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Call of Duty: Modern Warfare II has been available for less than three weeks, but it is already making waves. Breaking records, within ten days, the first-person military shooter video game earned more than $1 billion in revenue. Yet it has also been shrouded in controversy, not least because missions include assassinating an Iranian general clearly based on Qassem Soleimani, a statesman and military leader slain by the Trump administration in 2020, and a level where players must shoot “drug traffickers” attempting to cross the U.S./Mexico border.
The Call of Duty franchise is an entertainment juggernaut, having sold close to half a billion games since it was launched in 2003. Its publisher, Activision Blizzard, is a giant in the industry, behind titles games as the Guitar Hero, Warcraft, Starcraft, Tony Hawk’s Pro Skater, Crash Bandicoot and Candy Crush Saga series.
Yet a closer inspection of Activision Blizzard’s key staff and their connections to state power, as well as details gleaned from documents obtained under the Freedom of Information Act, reveal that Call of Duty is not a neutral first-person shooter, but a carefully constructed piece of military propaganda, designed to advance the interests of the U.S. national security state.
Military-Entertainment Complex
It has long been a matter of public record that American spies have targeted and penetrated Activision Blizzard games. Documents released by Edward Snowden revealed that the NSA, CIA, FBI and Department of Defense infiltrated the vast online realms such as World of Warcraft, creating make-believe characters to monitor potential illegal activity and recruit informers. Indeed, at one point, there were so many U.S. spies in one video game that they had to create a “deconfliction” group as they were wasting time unwittingly surveilling each other. Virtual games, the NSA wrote, were an “opportunity” and a “target-rich communication network”.
However, documents obtained legally under the Freedom of Information Act by journalist and researcher Tom Secker and shared with MintPress News show that the connections between the national security state and the video game industry go far beyond this, and into active collaboration.
In September 2018, for example, the United States Air Force flew a group of entertainment executives – including Call of Duty/Activision Blizzard producer Coco Francini – to their headquarters at Hurlburt Field, Florida. The explicit reason for doing so, they wrote, was to “showcase” their hardware and to make the entertainment industry more “credible advocates” for the U.S. war machine.
“We’ve got a bunch of people working on future blockbusters (think Marvel, Call of Duty, etc.) stoked about this trip!” wrote one Air Force officer. Another email notes that the point of the visit was to provide “heavy-hitter” producers with “AFSOC [Air Force Special Operations Command] immersion focused on Special Tactics Airmen and air-to-ground capabilities.”
“This is a great opportunity to educate this community and make them more credible advocates for us in the production of any future movies/television productions on the Air Force and our Special Tactics community,” wrote the AFSOC community relations chief.
Francini and others were shown CV-22 helicopters and AC-130 planes in action, both of which feature heavily in Call of Duty games.
Yet Call of Duty collaboration with the military goes back much further. The documents show that the United States Marine Corps (USMC) was involved in the production of Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 3 and Call of Duty 5. The games’ producers approached the USMC at the 2010 E3 entertainment convention in Los Angeles, requesting access to hovercrafts (vehicles which later appeared in the game). Call of Duty 5 executives also asked for use of a hovercraft, a tank and a C-130 aircraft.
This collaboration continued in 2012 with the release of Modern Warfare 4, where producers requested access to all manner of air and ground vehicles.
Secker told MintPress that, by collaborating with the gaming industry, the military ensures a positive portrayal that can help it reach recruitment targets, stating that,
For certain demographics of gamers it’s a recruitment portal, some first-person shooters have embedded adverts within the games themselves…Even without this sort of explicit recruitment effort, games like Call of Duty make warfare seem fun, exciting, an escape from the drudgery of their normal lives.”
Secker’s documentary, “Theaters of War: How the Pentagon and CIA Took Hollywood” was released earlier this year.
The military clearly held considerable influence over the direction of Call of Duty games. In 2010, its producers approached the Department of Defense (DoD) for help on a game set in 2075. However, the DoD liaison “expressed concern that [the] scenario being considered involves future war with China.” As a result, Activision Blizzard began “looking at other possible conflicts to design the game around.” In the end, due in part to military objections, the game was permanently abandoned.
