#ads securities abu dhabi address

[mariacallous]

Sudan, already ravaged by a disastrous war, is now suffering from a failed, politicized humanitarian response.

The ongoing crisis there has reached catastrophic proportions, yet the international community’s response remains woefully inadequate. A series of missteps and political maneuvers have undermined efforts to provide meaningful assistance to those in desperate need, and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF), the paramilitary group responsible for much of the violence, has yet to be held accountable for actively destroying the country’s food reserves. The situation demands immediate attention and a drastic shift in approach from global leaders and institutions.

At the core of this failure is the United Nations Security Council’s persistent delays in addressing findings from its own Panel of Experts on Sudan. These findings document “credible” allegations of the United Arab Emirates’ involvement in violating Darfur’s arms embargo by supplying the RSF with weapons and ammunition. Furthermore, the Guardian reported that U.K. government officials have been blocking discussions of the UAE’s involvement in the Security Council for months—including after the Labour Party took power in July.

This procrastination not only undermines the urgency of the crisis, but also permits potential external interference to continue unchecked. The Security Council’s inaction sends a troubling message about the international community’s commitment to resolving the conflict and protecting Sudanese civilians.

While diplomatic efforts are crucial, these discussions offer no new mechanisms to enforce an end to attacks on civilians. The U.S. special envoy for Sudan, Tom Perriello, has failed to provide any concrete mechanisms for enforcing last year’s Jeddah declaration, which required the protection of civilians and specifically committed the RSF and rival Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) to vacating and refraining from occupying public and private facilities. Perriello simply noted in an interview on X earlier this month that the UAE and Egypt will attend the latest round of talks, held in Geneva in mid-August.

Yet there is no substantial pressure being applied on the UAE. Without concrete measures to protect the Sudanese people, such talks risk becoming little more than performative gestures, failing to address the immediate suffering on the ground. The Sudanese government boycotted the Geneva talks after the UAE was added as a mediator, despite its continued military support to the RSF. Additionally, U.S. rapper Macklemore canceled his October show in Dubai to protest the UAE’s destructive role in the Sudan conflict.

The international community’s financial response has been equally disheartening. Despite numerous humanitarian conferences, only a fraction of the $4.1 billion appeal made by the U.N. in February 2024 has been met. This severe underfunding leaves millions of Sudanese refugees and internally displaced persons without essential support, exacerbating an already dire situation. The stark contrast between the promises made at these conferences and the actual aid delivered reveals a troubling gap between rhetoric and action.

The lack of accountability for those perpetrating violence and weaponizing famine is exacerbating Sudan’s crisis. The RSF, responsible for much of the destruction, continues to operate with impunity, actively destroying the country’s food reserves. Since the RSF took control of the state of Jazirah, the country’s farming center, in December, the nation has been grappling with humanmade famine. Farmers in the state have reported a near-complete loss of cotton and wheat crops due to RSF control.

In contrast, areas that remain under SAF control saw normal crops. According to local reports in Jazirah, the RSF pushed local farmers to harvest crops only to confiscate them and transport the yields out of the state for their own benefit.

On June 26, the RSF advanced on the southeastern trading hub of Sennar, seeking to expand its territorial gains more than 14 months into its war with the Sudanese army. This move forced the displacement of more than 150,000 people living in the state, many of whom had fled from Jazirah during the RSF invasion in December 2023. The militia also targeted Sennar’s agricultural project and food reserves, further deepening the humanitarian crisis and undermining efforts toward stabilization and peace.

Doctors Without Borders (or Médecins Sans Frontières, the MSF) reports that the RSF is targeting local hospitals and blocking aid in Darfur. Outside the city of El Fasher, where more than 800,000 civilians are trapped by the RSF, MSF supply trucks have been held in the nearby town of Kabkabiya by the RSF for the past four weeks. This blockade threatens to leave the Saudi Hospital, one of the last working health facilities in El Fasher, without critical supplies.

This deliberate targeting of essential resources not only worsens the humanitarian crisis, but also underscores the urgent need for international intervention to implement the U.N. arms embargo in Darfur and stop the alleged UAE arms supply to the RSF through Chad.

Moreover, it is crucial to halt the alleged UAE arms supply to the RSF through Chad, particularly at Amdjarass’s airport, a small town in eastern Chad where UAE air cargo planes reportedly land and unload weapons that are then transported across the border to RSF strongholds in Darfur.

Political maneuvering has further complicated efforts to address the crisis effectively. Actions such as the United Kingdom’s reported intervention to alter the format of U.N. Security Council meetings have prevented Sudan from directly presenting its case, prioritizing commercial interests with the UAE over humanitarian concerns.

Al-Harith Idriss, Sudan’s permanent representative to the U.N., asked for an urgent Security Council meeting on April 26 in response to what he described as UAE “aggression” against his nation. However, the U.K., serving as the current penholder on Sudan in the Security Council, intervened to change the meeting’s agenda and format to closed consultations. As a result, Idriss was not allowed to attend the meeting, which ultimately took place on April 29.

During these secret discussions, U.N. Security Council members issued a statement urging the RSF to commit to refraining from attacking any cities and to end the violence surrounding El Fasher. On another occasion, the Guardian reported that the U.K. government has been actively discouraging African states from criticizing the UAE. Such actions erode trust in international institutions and their ability to respond impartially to crises.

The current approach to Sudan’s war is failing. The international community must prioritize the protection of civilians, punish perpetrators of violence, and deliver on financial commitments. The UAE and its proxy, the RSF, must be held accountable for their alleged crimes and, in the case of the latter, attacks on civilians in Sudan. The five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council should publicly address the UAE’s reported support of RSF crimes and the Emirati government’s violation of the international arms embargo in Darfur.

Furthermore, international human rights organizations should take Abu Dhabi to court for its alleged crimes against Sudanese civilians. The UAE’s ongoing arms supply has enabled the RSF to carry out ethnic cleansing in Darfur and commit massacres in Khartoum, Jazira, and Sennar.

Some actions have already been taken. The Raoul Wallenberg Centre for Human Rights is campaigning to hold the UAE accountable in the International Court of Justice or through other legal avenues, such as in Germany or the European Court of Human Rights. Additionally, the International Criminal Court should leverage its existing jurisdiction over Darfur to prosecute crimes against humanity in the region. But more must be done. A concerted, unified international effort to address the root causes of the conflict could pave the way for lasting peace and stability and alleviate the suffering of the Sudanese people.

