wife Rosie. You can contact Steve at sovassallo@gmail.com or call him at 985-852-7745.

Follow HottyToddy.com on Instagram, Twitter and Snapchat @hottytoddynews. Like its Facebook page: If You Love Oxford and Ole Miss…

The post Ole Miss Musings: Dean Will Norton, Jr…. Common Sense Applied to Education appeared first on HottyToddy.com.

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227's™ Facebook Fries!¡' (aka YouTube Chili' NBA) #Nike'Spicy'JPMorgan Spicy' Chase Bank Trending News! #MLB'Spicy'BoiseState Spicy' Basketball! Mark Chili' McGwire's Niece transfers to Boise State! #Nike'Spicy'Tunes Spicy' MLB Spicy' NBA Mix!

Boise State gets a transfer from Oregon — and she's from a famous family BY RACHEL ROBERTS rroberts@idahostatesman.com LINKEDIN GOOGLE+ PINTEREST REDDIT PRINT ORDER REPRINT OF THIS STORY May 03, 2018 01:27 PM Updated May 03, 2018 04:48 PM One of the first players off the bench for the Oregon women's basketball team during the Ducks' run to the Elite Eight announced Wednesday night she plans to transfer to Boise State. Mallory McGwire, a 6-foot-5 sophomore from Reno, Nev., started 19 games for the Ducks in 2017-18 and averaged 4.9 points and 3.5 rebounds in 15.6 minutes per game. "We are excited to have Mallory join our program," Boise State coach Gordy Presnell said. "On the court, she is a terrific player who will fit in to what we do and hopefully help us get to another level. Off the court, she comes from a wonderful family and is a very high-character student-athlete whom everyone will enjoy being around and getting to know. She is a great addition to the Bronco Family." McGwire is the daughter of former San Diego State and Seattle Seahawks quarterback Dan McGwire. Her uncle is Mark McGwire, a longtime first baseman for the Oakland Athletics and St. Louis Cardinals and current bench coach for the San Diego Padres. Help us deliver journalism that makes a difference in our community. Our journalism takes a lot of time, effort, and hard work to produce. If you read and enjoy our journalism, please consider subscribing today. McGwire and her older sister, Morgan, played high school basketball at Reno High with Boise State senior Shalen Shaw. Morgan just finished her career at Santa Clara. "I want to say thank you to the University of Oregon, the coaching staff and my teammates for an amazing past 2 years," McGwire wrote on Twitter. "But I am thrilled to announce I will be joining Boise State University for the remainder of my basketball and academic career." View image on TwitterView image on TwitterView image on Twitter Mallo @mallorymcgwire I want to say thank you to the University of Oregon, the coaching staff and my teammates for an amazing past 2 years! But I am thrilled to announce I will be joining Boise State University for the remainder of my basketball and academic career. Go Broncos💙🧡 9:25 PM - May 2, 2018 587 125 people are talking about this Twitter Ads info and privacy Over two seasons at Oregon, McGwire appeared in all 75 of the Ducks' games, including 43 starts. She averaged a combined 6.1 points and 3.8 rebounds per game while blocking 66 shots and shooting 52.2 percent from the field. In March, Boise State wrapped up back-to-back Mountain West Tournament titles and returned to the NCAA Tournament for the third time in four seasons. The Broncos lose seniors Shaw and Brooke Wheeler to graduation. McGwire, who will sit out the 2018-19 season per NCAA transfer rules, will be joined by incoming freshmen Rachel Bowers (Newhall, Calif./Canyon HS), Maggie Freeman (Beaverton, Ore./Southridge HS) and Jade Loville (Sammamish, Wash./Skyline HS). Transfer Jayde Christopher (Kansas) also will be eligible to play after sitting out last season along with Sofia Galeron (Burgos, Spain), who redshirted last season after joining the team in January. BSU men draw Drake The Boise State men’s basketball team will play Nov. 27 at Drake as part of the 2018 Mountain West/Missouri Valley Challenge. The time and broadcast information for the game in Des Moines, Iowa, will be announced at a later date. Drake finished 17-17 overall and 10-8 in conference last season. The Bulldogs earned a bid to the 2018 CollegeInsider.com Tournament and lost in the second round to eventual champion Northern Colorado. BSU coach honored Boise State's Beck Roghaar was named the Mountain West Women’s Tennis Coach of the Year on Thursday by a vote of the league's coaches. It is Roghaar’s first Mountain West Coach of the Year honor and second coach-of-the-year award in his career. He received the same honor in the WAC in 2011. Roghaar led the Broncos to an undefeated conference record in 2018, winning the Mountain Division for the first time in program history. COMMENTS Forget Your 401k if you Own a Home (Do This) SPONSORED CONTENT Forget Your 401k if you Own a Home (Do This) If you own a home, you should read this. Thousands of homeowners did this yesterday, and banks are furious! Do this now before it's... By dollarfreedom VIDEOS Play Video 3:23 NCAA President Mark Emmert on Boise as host Play Video 6:15 Rice: 2017-18 Boise State season had 'big highs' and 'heartbreakers' VIEW MORE VIDEO BOISE STATE BASKETBALL Former Mountain West rival joining Boise State coaching staff Boise State basketball’s top assistant is leaving. He helped develop Hutchison. ‘Worst’ part of the job comes at ‘crucial’ time of year for Boise State basketball Boise State basketball loses junior to transfer, now has one open scholarship to fill Hollywood's Fresh Faces: Ella Purnell SPONSORED Connatix Boise State women’s season ends as outside shot disappears in NCAA Tournament BOISE STATE BASKETBALL http://www.idahostatesman.com/sports/college/mountain-west/boise-state-university/boise-state-basketball/article210385429.html