From War on Terror to first-person shooters
Not only does Activision Blizzard work with the U.S. military to shape its products, but its leadership board is also full of former high state officials. Chief amongst these is Frances Townsend, Activision Blizzard’s senior counsel, and, until September, its chief compliance officer and executive vice president for corporate affairs.
Prior to joining Activision Blizzard, Townsend spent her life working her way up the rungs of the national security state. Previously serving as head of intelligence for the Coast Guard and as Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s counterterrorism deputy, in 2004, President Bush appointed her to his Intelligence Advisory Board.
As the White House’s most senior advisor on terrorism and homeland security, Townsend worked closely with Bush and Rice, and became one of the faces of the administration’s War on Terror. One of her principal achievements was to whip the American public into a constant state of fear about the supposed threat of more Al-Qaeda attacks (which never came).
Before she joined Activision Blizzard, Frances Townsend worked in Homeland Security and Counterterrorism for the Bush White House. Ron Edmonds | AP
As part of her job, Townsend helped popularize the term “enhanced interrogation techniques” – a Bush-era euphemism for torturing detainees. Worse still, Lt. Col. Steven L. Jordan, the officer in charge of the notorious Abu Ghraib prison, alleged that Townsend put pressure on him to ramp up the torture program, reminding him “many, many times” that he needed to improve the intelligence output from the Iraqi jail.
Townsend has denied these allegations. She also later condemned the “handcuff[ing]” and “humiliation” surrounding Abu Ghraib. She was not referring to the prisoners, however. In an interview with CNN, she lamented that “these career professionals” – CIA torturers – had been subject to “humiliation and opprobrium” after details of their actions were made public, meaning that future administrations would be “handcuffed” by the fear of bad publicity, while the intelligence community would become more “risk-averse”.
During the Trump administration, Townsend was hotly tipped to become the Director of National Intelligence or the Secretary of Homeland Security. President Trump also approached her for the role of director of the FBI. Instead, however, Townsend took a seemingly incongruous career detour to become an executive at a video games company.
Enter the War planners
In addition to this role, Townsend is a director of the NATO offshoot, the Atlantic Council, a director at the Council on Foreign Relations, and a trustee of the hawkish think tank, the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a group MintPress News has previously covered in detail.
Funded by weapons companies, NATO and the U.S. government, the Atlantic Council serves as the military alliance’s brain trust, devising strategies on how best to manage the world. Also on its board of directors are high statespersons like Henry Kissinger and Conzoleezza Rice, virtually every retired U.S. general of note, and no fewer than seven former directors of the CIA. As such, the Atlantic Council represents the collective opinion of the national security state.
Two more key Call of Duty staff also work for the Atlantic Council. Chance Glasco, a co-founder of Infinity Ward developers who oversaw the game franchise’s rapid rise, is the council’s nonresident senior fellow, advising top generals and political leaders on the latest developments in tech.
Game designer and producer Dave Anthony, crucial to Call of Duty’s success, is also an Atlantic Council employee, joining the group in 2014. There, he advises them on what the future of warfare will look like, and devises strategies for NATO to fight in upcoming conflicts.
Anthony has made no secret that he collaborated with the U.S. national security state while making the Call of Duty franchise. “My greatest honor was to consult with Lieut. Col. Oliver North on the story of Black Ops 2,” he stated publicly, adding, There are so many small details we could never have known about if it wasn’t for his involvement.”
Oliver North is a high government official gained worldwide infamy after being convicted for his role in the Iran-Contra Affair, whereby his team secretly sold weapons to the government of Iran, using the money to arm and train fascist death squads in Central America – groups who attempted to overthrow the government of Nicaragua and carried out waves of massacres and ethnic cleansing in the process.
Republicans for hire
Another eyebrow-raising hire is Activision Blizzard’s chief administration officer, Brian Bulatao. A former Army captain and consultant for McKinsey & Company, until 2018, he was chief operating officer for the CIA, placing him third in command of the agency. When CIA Director Mike Pompeo moved over to the State Department, becoming Trump’s Secretary of State, Bulatao went with him, and was appointed Under Secretary of State for Management.