[news365timesindia]

[ad_1] Lauding Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first visit to the UAE in 2015, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar highlighted the growing strength of India-UAE relations, stating that both countries are now in an “era of new milestones”. Speaking at the launch of Symbiosis International University’s campus in Dubai on Thursday, Jaishankar noted that the ties between India and the UAE have reached new heights, driven by key collaborations in sectors like fintech, renewable energy, infrastructure, and defence. Jaishankar pointed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s historic visit to the UAE in 2015, which was the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in over a century to the emirate state, marking a significant turning point in bilateral relations. “India-UAE ties are today truly in an era of new milestones. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s historic visit in 2015 was the first in the century, and so are our Comprehensive Economic Partnerships for negotiating on record time,” Jaishankar said. “Fintech linkages like RuPay-Jaywan or UPI-AANE are also the first in the domain. The activity and collaborations that we are constantly expanding, be it renewable energy, infrastructure, digital tech, defence or security. They are all path-breaking in their own way,” he added. He emphasised that the launch of the Symbiosis campus in Dubai is part of a broader trend that reflects the growing educational and cultural exchanges between the two countries. “This campus and your education are part of a larger trend that has seen India and the UAE come close in an unprecedented way,” he said. Jaishankar also addressed the youth, acknowledging that they face both extraordinary opportunities and formidable challenges. India and the UAE established diplomatic relations in 1972. While the UAE opened its Embassy in India in 1972, India opened its Embassy in the UAE in 1973. The traditionally strong bilateral relations between India and the UAE gained new momentum when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the UAE in 2015, the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in 34 years. This marked the beginning of a new Comprehensive and Strategic Partnership between the two nations. In 2022, India and the UAE signed the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) during a virtual summit between PM Modi and UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. From the UAE, there have been multiple visits by President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed. In 2016 and 2017, he visited as Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi. In September 2023, he visited India as the President of the UAE to attend the G20 Leaders’ Summit. In November 2023, he participated in the 2nd Virtual Global South Summit. In January 2024, he visited Gujarat to attend the 10th Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit as the Chief Guest. On the matter of educational ties between the two nations, more than 100 international Indian schools are there in the UAE following the CBSE and Kerala Board curricula, with mostly children of Indian expatriates settled in the UAE. A tripartite MoU was signed on 15 July 2023 between the Ministry of Education of India, IIT Delhi and the Abu Dhabi Department of Education & Knowledge (ADEK) to establish an overseas campus of IIT Delhi in Abu Dhabi. Other leading Indian institutions like Manipal, BITS Pilani and Amity University also have set up their campuses in the UAE.   [ad_2] Source link

[news365times]

[ad_1] Lauding Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first visit to the UAE in 2015, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar highlighted the growing strength of India-UAE relations, stating that both countries are now in an “era of new milestones”. Speaking at the launch of Symbiosis International University’s campus in Dubai on Thursday, Jaishankar noted that the ties between India and the UAE have reached new heights, driven by key collaborations in sectors like fintech, renewable energy, infrastructure, and defence. Jaishankar pointed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s historic visit to the UAE in 2015, which was the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in over a century to the emirate state, marking a significant turning point in bilateral relations. “India-UAE ties are today truly in an era of new milestones. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s historic visit in 2015 was the first in the century, and so are our Comprehensive Economic Partnerships for negotiating on record time,” Jaishankar said. “Fintech linkages like RuPay-Jaywan or UPI-AANE are also the first in the domain. The activity and collaborations that we are constantly expanding, be it renewable energy, infrastructure, digital tech, defence or security. They are all path-breaking in their own way,” he added. He emphasised that the launch of the Symbiosis campus in Dubai is part of a broader trend that reflects the growing educational and cultural exchanges between the two countries. “This campus and your education are part of a larger trend that has seen India and the UAE come close in an unprecedented way,” he said. Jaishankar also addressed the youth, acknowledging that they face both extraordinary opportunities and formidable challenges. India and the UAE established diplomatic relations in 1972. While the UAE opened its Embassy in India in 1972, India opened its Embassy in the UAE in 1973. The traditionally strong bilateral relations between India and the UAE gained new momentum when Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited the UAE in 2015, the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in 34 years. This marked the beginning of a new Comprehensive and Strategic Partnership between the two nations. In 2022, India and the UAE signed the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) during a virtual summit between PM Modi and UAE President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed Al Nahyan. From the UAE, there have been multiple visits by President Sheikh Mohamed bin Zayed. In 2016 and 2017, he visited as Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi. In September 2023, he visited India as the President of the UAE to attend the G20 Leaders’ Summit. In November 2023, he participated in the 2nd Virtual Global South Summit. In January 2024, he visited Gujarat to attend the 10th Vibrant Gujarat Global Summit as the Chief Guest. On the matter of educational ties between the two nations, more than 100 international Indian schools are there in the UAE following the CBSE and Kerala Board curricula, with mostly children of Indian expatriates settled in the UAE. A tripartite MoU was signed on 15 July 2023 between the Ministry of Education of India, IIT Delhi and the Abu Dhabi Department of Education & Knowledge (ADEK) to establish an overseas campus of IIT Delhi in Abu Dhabi. Other leading Indian institutions like Manipal, BITS Pilani and Amity University also have set up their campuses in the UAE.   [ad_2] Source link

[carsworldswiss]

The Benefits of Using a Professional Car Recovery Service in the UAE

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Highly skilled technicians -

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Advanced recovery equipments-

Reputed car recovery companies have access to specialized tools and technology designed for the safe and efficient recovery of the cars. This includes, but is not limited to, flatbed tow trucks, wheel-lift and hook-and-chain systems, and other advanced recovery services to avoid damage while towing.

Reduced risk of damage-

The experts at a professional car recovery service are well-trained and skilled to securely tow your car to reduce the chance of damage during transit. Towing specialists adhere to top standards to ensure your car remains undamaged and secure.

Round the clock service

A number of professional car towing services in the UAE are operational 24 hours a day, offering assistance anytime you need it, regardless of whether you're stranded on the road or in an emergency.

Value-added services-

Many professional car towing service providers offer additional services like roadside assistance, such as jump-starts, tire changes, and fuel delivery. This can be a convenient and economical option  to address minor issues instead of constantly relying on towing services.

Licensed & Insured Service Provider

Reputable car towing companies are registered and covered by insurance in the UAE. This assures you that your vehicle is in safe hands, and you are legally protected if any problems arise during the towing process.

Royal Swiss Auto Recovery Services, Your Trusted Car Recovery Company in the UAE

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[head-post]

Durov still behind bars: FM comments, phone hacking and dinner with Macron

Pavel Durov, the founder of Telegram, is still behind bars in France, which is a source of bewilderment and criticism for many of the world’s political and media figures. The French police and authorities are still unable to explain the many oddities of his detention.

Failed meeting with Macron

Pavel Durov told police officers during his detention at the French airport that he was to have a meeting with French President Emmanuel Macron, French media reported.

The media wrote:

Pavel Durov, the head of Telegram, told police officers who detained him as he exited the plane that he was supposed to have dinner with Macron.