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227's™ Facebook Fries!¡' (aka YouTube Chili' NBA) #Nike'Spicy'JPMorgan Spicy' Chase Bank Trending News! #MLB'Spicy'BoiseState Spicy' Basketball! Mark Chili' McGwire's Niece transfers to Boise State! #Nike'Spicy'Tunes Spicy' MLB Spicy' NBA Mix!

Boise State gets a transfer from Oregon — and she's from a famous family BY RACHEL ROBERTS rroberts@idahostatesman.com LINKEDIN GOOGLE+ PINTEREST REDDIT PRINT ORDER REPRINT OF THIS STORY May 03, 2018 01:27 PM Updated May 03, 2018 04:48 PM One of the first players off the bench for the Oregon women's basketball team during the Ducks' run to the Elite Eight announced Wednesday night she plans to transfer to Boise State. Mallory McGwire, a 6-foot-5 sophomore from Reno, Nev., started 19 games for the Ducks in 2017-18 and averaged 4.9 points and 3.5 rebounds in 15.6 minutes per game. "We are excited to have Mallory join our program," Boise State coach Gordy Presnell said. "On the court, she is a terrific player who will fit in to what we do and hopefully help us get to another level. Off the court, she comes from a wonderful family and is a very high-character student-athlete whom everyone will enjoy being around and getting to know. She is a great addition to the Bronco Family." McGwire is the daughter of former San Diego State and Seattle Seahawks quarterback Dan McGwire. Her uncle is Mark McGwire, a longtime first baseman for the Oakland Athletics and St. Louis Cardinals and current bench coach for the San Diego Padres. Help us deliver journalism that makes a difference in our community. Our journalism takes a lot of time, effort, and hard work to produce. If you read and enjoy our journalism, please consider subscribing today. McGwire and her older sister, Morgan, played high school basketball at Reno High with Boise State senior Shalen Shaw. Morgan just finished her career at Santa Clara. "I want to say thank you to the University of Oregon, the coaching staff and my teammates for an amazing past 2 years," McGwire wrote on Twitter. "But I am thrilled to announce I will be joining Boise State University for the remainder of my basketball and academic career." View image on TwitterView image on TwitterView image on Twitter Mallo @mallorymcgwire I want to say thank you to the University of Oregon, the coaching staff and my teammates for an amazing past 2 years! But I am thrilled to announce I will be joining Boise State University for the remainder of my basketball and academic career. Go Broncos💙🧡 9:25 PM - May 2, 2018 587 125 people are talking about this Twitter Ads info and privacy Over two seasons at Oregon, McGwire appeared in all 75 of the Ducks' games, including 43 starts. She averaged a combined 6.1 points and 3.8 rebounds per game while blocking 66 shots and shooting 52.2 percent from the field. In March, Boise State wrapped up back-to-back Mountain West Tournament titles and returned to the NCAA Tournament for the third time in four seasons. The Broncos lose seniors Shaw and Brooke Wheeler to graduation. McGwire, who will sit out the 2018-19 season per NCAA transfer rules, will be