There, by some accounts, he served as Pompeo’s personal “attack dog,” with former colleagues describing him as a “bully” who brought a “cloud of intimidation” over the workplace, repeatedly pressing them to ignore potential illegalities happening at the department. Thus, it is unclear if Bulatao is the man to improve Activision Blizzard’s notoriously “toxic” workplace environment that caused dozens of employees to walk out en masse last summer.
After the Trump administration’s electoral defeat, Bulatao went straight from the State Department into the highest echelons of Activision Blizzard, despite no experience in the entertainment industry.
Trump stands with then-CIA Chief Operations Officer Brian Bulatao at CIA Headquarters, May 21, 2018, in Langley, Va. Evan Vucci | AP
The third senior Republican official Activision Blizzard has recruited to its upper ranks is Grant Dixton. Between 2003 and 2006, Dixton served as associate counsel to President Bush, advising him on many of his administration’s most controversial legal activities (such as torture and the rapid expansion of the surveillance state). A lawyer by trade, he later went on to work for weapons manufacturer Boeing, rising to become its senior vice president, general counsel and corporate secretary. In June 2021, he left Boeing to join Activision Blizzard as its chief legal officer.
Other Activision Blizzard executives with backgrounds in national security include senior vice president and chief information security officer Brett Wahlin, who was a U.S. Army counterintelligence agent, and chief of staff, Angela Alvarez, who, until 2016, was an Army chemical operations specialist.
That the same government that was infiltrating games 10-15 years ago now has so many former officials controlling the very game companies raises serious questions around privacy and state control over media, and mirrors the national security state penetration of social media that has occurred over the same timeframe.
War games
These deep connections to the U.S. national security state can perhaps help partly explain why, for years, many have complained about the blatant pro-U.S. propaganda apparent throughout the games.
The latest installment, Call of Duty: Modern Warfare II, is no exception. In the game’s first mission, players must carry out a drone strike against a character named
The latest installment, Call of Duty: Modern Warfare II, is no exception. In the game’s first mission, players must carry out a drone strike against a character named General Ghorbrani. The mission is obviously a recreation of the Trump administration’s illegal 2020 drone strike against Iranian General Qassem Soleimani – the in game general even bears a striking resemblance to Soleimani.
The latest Call of Duty game has players assassinate a General Ghorbrani, a nebulous reference to Iranian General Qassem Solemani, pictured right
Call of Duty: Modern Warfare II ludicrously presents the general as under Russia’s thumb and claims that Ghorbrani is “supplying terrorists” with aid. In reality, Soleimani was the key force in defeating ISIS terror across the Middle East – actions for which even Western media declared him a “hero”. U.S.-run polls found that Soleimani was perhaps the most popular leader in the Middle East, with over 80% of Iranians holding a positive opinion of him.
Straight after the assassination, Pompeo’s State Department floated the falsehood that the reason they killed Soleimani was that he was on the verge of carrying out a terror attack against Americans. In reality, Soleimani was in Baghdad, Iraq, for peace talks with Saudi Arabia.
These negotiations could have led to peace between the two nations, something that the U.S. government is dead against. Then-Iraqi Prime Minister Adil Abdul-Mahdi revealed that he had personally asked President Trump for permission to invite Soleimani. Trump agreed, then used the opportunity to carry out the killing.
Therefore,, just as Activision Blizzard is recruiting top State Department officials to its upper ranks, its games are celebrating the same State Department’s most controversial assassinations.
This is far from the first time Call of Duty has instructed impressionable young gamers to kill foreign leaders, however. In Call of Duty Black Ops (2010), players must complete a mission to murder Cuban leader Fidel Castro. If they manage to shoot him in the head, they are rewarded with an extra gory slow motion scene and obtain a bronze “Death to Dictators” trophy. Thus, players are forced to carry out digitally what Washington failed to do on over 600 occasions.