Journalists sought comment from the Elysee Palace, where they were officially denied the information. Macron’s administration said:

The president was at Le Touquet’s that evening.

A few days after the detention of Durov, French President Emmanuel Macron reacted to the incident. He wrote on X:

I have seen false information regarding France following the arrest of Pavel Durov. France is deeply committed to freedom of expression and communication, to innovation, and to the spirit of entrepreneurship. It will remain so.In a state governed by the rule of law.

According to Macron, he was confronted with untrue information about France after the high-profile arrest of businessman Pavel Durov. Paris is deeply committed to freedom of speech, innovation and entrepreneurial spirit. These norms, Macron noted, will always apply. He also added:

In a state governed by the rule of law, freedoms are upheld within the law, both on social media and in real life, to protect citizens and respect their fundamental rights. The enforcement of the law is entrusted to the judiciary, which has full independence.

Hacked phone and moving to Paris

Special services of France and the UAE hacked the phone of the founder of the messenger Telegram Pavel Durov in 2017, The Wall Street Journal reports.

The publication of the edition reports that in 2018 Pavel Durov had lunch with French President Emmanuel Macron. Sources told the publication that Macron offered Durov to move Telegram’s office to Paris, but Durov refused. At the time, the issue of granting him French citizenship was also discussed.

The publication also writes that in 2017, a year before the meeting with Macron, the French intelligence services pursued Durov in a joint operation with the United Arab Emirates. His iPhone was reportedly hacked at the time. The spying operation, which was also previously unreported, was codenamed “Purple music.”

French security officials were concerned that the Islamic State organisation was using Telegram to recruit fighters and plan attacks.

Telegram reportedly ignored subpoenas and court orders sent by law enforcement for several years after that. The source said the subpoenas were piling up on the company’s rarely verified email address.

The UAE “closely following”

The UAE Foreign Ministry said early Tuesday that it was “closely following” Durov’s case and that it had “sent a request to the French government to urgently provide him with all consular services.” The ministry said in a statement:

Taking care of citizens, safeguarding their interests, following up on their cases and providing them with all aspects of care is a top priority for the UAE.

Durov was born in Russia but spent most of his childhood in Italy. He is a citizen of the UAE, France, Russia and the Caribbean island of St Kitts and Nevis.

France and the UAE have a close military relationship: the French have a naval base in Abu Dhabi, and Emirati troops use French-built Leclerc tanks and Rafale fighter jets, according to reports. Russian government officials expressed outrage over Durov’s detention, with some calling it politically motivated and proof of Western double standards on free speech.

Russia-France relations at “lowest” level

Relations between Russia and France are at their “lowest” level since Durov’s arrest, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said on Tuesday. France has brought “very serious” charges against Durov, the Kremlin said on Tuesday, warning against attempts to intimidate him.

Telegram defended its operations in a statement, saying it complies with EU laws and content moderation “meets industry standards and is constantly being improved.” Durov, the company added, “has nothing to hide and travels frequently in Europe.”

French media reported that Durov was detained on an arrest warrant that said his messaging platform was being used for money laundering, drug trafficking and other offences.

On Sunday night, a French investigating judge renewed the warrant for Durov’s detention, French media reported, but he has not been charged and details of the investigation are scarce.

The Paris prosecutor’s office said in a statement that the order to detain Durov was extended for up to 48 hours on Monday evening. Under French law, Durov can remain in custody for questioning for no more than four days. After that, judges must decide whether to charge him or release him.

Countries save their citizen. Not France

Durov became a citizen of the UAE in 2021, after certain amendments to local legislation. This gave him the right to visa-free entry to 170 countries around the world.

According to international legal logic, any state, when its citizen is imprisoned in a foreign land, should try to get him out. The UAE has already asked French authorities for access to Durov. “Providing him with all necessary consular services is an urgent matter,” diplomats said.

“Russia is ready to assist Durov,” Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said. But unlike Dubai, Moscow recognises a bitter truth for Pavel. Peskov added:

The situation is complicated by the fact that he has French citizenship.

France does not allow extradition of its citizens. Experts speculate that France may offer Durov cooperation with intelligence services in exchange for his freedom.

Elon Musk, Mark Zuckerberg and the management of TikTok France should have detained even before the situation with Pavel Durov for the same violations in cyberspace, a French expert on information control said in an interview with French media.

Paris had more claims against X, while Telegram has never been subjected to such attacks. The more revealing is the French police’s personalised attitude towards Durov: there are no details on the charges, but questioning continues. Eva Galperin, director of cybersecurity at the Electronic Frontier Foundation, said:

A number of the charges that may be brought against him are not related to specific violations of the law at all. We don’t even know what activity Durov was arrested for. The platform is simply not in a position to prosecute criminals because governments have very different ideas about who is considered a criminal and who is not.

Elon Musk wrote under the French president’s post in which he said the investigation against Durov was not political:

It would be helpful to the global public to understand more details about why he was arrested.

Durov and the EU-US information space

Some experts believe that the detention of Pavel Durov comes in connection with the need to introduce censorship into the information space of the EU and the US. This need arose after mass protests first in French New Caledonia, then during the riots in the UK and finally against the backdrop of the beginning of a tough informational campaign in the US presidential election.

And in all three cases Telegram, first of all as a messenger, can play a very big role, and in the US it can also have a strong impact as an information platform that is not controlled by the authorities.

In France, Macron banned press coverage of the ongoing protests in New Caledonia, due to social media, the UK riots are on everyone’s radar.

In the US, Biden and the forces behind him, as Kamala Harris’s initial impetus begins to burn out quickly, need to remove all incoming factors of informational influence, and Telegram is just such a factor, powerful and dangerous.

All the talk about “Russian interference” in the 2016 US presidential election was an attempt by the Democrats to justify losing. But now that they felt that some threat, virtually unrelated to Russia, was real, they are cracking down on it at once. And this is even more nuanced by the lies that have been spouted about “Russian interference.”

Read more HERE

[sa7abnews]

Don't expect Arab boots on the ground in Gaza

New Post has been published on https://sa7ab.info/2024/08/11/dont-expect-arab-boots-on-the-ground-in-gaza-2/

Don't expect Arab boots on the ground in Gaza

Since Israel’s ongoing military campaign against Gaza began ten months ago, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members have been terrified about the war’s impact on the region.

As the conflict continues regionalising and internationalising, Gulf Arab policymakers worry about the wider ramifications, even beyond the Middle East.

A shared interest in seeing a ceasefire implemented immediately has tightened GCC unity since October 2023, highlighting common cause among Gulf Arab states as the region’s conflict dynamics intensify.

In general, GCC members hold Israel and the United States responsible for the humanitarian nightmare, chaos, and human suffering in Gaza. Within this context, any talk of Gulf Arab forces being sent to Gaza to help stabilise and securitise the enclave has been extremely controversial in GCC states.