joined by incoming freshmen Rachel Bowers (Newhall, Calif./Canyon HS), Maggie Freeman (Beaverton, Ore./Southridge HS) and Jade Loville (Sammamish, Wash./Skyline HS). Transfer Jayde Christopher (Kansas) also will be eligible to play after sitting out last season along with Sofia Galeron (Burgos, Spain), who redshirted last season after joining the team in January. BSU men draw Drake The Boise State men’s basketball team will play Nov. 27 at Drake as part of the 2018 Mountain West/Missouri Valley Challenge. The time and broadcast information for the game in Des Moines, Iowa, will be announced at a later date. Drake finished 17-17 overall and 10-8 in conference last season. The Bulldogs earned a bid to the 2018 CollegeInsider.com Tournament and lost in the second round to eventual champion Northern Colorado. BSU coach honored Boise State's Beck Roghaar was named the Mountain West Women’s Tennis Coach of the Year on Thursday by a vote of the league's coaches. It is Roghaar’s first Mountain West Coach of the Year honor and second coach-of-the-year award in his career. He received the same honor in the WAC in 2011. Roghaar led the Broncos to an undefeated conference record in 2018, winning the Mountain Division for the first time in program history. COMMENTS Forget Your 401k if you Own a Home (Do This) SPONSORED CONTENT Forget Your 401k if you Own a Home (Do This) If you own a home, you should read this. Thousands of homeowners did this yesterday, and banks are furious! Do this now before it's... By dollarfreedom VIDEOS Play Video 3:23 NCAA President Mark Emmert on Boise as host Play Video 6:15 Rice: 2017-18 Boise State season had 'big highs' and 'heartbreakers' VIEW MORE VIDEO BOISE STATE BASKETBALL Former Mountain West rival joining Boise State coaching staff Boise State basketball’s top assistant is leaving. He helped develop Hutchison. ‘Worst’ part of the job comes at ‘crucial’ time of year for Boise State basketball Boise State basketball loses junior to transfer, now has one open scholarship to fill Hollywood's Fresh Faces: Ella Purnell SPONSORED Connatix Boise State women’s season ends as outside shot disappears in NCAA Tournament BOISE STATE BASKETBALL http://www.idahostatesman.com/sports/college/mountain-west/boise-state-university/boise-state-basketball/article210385429.html

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  Subscribe to Chase here: http://full.sc/15KaG9f Chase and UNINTERRUPTED (https://www.uninterrupted.com/) have partnered to create "Kneading Dough," a series of intimate and honest conversations wi...

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via www.facebook.com

227's™ Facebook Fries!¡' (aka YouTube Chili' NBA) #Nike'Spicy'JPMorgan Spicy' Chase Bank Trending News! #MLB'Spicy'BoiseState Spicy' Basketball! Mark Chili' McGwire's Niece transfers to Boise State! #Nike'Spicy'Tunes Spicy' MLB Spicy' NBA Mix!

from Jamaal Al-Din's blog 227's™ YouTube Chili' NBA Mix! http://hoops227.typepad.com/blog/2018/05/227s-facebook-fries-aka-youtube-chili-nba-nikespicyjpmorgan-spicy-chase-bank-trending-news-mlbspicyboisest.html via http://hoops227.typepad.com/blog/