A mission from “Call of Duty: Black Ops” has players assassinate a hostage-taking Fidel Castro
Likewise, Call of Duty: Ghosts is set in Venezuela, where players fight against General Almagro, a socialist military leader clearly modelled on former president Hugo Chavez. Like Chavez, Almagro wears a red beret and uses Venezuela’s oil wealth to forge an alliance of independent Latin American nations against the U.S. Washington attempted to overthrow Chavez and his successor, Nicolás Maduro, multiple times. During the sixth mission of the game, players must shoot and kill Almagro from close range.
The anti-Russian propaganda is also turned up to 11 in Call of Duty: Modern Warfare (2019). One mission recreates the infamous Highway of Death incident. During the First Iraq War, U.S.-led forces trapped fleeing Iraqi troops on Highway 80. What followed was what then-Joint Chiefs of Staff Chairman Colin Powell described as “wanton killing” and “slaughter for slaughter’s sake” as U.S. troops and their allies pummeled the Iraqi convoy for hours, killing hundreds and destroying thousands of vehicles. U.S. forces also reportedly shot hundreds of Iraqi civilians and surrendered soldiers in their care.
Call of Duty: Modern Warfare recreates this scene for dramatic effect. However, in their version, it is not the U.S.-led forces doing the killing, but Russia, thereby whitewashing a war crime by pinning the blame on official enemies.
A mission in “Call of Duty: Modern Warfare” has players recreate the infamous highway of death
“Call of Duty, in particular, has been flagged up for recreating real events as game missions and manipulating them for geopolitical purposes,” Secker told MintPress, referring to the Highway of Death, adding,
In a culture where most people’s exposure to games (and films, TV shows and so on) is far greater than their knowledge of historical and current events, these manipulations help frame the gamers’ emotional, intellectual and political reactions. This helps them turn into more general advocates for militarism, even if they don’t sign up in any formal way.”
Secker’s latest book, “Superheroes, Movies and the State: How the U.S. Government Shapes Cinematic Universes,” was published earlier this year.
Game Over
In today’s digitized era, the worlds of war and video games increasingly resemble one another. Many have commented on the similarities between piloting drones in real life and in games such as Call of Duty 4: Modern Warfare. Prince Harry, who was a helicopter gunner in Afghanistan, described his “joy” at firing missiles at enemies. “I’m one of those people who loves playing PlayStation and Xbox, so with my thumbs I like to think I’m probably quite useful,” he said. “If there’s people trying to do bad stuff to our guys, then we’ll take them out of the game,” he added, explicitly comparing the two activities. U.S. forces even control drones with Xbox controllers, blurring the lines between war games and war games even further.
The military has also directly produced video games as promotional and recruitment tools. One is a U.S. Air Force game called Airman Challenge. Featuring 16 missions to complete, interspersed with facts and recruitment information about how to become a drone operator yourself. In its latest attempts to market active service to young people, players move through missions escorting U.S. vehicles through countries like Iraq and Afghanistan, serving up death from above to all those designated “insurgents” by the game.
Players earn medals and achievements for most effectively destroying moving targets. All the while, there is a prominent “apply now” button on screen if players feel like enlisting and conducting real drone strikes on the Middle East.
U.S. Armed Forces use the popularity of video games to recruit heavily among young people, sponsoring gaming tournaments, fielding their own U.S. Army Esports team, and directly trying to recruit teens on streaming sites such as Twitch. The Amazon-owned platform eventually had to clamp down on the practice after the military used fake prize giveaways that lured impressionable young viewers onto recruitment websites.
Video games are a massive business and a huge center of soft power and ideology. The medium makes for particularly persuasive propaganda because children and adolescents consume them, often for weeks or months on end, and because they are light entertainment. Because of this, users do not have their guards up like if they were listening to a politician speaking. Their power is often overlooked by scholars and journalists because of the supposed frivolity of the medium. But it is the very notion that these are unimportant sources of fun that makes their message all the more potent.