Gulf Arab authorities have generally avoided even hinting at the mere possibility of this scenario.

Yet, last month, Lana Nusseibeh, special envoy to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) foreign ministry, spoke to the Financial Times about Abu Dhabi’s talks with Washington about Gaza.

She addressed a possible deployment of Emirati forces to the war-torn enclave as part of a multinational “stabilisation” mission once the post-war phase begins. Nusseibeh stressed that Abu Dhabi would only participate in such a multinational force if the Palestinian Authority (PA) extended such an invitation.

This marked the first time a Gulf Arab country raised the possibility of its own troops stepping foot into Gaza.

“The UAE could consider being part of the stabilisation forces alongside Arab and international partners…at the invitation of a reformed PA, or a PA led by an empowered prime minister,” explained the Emirati diplomat.

“The United States should have the lead on this for it to succeed.” She added that the UAE had, “and continued to have, conversations on the ‘day after’ with all the concerned actors in the region”.

Despite Abu Dhabi expressing an openness to the idea of sending its forces to help stabilise Gaza, the UAE and the other GCC members would only do so if certain conditions were met.

As of now, Israel agreeing to such terms is unimaginable. Therefore, without any serious changes on Israel’s part, a deployment of Gulf Arab troops to Gaza remains doubtful.

Ultimately, Gulf Arab troops participating in a multinational force in Gaza would have to face many hurdles under current circumstances. Furthermore, there is no denying that such plans would entail huge risks for GCC states.

Gaza governance questions

The most fundamental questions which remain unresolved pertain to Gaza’s governance. Without these questions being solved, no GCC state will put its boots on the ground in the Palestinian territory that Israel has essentially turned into a no-man’s land over the past ten months.

To be sure, if the Israelis retain full control on the ground in Gaza, such a deployment of Gulf Arab forces can be fully dismissed. There are also difficult questions about which Palestinian leader or faction should be in control of the enclave once the dust eventually settles.

The bottom line is that we are far from realising what post-war Gaza governance will look like, and imagining a GCC state sending its troops to the enclave without these governance-related questions being solved is unrealistic.

In an interview with The New Arab, Dr Andreas Krieg, an associate professor at the Defence Studies Department of King’s College London, pointed out that Israel has thus far not presented any feasible or implementable strategies for the management of Gaza and governance in the blockaded territory during the post-war period.

A key issue is that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government only views Gaza through a security prism that does not consider political dynamics.

“Without a tangible solution to self-governance in the Gaza strip there won’t be security and Israel will not be able to govern the Gaza strip in the mid-term – not even the short term – and call it the end of the war. So, in order to actually effectively end the war, they need to find a political and strategic solution to this. This is where the problems begin,” Dr Krieg told TNA.

“None of the Arab Gulf states would be willing to put their boots on the ground in an active warzone. Without a sustainable ceasefire solution and agreement there will be no way to actually discuss the day after in terms of governance and security. So, what the Israelis have to do is show a very firm commitment to a ceasefire and their commitment to [Palestinian] self-governance in one way or another,” he added.

Setting aside such governance-related questions, a theoretical deployment of Emirati forces to Gaza could take various forms. There could be an active UAE military presence in the enclave. Abu Dhabi could also send paramilitary units or private military contractors, which the UAE has a history of using in Africa.

Another option might be for Emirati police or civil defence units to enter the enclave. Yet, some experts point out that without the PA in charge of Gaza, that does not seem feasible.

“There may be an offering of limited police forces who could coordinate with the PA in Gaza, but I don’t expect to see Emirati regulars in Gaza anytime soon. And even a police angle would require the PA to rule Gaza, which right now we’re quite far away from,” Ryan Bohl, a Middle East and North African analyst at the risk intelligence company RANE, told TNA.

Nonetheless, if Gaza is experiencing warfare all these options would result in the UAE having to play a military, rather than law enforcement, role in the enclave.

“The main factors that would make such a deployment risky include the following: getting drawn into a long-term conflict that a GCC state would find difficult to extract itself from given the material, diplomatic and reputational risk; the risk of becoming Israel’s ‘policeman’ or ‘enforcer’ in Gaza – in other words, providing Israel with a level of security it is comfortable with, but whilst the GCC state bears the cost for doing so,” Dr Neil Quilliam, an associate fellow in the Middle East and North Africa program at Chatham House, told TNA.

“In this scenario, the GCC force in part replaces the role of Fatah in policing Palestinian society; GCC forces could be viewed by Gazans as an occupying power and therefore the target of an insurgency; and finally, deploying boots on the ground would be viewed unfavourably back at home in the wider Arab world,” Dr Quilliam added.

“The government sending troops would be considered to be betraying the Palestinian cause and it would risk disquiet at home and in the region.”

The nature of Israel’s current government is a relevant factor that no Gulf Arab state could ignore when contemplating any sort of deployment of its own troops to Gaza.

“It’s virtually impossible to see a GCC peacekeeping force enter Gaza in a viable way without a political change in Israel’s government,” Bohl told TNA.

“Its far-right element essentially blocks any notable cooperation between Israel and the GCC on such a front, as the two have diametrically different views as to what’s to happen to Gaza (witness [Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalel] Smotrich’s statement on starving Gazans to death if he could),” he added.

Iran and the region’s resistance factions

Talk of Gulf Arab boots touching the ground in Gaza needs to account for how such a development could play out in the wider region.

At a time in which Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain are determined to build on this new period of détente with Iran, officials in these GCC states are sensitive to how Israel’s war on Gaza stands to impact their relationships with the Islamic Republic while key questions about the role of Arab actors in the Tehran-led “axis of resistance” must be considered too.

“Israel’s war on Gaza has served to unite Arab states once again behind the Palestinian cause. Prior to 7 October, there was a significant gap between those states that had either normalised or were leaning towards normalising with Israel and those that remained resolutely opposed to it. To a large extent, the former had de-prioritised the Palestinian issue in their national interests, whereas for the latter, Palestine remained central to national interests,” said Dr Quilliam.

“If Gulf Arab boots were to touch the ground in Gaza, then it would break the current unity and polarise the Arab world and, at the same time, strengthen the hand of the ‘rejectionist’ states, which would lend weight to Iran and its so-called ‘axis of resistance.’ The balance between conservative and rejectionist states would be heavily skewed in favour of the latter and, as a result, it would lead to an increase in anti-US sentiment across the region,” he added.

Bolstering the UAE’s image?

Emirati diplomats discussing the UAE’s potential willingness to send their country’s troops to Gaza appear to be more about enhancing Abu Dhabi’s image as a relevant actor playing an important role in managing this conflict.

While Qatar and Egypt have been the two most influential Arab states vis-à-vis the Gaza war, the UAE seeks to inject itself into the discourse in ways that capture the attention of policymakers in the US and Europe.

“In this context, the Emiratis want to boost their relevance and show the Americans that they have something to offer when they have nothing to offer at this point – and they’re unwilling to offer anything. From an Emirati point of view, it’s just about discourse,” Dr Krieg told TNA.

“It’s about narratives rather than working toward a feasible and tangible solution because at this point – and there’s no blame on the Emiratis or any other Arab state – neither the Americans nor any other Western country has a clear strategy,” he added.

Without the US and its European allies willing to use their leverage to push Netanyahu’s government toward the concessions that the GCC states would need Tel Aviv to make in order to put their troops on the ground in Gaza, Emirati and other Gulf Arab policymakers will lack the confidence they would need to take the serious risks associated with putting their forces in harm’s way in the besieged Palestinian territory.

Giorgio Cafiero is the CEO of Gulf State Analytics.

Follow him on Twitter: @GiorgioCafiero

[svdigital01]

Benefits of Custom Web Development for Businesses in the UAE

In today's digital era, having a strong online presence is crucial for businesses to thrive. For companies in the UAE, particularly in the bustling cities of Dubai and Abu Dhabi, this often means investing in a website that stands out from the competition. This is where a Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi comes into play, offering tailored solutions that cater to the unique needs of businesses in this dynamic region. Here are the key benefits of opting for custom web development for businesses in the UAE.

Tailored Solutions for Unique Business Needs

One of the most significant advantages of custom web development is the ability to create a website that perfectly aligns with a company's specific requirements. Unlike generic templates, a custom website is designed from scratch, ensuring that every element reflects the brand's identity and values. A Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi works closely with businesses to understand their goals, target audience, and industry specifics, resulting in a site that not only looks great but also performs optimally.

Enhanced User Experience and Interface Design

User experience (UX) is a critical factor in retaining visitors and converting them into customers. Custom web development allows for the creation of intuitive, user-friendly interfaces that enhance the overall user experience. By focusing on the needs and behaviors of the target audience, a Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi can design seamless navigation, fast-loading pages, and interactive features that engage users and encourage them to spend more time on the site. This attention to detail can significantly improve customer satisfaction and boost conversion rates.

Scalability and Flexibility to Grow with the Business

As businesses grow, their website needs to evolve. Custom web development offers the flexibility to scale and adapt to changing business requirements. Whether it's adding new features, integrating third-party services, or expanding the site's functionality, a custom-built website can easily accommodate these changes. This scalability ensures that businesses don't outgrow their websites and can continue to offer a smooth online experience to their users. A Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi can design a robust framework that supports future growth and technological advancements.

Search Engine Optimization (SEO) Advantages

A well-optimized website is crucial for achieving high search engine rankings and attracting organic traffic. Custom web development allows for the implementation of SEO best practices from the ground up. A Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi can ensure that the website's code is clean, efficient, and optimized for search engines. This includes proper use of meta tags, alt attributes for images, and structured data, all of which contribute to better visibility on search engine results pages (SERPs). Additionally, a custom site can be designed to be mobile-friendly, further boosting its SEO performance.

Security and Reliability

In an age where cyber threats are increasingly common, website security is paramount. Custom web development provides the advantage of enhanced security measures tailored to a business's specific needs. Off-the-shelf solutions often come with generic security features that may not address all vulnerabilities. A Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi can implement advanced security protocols, regular updates, and rigorous testing to ensure the website is protected against potential threats. This level of security is crucial for maintaining customer trust and safeguarding sensitive data.

Integration with Business Systems

For many businesses, their website is just one component of a larger digital ecosystem. Custom web development allows for seamless integration with other business systems, such as customer relationship management (CRM) software, enterprise resource planning (ERP) systems, and marketing automation tools. A Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi can create a website that communicates effectively with these systems, streamlining operations and enhancing overall efficiency. This integration can lead to better data management, improved customer service, and more effective marketing strategies.

Unique Design and Branding Opportunities

A custom website provides endless possibilities for unique design and branding. Businesses in the UAE, especially in Dubai and Abu Dhabi, operate in a highly competitive market where standing out is essential. A custom-designed website allows for the incorporation of unique visual elements, brand colors, and typography that reinforce the brand's identity. This level of customization is not possible with pre-made templates. By working with a Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi, businesses can create a memorable online presence that resonates with their audience and sets them apart from competitors.

Performance Optimization

Website performance is a critical factor in user experience and SEO. Slow-loading pages can lead to high bounce rates and lower search engine rankings. Custom web development ensures that the website is optimized for speed and performance from the outset. A Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi can use advanced techniques such as image optimization, content delivery networks (CDNs), and efficient coding practices to create a fast, responsive website. This optimization results in a smoother user experience and better search engine performance.

Cost-Effectiveness in the Long Run

While custom web development may require a higher initial investment compared to using templates, it can be more cost-effective in the long run. Custom websites are built to last and can be easily updated and expanded as the business grows. This longevity reduces the need for frequent redesigns and overhauls, saving money and resources over time. Additionally, the improved performance, security, and user experience of a custom website can lead to higher conversion rates and revenue, providing a significant return on investment.

In conclusion, investing in a custom website offers numerous benefits for businesses in the UAE. From tailored solutions and enhanced user experience to better SEO performance and robust security, a custom website is a valuable asset that can drive growth and success. Partnering with a Custom Web Development Company in Dubai & Abu Dhabi ensures that businesses receive a website that not only meets their current needs but also supports their future ambitions.

[christianlanden]

Abu Dhabi wealth fund ups Cheyne Capital commitment

Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund has increased its commitment to a European real estate credit strategy, run by Cheyne Capital.

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which is estimated to have around $892bn (£699bn) in assets under management, has increased its investment in Chayne’s capital solutions strategy to £650m.

Cheyne Real Estate Credit Holdings, which is now on its ninth vintage, focuses on senior lending in European real estate, providing subordinated debt, hybrid credit and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Read more: Cheyne Capital looks to raise £7.5bn for property lending

Recent deals include the structuring of a £780m loan to Quintain for the refinancing of Wembley Park in London, alongside JP Morgan. The fund has also provided a £318m loan to Riverstone, backed by Goldman Sachs; and lent €250m to Bain Capital and Borio Mangiarotti for a housing development in Milan.

In total, the strategy provided loans worth more than £5bn in 2022 and 2023.

“The capital solutions strategy aims to help the European real estate industry transition away from increasingly obsolete assets supported by low interest rates and towards productive, sustainable assets for the long term. With an enormous pipeline of future investments requiring funding, we look forward to continuing to address this need as we open the strategy up to other investors in 2024,” said Ravi Stickney, managing partner and CIO of Cheyne Real Estate.

Mohamed Al Qubaisi, executive director of the real estate arm of ADIA, added: “The Capital Solutions strategy aims to meet the increasing demand for various forms of real estate credit by drawing on Cheyne’s expertise in the European real estate lending market.  We see this as a compelling investment proposition in a market that is looking to private credit lenders for capital.”