The Call of Duty franchise is particularly egregious, not only in its messaging, but because who the messengers are. Increasingly, the games appear to be little more than American propaganda masquerading as fun first-person shooters. For gamers, the point is to enjoy its fast-paced entertainment. But for those involved in their production, the goal is not just making money; it is about serving the imperial war machine.
Feature photo | Illustration by MintPress News
#call of duty#activision#mintpress#capitalism#video games#us propaganda#us military#us military propaganda#call of duty modern warfare#activision blizzard#nsa#cia#fbi
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Air Force Recruiters Learn About Innovations for Next-Gen Special Ops Airmen 07/18/2018 09:45 AM CDT
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U.S. Space Force begins to organize Pentagon staff and field operations
https://sciencespies.com/space/u-s-space-force-begins-to-organize-pentagon-staff-and-field-operations/
U.S. Space Force begins to organize Pentagon staff and field operations
In an exclusive interview, Gen. John Raymond, the first chief of space operations for the U.S. Space Force, talks about the initial steps in organizing the new service.
WASHINGTON — The United States’ first chief of space operations for the U.S. Space Force is still wearing his U.S. Air Force uniform.
“But I’m not in the Air Force anymore,” says Gen. John “Jay” Raymond. “I’m in the Space Force.”
Two days after being sworn in by Vice President Mike Pence as chief of space operations, Raymond remains, for now, the only official member of the newest branch of the U.S. armed forces. The Space Force was signed into law Dec. 20 by President Donald Trump.
“There is a lot of planning going on,” Raymond told SpaceNews Jan. 16 in his first media interview since becoming chief of the U.S. Space Force.
Raymond and Defense Secretary Mark Esper on Jan. 15 briefed Trump on the initial steps in the organization of the Space Force.
“I thought it was important that we give him an update on what we did on day one and where we’re headed,” Raymond said. “It was a really good conversation.”
It was Trump who directed the Pentagon in June 2018 to establish a U.S. Space Force but it wasn’t until Congress passed the National Defense Authorization Act and the president signed it Dec. 20 that the sixth branch of armed forces came into being. “This is the president’s vision,” said Raymond. ‘We’re moving out to implement it.”
Raymond reports directly to Air Force Secretary Barbara Barrett. For the next year, he will be dual-hatted as commander of U.S. Space Command and chief of the U.S. Space Force. He oversees staffs in Colorado Springs and in the Pentagon that are helping plan the new service. “There are a lot of decisions to be made,” he said.
Even though his uniform says Air Force, Raymond’s military ID says “Space Force.”
The Space Force eventually will have its own uniforms, logo and seal that will become part of the service’s unique identity. These are still being designed, he said. “We’re working that really hard.”
Raymond will be splitting his time between the Pentagon and U.S. Space Command headquarters in Colorado Springs, Regardless of where he might be physically located, “I’m 100 percent of the time commander of U.S. Space Command and 100 percent of the time chief of space operations,” he said.
“It has been helpful to be dual hatted,” Raymond said. That allows him to “make trades” as both U.S. Space Command the U.S. Space Force get built out. After the first year, someone else will be nominated to run the Space Force. “Splitting the hats is absolutely the right thing to do to get singular focus on the warfighting side and singular focus on the organize-train-equip side,” he said. The one-year transition “gives us a grace period to make that shift.”
The NDAA said the chief of space operations could become a member of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in a year. But Esper and Chairman of the Joint Chief of Staff Gen. Mark Milley requested that Raymond be on the joint chiefs immediately because of the importance of space to national security. “I’m a member f the Joint Chiefs of Staff today,” Raymond said.
Maj. Gen. Stephen Whiting is the deputy commander of the U.S. Space Force based in Colorado Springs. At the Pentagon, Lt. Gen. David “DT” Thompson serves as the vice commander. In the future someone will be nominated to be the vice chief of staff of the Space Force. “We haven’t begun to work that yet,” Raymond said.
The Pentagon-based staff now has about 40 people but will grow to 200 by March. The first official hire was a civilian to oversee personnel administration and policy.