Based in London, Cheyne Capital has $11bn in assets, half of which is in real estate.

[lindaboggers]

Abu Dhabi wealth fund ups Cheyne Capital commitment

Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund has increased its commitment to a European real estate credit strategy, run by Cheyne Capital.

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which is estimated to have around $892bn (£699bn) in assets under management, has increased its investment in Chayne’s capital solutions strategy to £650m.

Cheyne Real Estate Credit Holdings, which is now on its ninth vintage, focuses on senior lending in European real estate, providing subordinated debt, hybrid credit and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Read more: Cheyne Capital looks to raise £7.5bn for property lending

Recent deals include the structuring of a £780m loan to Quintain for the refinancing of Wembley Park in London, alongside JP Morgan. The fund has also provided a £318m loan to Riverstone, backed by Goldman Sachs; and lent €250m to Bain Capital and Borio Mangiarotti for a housing development in Milan.

In total, the strategy provided loans worth more than £5bn in 2022 and 2023.

“The capital solutions strategy aims to help the European real estate industry transition away from increasingly obsolete assets supported by low interest rates and towards productive, sustainable assets for the long term. With an enormous pipeline of future investments requiring funding, we look forward to continuing to address this need as we open the strategy up to other investors in 2024,” said Ravi Stickney, managing partner and CIO of Cheyne Real Estate.

Mohamed Al Qubaisi, executive director of the real estate arm of ADIA, added: “The Capital Solutions strategy aims to meet the increasing demand for various forms of real estate credit by drawing on Cheyne’s expertise in the European real estate lending market.  We see this as a compelling investment proposition in a market that is looking to private credit lenders for capital.”

Based in London, Cheyne Capital has $11bn in assets, half of which is in real estate.

[georgeschuylerfinance]

Abu Dhabi wealth fund ups Cheyne Capital commitment

Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund has increased its commitment to a European real estate credit strategy, run by Cheyne Capital.

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which is estimated to have around $892bn (£699bn) in assets under management, has increased its investment in Chayne’s capital solutions strategy to £650m.

Cheyne Real Estate Credit Holdings, which is now on its ninth vintage, focuses on senior lending in European real estate, providing subordinated debt, hybrid credit and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Read more: Cheyne Capital looks to raise £7.5bn for property lending

Recent deals include the structuring of a £780m loan to Quintain for the refinancing of Wembley Park in London, alongside JP Morgan. The fund has also provided a £318m loan to Riverstone, backed by Goldman Sachs; and lent €250m to Bain Capital and Borio Mangiarotti for a housing development in Milan.

In total, the strategy provided loans worth more than £5bn in 2022 and 2023.

“The capital solutions strategy aims to help the European real estate industry transition away from increasingly obsolete assets supported by low interest rates and towards productive, sustainable assets for the long term. With an enormous pipeline of future investments requiring funding, we look forward to continuing to address this need as we open the strategy up to other investors in 2024,” said Ravi Stickney, managing partner and CIO of Cheyne Real Estate.

Mohamed Al Qubaisi, executive director of the real estate arm of ADIA, added: “The Capital Solutions strategy aims to meet the increasing demand for various forms of real estate credit by drawing on Cheyne’s expertise in the European real estate lending market.  We see this as a compelling investment proposition in a market that is looking to private credit lenders for capital.”

Based in London, Cheyne Capital has $11bn in assets, half of which is in real estate.

[saltygardenerlove]

Abu Dhabi wealth fund ups Cheyne Capital commitment

Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund has increased its commitment to a European real estate credit strategy, run by Cheyne Capital.

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which is estimated to have around $892bn (£699bn) in assets under management, has increased its investment in Chayne’s capital solutions strategy to £650m.

Cheyne Real Estate Credit Holdings, which is now on its ninth vintage, focuses on senior lending in European real estate, providing subordinated debt, hybrid credit and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Read more: Cheyne Capital looks to raise £7.5bn for property lending

Recent deals include the structuring of a £780m loan to Quintain for the refinancing of Wembley Park in London, alongside JP Morgan. The fund has also provided a £318m loan to Riverstone, backed by Goldman Sachs; and lent €250m to Bain Capital and Borio Mangiarotti for a housing development in Milan.

In total, the strategy provided loans worth more than £5bn in 2022 and 2023.

“The capital solutions strategy aims to help the European real estate industry transition away from increasingly obsolete assets supported by low interest rates and towards productive, sustainable assets for the long term. With an enormous pipeline of future investments requiring funding, we look forward to continuing to address this need as we open the strategy up to other investors in 2024,” said Ravi Stickney, managing partner and CIO of Cheyne Real Estate.

Mohamed Al Qubaisi, executive director of the real estate arm of ADIA, added: “The Capital Solutions strategy aims to meet the increasing demand for various forms of real estate credit by drawing on Cheyne’s expertise in the European real estate lending market.  We see this as a compelling investment proposition in a market that is looking to private credit lenders for capital.”

Based in London, Cheyne Capital has $11bn in assets, half of which is in real estate.

[bertrhert]

Abu Dhabi wealth fund ups Cheyne Capital commitment

Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund has increased its commitment to a European real estate credit strategy, run by Cheyne Capital.

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which is estimated to have around $892bn (£699bn) in assets under management, has increased its investment in Chayne’s capital solutions strategy to £650m.

Cheyne Real Estate Credit Holdings, which is now on its ninth vintage, focuses on senior lending in European real estate, providing subordinated debt, hybrid credit and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Read more: Cheyne Capital looks to raise £7.5bn for property lending

Recent deals include the structuring of a £780m loan to Quintain for the refinancing of Wembley Park in London, alongside JP Morgan. The fund has also provided a £318m loan to Riverstone, backed by Goldman Sachs; and lent €250m to Bain Capital and Borio Mangiarotti for a housing development in Milan.

In total, the strategy provided loans worth more than £5bn in 2022 and 2023.

“The capital solutions strategy aims to help the European real estate industry transition away from increasingly obsolete assets supported by low interest rates and towards productive, sustainable assets for the long term. With an enormous pipeline of future investments requiring funding, we look forward to continuing to address this need as we open the strategy up to other investors in 2024,” said Ravi Stickney, managing partner and CIO of Cheyne Real Estate.

Mohamed Al Qubaisi, executive director of the real estate arm of ADIA, added: “The Capital Solutions strategy aims to meet the increasing demand for various forms of real estate credit by drawing on Cheyne’s expertise in the European real estate lending market.  We see this as a compelling investment proposition in a market that is looking to private credit lenders for capital.”

Based in London, Cheyne Capital has $11bn in assets, half of which is in real estate.

[craigmyersfinance]

Abu Dhabi wealth fund ups Cheyne Capital commitment

Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund has increased its commitment to a European real estate credit strategy, run by Cheyne Capital.

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which is estimated to have around $892bn (£699bn) in assets under management, has increased its investment in Chayne’s capital solutions strategy to £650m.

Cheyne Real Estate Credit Holdings, which is now on its ninth vintage, focuses on senior lending in European real estate, providing subordinated debt, hybrid credit and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Read more: Cheyne Capital looks to raise £7.5bn for property lending

Recent deals include the structuring of a £780m loan to Quintain for the refinancing of Wembley Park in London, alongside JP Morgan. The fund has also provided a £318m loan to Riverstone, backed by Goldman Sachs; and lent €250m to Bain Capital and Borio Mangiarotti for a housing development in Milan.

In total, the strategy provided loans worth more than £5bn in 2022 and 2023.

“The capital solutions strategy aims to help the European real estate industry transition away from increasingly obsolete assets supported by low interest rates and towards productive, sustainable assets for the long term. With an enormous pipeline of future investments requiring funding, we look forward to continuing to address this need as we open the strategy up to other investors in 2024,” said Ravi Stickney, managing partner and CIO of Cheyne Real Estate.

Mohamed Al Qubaisi, executive director of the real estate arm of ADIA, added: “The Capital Solutions strategy aims to meet the increasing demand for various forms of real estate credit by drawing on Cheyne’s expertise in the European real estate lending market.  We see this as a compelling investment proposition in a market that is looking to private credit lenders for capital.”

Based in London, Cheyne Capital has $11bn in assets, half of which is in real estate.

[sa7abnews]

Don't expect Arab boots on the ground in Gaza

New Post has been published on https://sa7ab.info/2024/08/11/dont-expect-arab-boots-on-the-ground-in-gaza/

Don't expect Arab boots on the ground in Gaza

Since Israel’s ongoing military campaign against Gaza began ten months ago, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) members have been terrified about the war’s impact on the region.

As the conflict continues regionalising and internationalising, Gulf Arab policymakers worry about the wider ramifications, even beyond the Middle East.

A shared interest in seeing a ceasefire implemented immediately has tightened GCC unity since October 2023, highlighting common cause among Gulf Arab states as the region’s conflict dynamics intensify.

In general, GCC members hold Israel and the United States responsible for the humanitarian nightmare, chaos, and human suffering in Gaza. Within this context, any talk of Gulf Arab forces being sent to Gaza to help stabilise and securitise the enclave has been extremely controversial in GCC states.

Gulf Arab authorities have generally avoided even hinting at the mere possibility of this scenario.

Yet, last month, Lana Nusseibeh, special envoy to the United Arab Emirates (UAE) foreign ministry, spoke to the Financial Times about Abu Dhabi’s talks with Washington about Gaza.

She addressed a possible deployment of Emirati forces to the war-torn enclave as part of a multinational “stabilisation” mission once the post-war phase begins. Nusseibeh stressed that Abu Dhabi would only participate in such a multinational force if the Palestinian Authority (PA) extended such an invitation.

This marked the first time a Gulf Arab country raised the possibility of its own troops stepping foot into Gaza.

“The UAE could consider being part of the stabilisation forces alongside Arab and international partners…at the invitation of a reformed PA, or a PA led by an empowered prime minister,” explained the Emirati diplomat.

“The United States should have the lead on this for it to succeed.” She added that the UAE had, “and continued to have, conversations on the ‘day after’ with all the concerned actors in the region”.

Despite Abu Dhabi expressing an openness to the idea of sending its forces to help stabilise Gaza, the UAE and the other GCC members would only do so if certain conditions were met.

As of now, Israel agreeing to such terms is unimaginable. Therefore, without any serious changes on Israel’s part, a deployment of Gulf Arab troops to Gaza remains doubtful.

Ultimately, Gulf Arab troops participating in a multinational force in Gaza would have to face many hurdles under current circumstances. Furthermore, there is no denying that such plans would entail huge risks for GCC states.

Gaza governance questions

The most fundamental questions which remain unresolved pertain to Gaza’s governance. Without these questions being solved, no GCC state will put its boots on the ground in the Palestinian territory that Israel has essentially turned into a no-man’s land over the past ten months.

To be sure, if the Israelis retain full control on the ground in Gaza, such a deployment of Gulf Arab forces can be fully dismissed. There are also difficult questions about which Palestinian leader or faction should be in control of the enclave once the dust eventually settles.

The bottom line is that we are far from realising what post-war Gaza governance will look like, and imagining a GCC state sending its troops to the enclave without these governance-related questions being solved is unrealistic.

In an interview with The New Arab, Dr Andreas Krieg, an associate professor at the Defence Studies Department of King’s College London, pointed out that Israel has thus far not presented any feasible or implementable strategies for the management of Gaza and governance in the blockaded territory during the post-war period.

A key issue is that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government only views Gaza through a security prism that does not consider political dynamics.

“Without a tangible solution to self-governance in the Gaza strip there won’t be security and Israel will not be able to govern the Gaza strip in the mid-term – not even the short term – and call it the end of the war. So, in order to actually effectively end the war, they need to find a political and strategic solution to this. This is where the problems begin,” Dr Krieg told TNA.

“None of the Arab Gulf states would be willing to put their boots on the ground in an active warzone. Without a sustainable ceasefire solution and agreement there will be no way to actually discuss the day after in terms of governance and security. So, what the Israelis have to do is show a very firm commitment to a ceasefire and their commitment to [Palestinian] self-governance in one way or another,” he added.

Setting aside such governance-related questions, a theoretical deployment of Emirati forces to Gaza could take various forms. There could be an active UAE military presence in the enclave. Abu Dhabi could also send paramilitary units or private military contractors, which the UAE has a history of using in Africa.

Another option might be for Emirati police or civil defence units to enter the enclave. Yet, some experts point out that without the PA in charge of Gaza, that does not seem feasible.

“There may be an offering of limited police forces who could coordinate with the PA in Gaza, but I don’t expect to see Emirati regulars in Gaza anytime soon. And even a police angle would require the PA to rule Gaza, which right now we’re quite far away from,” Ryan Bohl, a Middle East and North African analyst at the risk intelligence company RANE, told TNA.

Nonetheless, if Gaza is experiencing warfare all these options would result in the UAE having to play a military, rather than law enforcement, role in the enclave.

“The main factors that would make such a deployment risky include the following: getting drawn into a long-term conflict that a GCC state would find difficult to extract itself from given the material, diplomatic and reputational risk; the risk of becoming Israel’s ‘policeman’ or ‘enforcer’ in Gaza – in other words, providing Israel with a level of security it is comfortable with, but whilst the GCC state bears the cost for doing so,” Dr Neil Quilliam, an associate fellow in the Middle East and North Africa program at Chatham House, told TNA.