Patricia Mulcahy, a member of the senior executive service who was deputy assistant secretary of the Air Force for force management integration, is now the head of personnel for the Space Force. This is a key hire, said Raymond, as Mulcahy will help “open up the processes to bring the others on board.”
The plan is to transfer thousands of airmen who currently perform space duties into the Space Force. On Dec. 20, Barrett assigned to the Space Force 16,000 airmen and civilians who worked under Air Force Space Command. But none of them, other than Raymond, have yet left the Air Force.
“Some of those airmen will come off the books of the Air Force and into the Space Force. And some won’t,” said Raymond. Identifying what units will join the Space Force is part of the planning that is now under way. In addition to personnel from the former Air Force Space Command, training units based at Vandenberg Air Force Base, California, as well as science and technology labs might be moved over. Compared to the other branches, said Raymond, the Space Force will be “more of a technology focused service.”
Another goal is to bring in members of the other military services. “One of the homework assignments is to come back with a proposal to Congress for next year to open this up to other services,” said Raymond. There will be a plan to integrate National Guard and Reserve forces as well. “We rely very heavily on the Guard and Reserves today,” he said. “We’re going to figure out the best way to utilize those forces.”
There is no playbook The United States hasn’t established a separate service since 1947 when the Air Force was stood up. “It’s not like there was this playbook that said ‘step one do this,’” said Raymond.
Many people are curious about the uniforms, the logos and the patches, but there is so much more that goes into creating a service. “What do you call an airman that’s in space? Eventually we’ll have to have a service song. There’s lots of different thoughts,” he said. “Some pieces are imminently going to be announced. Other pieces are going to take a couple of months as we continue to refine things.”
What field commands will be created under the Space Force is another key decision. A group of 120 military and civilian leaders last week met to discuss possible field organizations. “I’m not ready to announce any decisions yet,” said Raymond. “We’ll continue to refine it.”
The Space Force could end up with three major field organizations but that is still being debated. One would be focused on operations, another on acquisitions and a third on training and professional development. Barrett on Dec. 20 re-designated the 14th Air Force as Space Operations Command, which would be one of the field organizations. The acquisition command would absorb the Space and Missile Systems Center and other smaller organizations.
The NDAA directed the establishment of a Space Acquisition Council and created a new assistant secretary of the Air Force for space acquisition and integration position.
How the Space Force will organize its acquisition office is now being deliberated, said Raymond. “We’ll present that to Congress” in the coming months. The goal is to create an organization that will be nimble and move faster than traditional military procurement offices.
Air Force bases to be renamed Air Force bases that predominantly do space operations will be renamed Space Force bases, said Raymond. That would include Peterson Air Force Base, Schriever Air Force Base and Buckley Air Force Base in Colorado; Patrick Air Force in Florida; Vandenberg Air Force Base in California; Cavalier Air Force Station in North Dakota; Alaska’s Clear Air Force Station and Thule Air Base in Greenland.
“I expect over the coming months we’ll work to rename those,” said Raymond.
The Air Force however will continue to run those bases. “We are not transferring into the Space Force all the support functions that would be needed to run bases.”
Raymond said renaming bases is one of many changes that will help build a space-focused culture that over time will shape the identity of the service.
“There’s so much excitement,” said Raymond. The number-one question he gets asked is “how do I join?” he said. The Space Force has an opportunity to attract recruits who typically would not think of joining the military but are passionate about space, said Raymond. “We have a lot of people knocking on our door wanting to be part of this.”
Some have expressed concern that space programs and activities that have been advanced by the Air Force will be slowed down or disrupted because of the reorganization.
That is a valid concern, said Raymond. He constantly reminds his staff to “keep your eye on the ball,” he said. “I actually believe there’s a going to be a level of disruption any time you do a reorganization of this size.”
Air Force Space Command over the last couple of years had been undergoing change before it became a separate U.S. Space Force. “We are evolving because the strategic environment of space is evolving. It’s no longer a benign domain, it’s a warfighting domain. And that requires significant change across the board in how we train, how we develop people, what architectures we have. All this is being laid out.”
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