“In this scenario, the GCC force in part replaces the role of Fatah in policing Palestinian society; GCC forces could be viewed by Gazans as an occupying power and therefore the target of an insurgency; and finally, deploying boots on the ground would be viewed unfavourably back at home in the wider Arab world,” Dr Quilliam added.

“The government sending troops would be considered to be betraying the Palestinian cause and it would risk disquiet at home and in the region.”

The nature of Israel’s current government is a relevant factor that no Gulf Arab state could ignore when contemplating any sort of deployment of its own troops to Gaza.

“It’s virtually impossible to see a GCC peacekeeping force enter Gaza in a viable way without a political change in Israel’s government,” Bohl told TNA.

“Its far-right element essentially blocks any notable cooperation between Israel and the GCC on such a front, as the two have diametrically different views as to what’s to happen to Gaza (witness [Israel’s Finance Minister Bezalel] Smotrich’s statement on starving Gazans to death if he could),” he added.

Iran and the region’s resistance factions

Talk of Gulf Arab boots touching the ground in Gaza needs to account for how such a development could play out in the wider region.

At a time in which Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Bahrain are determined to build on this new period of détente with Iran, officials in these GCC states are sensitive to how Israel’s war on Gaza stands to impact their relationships with the Islamic Republic while key questions about the role of Arab actors in the Tehran-led “axis of resistance” must be considered too.

“Israel’s war on Gaza has served to unite Arab states once again behind the Palestinian cause. Prior to 7 October, there was a significant gap between those states that had either normalised or were leaning towards normalising with Israel and those that remained resolutely opposed to it. To a large extent, the former had de-prioritised the Palestinian issue in their national interests, whereas for the latter, Palestine remained central to national interests,” said Dr Quilliam.

“If Gulf Arab boots were to touch the ground in Gaza, then it would break the current unity and polarise the Arab world and, at the same time, strengthen the hand of the ‘rejectionist’ states, which would lend weight to Iran and its so-called ‘axis of resistance.’ The balance between conservative and rejectionist states would be heavily skewed in favour of the latter and, as a result, it would lead to an increase in anti-US sentiment across the region,” he added.

Bolstering the UAE’s image?

Emirati diplomats discussing the UAE’s potential willingness to send their country’s troops to Gaza appear to be more about enhancing Abu Dhabi’s image as a relevant actor playing an important role in managing this conflict.

While Qatar and Egypt have been the two most influential Arab states vis-à-vis the Gaza war, the UAE seeks to inject itself into the discourse in ways that capture the attention of policymakers in the US and Europe.

“In this context, the Emiratis want to boost their relevance and show the Americans that they have something to offer when they have nothing to offer at this point – and they’re unwilling to offer anything. From an Emirati point of view, it’s just about discourse,” Dr Krieg told TNA.

“It’s about narratives rather than working toward a feasible and tangible solution because at this point – and there’s no blame on the Emiratis or any other Arab state – neither the Americans nor any other Western country has a clear strategy,” he added.

Without the US and its European allies willing to use their leverage to push Netanyahu’s government toward the concessions that the GCC states would need Tel Aviv to make in order to put their troops on the ground in Gaza, Emirati and other Gulf Arab policymakers will lack the confidence they would need to take the serious risks associated with putting their forces in harm’s way in the besieged Palestinian territory.

Giorgio Cafiero is the CEO of Gulf State Analytics.

Follow him on Twitter: @GiorgioCafiero

[dreamilykawaiibasement]

Abu Dhabi wealth fund ups Cheyne Capital commitment

Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund has increased its commitment to a European real estate credit strategy, run by Cheyne Capital.

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which is estimated to have around $892bn (£699bn) in assets under management, has increased its investment in Chayne’s capital solutions strategy to £650m.

Cheyne Real Estate Credit Holdings, which is now on its ninth vintage, focuses on senior lending in European real estate, providing subordinated debt, hybrid credit and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Read more: Cheyne Capital looks to raise £7.5bn for property lending

Recent deals include the structuring of a £780m loan to Quintain for the refinancing of Wembley Park in London, alongside JP Morgan. The fund has also provided a £318m loan to Riverstone, backed by Goldman Sachs; and lent €250m to Bain Capital and Borio Mangiarotti for a housing development in Milan.

In total, the strategy provided loans worth more than £5bn in 2022 and 2023.

“The capital solutions strategy aims to help the European real estate industry transition away from increasingly obsolete assets supported by low interest rates and towards productive, sustainable assets for the long term. With an enormous pipeline of future investments requiring funding, we look forward to continuing to address this need as we open the strategy up to other investors in 2024,” said Ravi Stickney, managing partner and CIO of Cheyne Real Estate.

Mohamed Al Qubaisi, executive director of the real estate arm of ADIA, added: “The Capital Solutions strategy aims to meet the increasing demand for various forms of real estate credit by drawing on Cheyne’s expertise in the European real estate lending market.  We see this as a compelling investment proposition in a market that is looking to private credit lenders for capital.”

Based in London, Cheyne Capital has $11bn in assets, half of which is in real estate.

[brianway23]

Abu Dhabi wealth fund ups Cheyne Capital commitment

Abu Dhabi’s sovereign wealth fund has increased its commitment to a European real estate credit strategy, run by Cheyne Capital.

The Abu Dhabi Investment Authority (ADIA), which is estimated to have around $892bn (£699bn) in assets under management, has increased its investment in Chayne’s capital solutions strategy to £650m.

Cheyne Real Estate Credit Holdings, which is now on its ninth vintage, focuses on senior lending in European real estate, providing subordinated debt, hybrid credit and commercial mortgage-backed securities.

Read more: Cheyne Capital looks to raise £7.5bn for property lending

Recent deals include the structuring of a £780m loan to Quintain for the refinancing of Wembley Park in London, alongside JP Morgan. The fund has also provided a £318m loan to Riverstone, backed by Goldman Sachs; and lent €250m to Bain Capital and Borio Mangiarotti for a housing development in Milan.

In total, the strategy provided loans worth more than £5bn in 2022 and 2023.

“The capital solutions strategy aims to help the European real estate industry transition away from increasingly obsolete assets supported by low interest rates and towards productive, sustainable assets for the long term. With an enormous pipeline of future investments requiring funding, we look forward to continuing to address this need as we open the strategy up to other investors in 2024,” said Ravi Stickney, managing partner and CIO of Cheyne Real Estate.

Mohamed Al Qubaisi, executive director of the real estate arm of ADIA, added: “The Capital Solutions strategy aims to meet the increasing demand for various forms of real estate credit by drawing on Cheyne’s expertise in the European real estate lending market.  We see this as a compelling investment proposition in a market that is looking to private credit lenders for capital.”

Based in London, Cheyne Capital has $11bn in assets, half of which is in real estate.