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incorrectmahabharatquotes · 5 months ago

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Hi sorry I have to disagree. I don't know about your state but where I'm from the candidates aren't local people and half the time they are away. One person representing your issues in parliament is a myth 90 percent of the time. The prime minister and his party's decisions have more direct weight in my daily life than my representative's who at the end of the day does what is convenient to his party. This is the sad reality of this country unfortunately. I don't like Congress and Rahul either but he's much lesser of the two evils. The country is at a crisis. We owe it to our non-hindu friends and neighbors to vote with responsibility and not compromise their safety. Let's face facts - Mamata or Kejriwal is not going to win and voting for them or other regional parties will only divide the opposition vote which is exactly how BJP won last time.

I'm SUPER late in answering this ask, sorry. But also actually very timely in the sense that my point was proven in the Lok Sabha elections.

BJP and Congress aren't your only options. They can try to peddle us the lie that they are but that's simply not true. For the most part, politics in this country plays out on a HIGHLY localised scale, which means the gigantic homogeneity of national parties' agendas really doesn't hold up practically. Other parties exist, INDEPENDENT candidates exist(and a few even won, which I'm extremely happy to see).

It was also a very interesting election cycle because even though the BJP did eventually form the majority in the Lok sabha, they had to SCROUNGE for it. Far different from the "400 paar" narrative they were selling. And now we're at the point where we've returned to the norm of having a coalition government. Make no mistake, a one party majority government was an anomaly. The present is still unfolding and we don't know what will happen next but we can see the cracks forming inside the BJP party doors as well. We still have the state elections of several legislative assemblies upcoming so we'll see how the parties perform.

My state(Uttar Pradesh) did a very funny thing in the Lok Sabha elections and is directly responsible for the BJP NOT getting a majority. Which is very interesting since we had to live through a decade of people flattening the politics here to the "cow belt" stuff and basically writing it off entirely. Just goes to show that nothing is written in stone, after all.

My biggest hope is that what this election did is remind people that their vote actually did matter, at the end of the day.

-Mod S, dedicating this one to the anon who loves the quotes but hates our political opinions

#ask reply #mod replies #indpol #indian politics #asks #mod: s

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news365timesindia · 2 months ago

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[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th October. In what has been a shocking turn of events for both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the 2024 general elections delivered a bitter blow to the ruling party in its once impregnable stronghold. Uttar Pradesh, which was long considered the BJP’s bastion, became one of the primary reasons for the party’s inability to secure a third consecutive term with an absolute majority at the national level. Hopes of replicating the 2019 performance, when the party clinched 62 seats, were dashed as it fell to a mere 33 seats—just over half of the previous tally. Now, with by-elections on the horizon for ten crucial assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, the political landscape is once again shifting. This electoral battle is pivotal not just for the BJP but for Yogi Adityanath himself, whose leadership capabilities are under the spotlight after the party’s disappointing performance in the general elections. As the state braces for a fiercely contested by-election, the question looms: Can Yogi Adityanath’s leadership revive the party’s fortunes, or will the BJP continue to struggle in these key constituencies? The Political Landscape: A Tough Road Ahead for BJP The upcoming by-elections will be held in ten constituencies: Milkipur, Karhal, Katehari, Ghaziabad, Kundarki, Khair, Meerapur, Phulpur, Manjhwa, and Sisamau. Of these, five were previously held by the Samajwadi Party (SP), three by the BJP, and one each by the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and the Nishad Party. The distribution of these seats indicates that the BJP faces a tough challenge, especially in constituencies dominated by the Samajwadi Party and other regional players. Furthermore, the outcome of these elections could influence the broader political narrative in Uttar Pradesh as the state prepares for its next assembly election. The by-elections will be a litmus test for Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, especially as his political standing took a hit after the general election results. Many in political circles have started questioning whether Adityanath’s governance style, which once galvanized the BJP’s voter base, is now beginning to lose its magic. Key Constituencies Where BJP May Struggle Several constituencies in the upcoming by-elections present significant challenges for the BJP. Let’s examine a few in detail: Milkipur: Historically a Samajwadi Party stronghold, Milkipur was once represented by Awadhesh Prasad, who vacated the seat after becoming a Member of Parliament. In the 2022 Assembly elections, the Samajwadi Party won here comfortably, defeating BJP’s candidate by over 13,000 votes. With a substantial Scheduled Caste and OBC voter base, the SP is poised to retain its dominance in the constituency, and the BJP will need a significant shift in voting behavior to have any chance of success. Karhal: A bastion of the Samajwadi Party since 1993, Karhal is an uphill battle for the BJP. In the 2022 Assembly elections, Akhilesh Yadav won this seat before vacating it for his Lok Sabha constituency in Kannauj. Tej Pratap Yadav, Akhilesh’s cousin, has been fielded by the SP in this by-election, bolstering the party’s chances. With 130,000 Yadav voters, along with significant Scheduled Caste and Muslim support, Karhal presents a difficult path for the BJP. Kundarki: This constituency, now vacated after the election of Jiyaur Rahman to the Lok Sabha, features a Muslim-majority electorate that has historically leaned toward the Samajwadi Party. With the BJP struggling to secure a foothold among the region’s significant Muslim and Dalit population, the party will need to deploy a highly strategic campaign if it hopes to gain ground here. Katehari: Another difficult seat for the BJP, Katehari is contested by the SP’s Shobhawati Verma, wife of MP Lalji Verma. This seat became vacant following Lalji Verma’s resignation, and the SP remains a dominant force here. Although the BJP has yet

to announce its candidate, potential candidates like Dharmraj Nishad and Awadhesh Dwivedi face an uphill battle against entrenched SP support. Meerapur: This constituency has a diverse electorate, with 40% of voters belonging to the Muslim community and another 50,000 Scheduled Caste voters. RLD’s Chandan Chauhan vacated the seat after winning a Lok Sabha seat, and the BJP faces a challenge in this largely non-traditional stronghold. Speculation has arisen that the BJP may concede this seat to the RLD in a gesture of political accommodation, but the dynamics of the constituency will make it a difficult battleground. Manjhwa: Previously held by the Nishad Party’s Dr. Vinod Kumar Bind, Manjhwa represents a unique electoral dynamic with an almost evenly distributed caste composition. While the Nishad Party has traditionally had sway here, the BJP has chosen not to field a candidate from its ally’s ranks, opting instead for direct contestation. This decision could fracture the vote, adding an additional layer of complexity to the race. Sisamau: The disqualification of Samajwadi Party MLA Irfan Solanki has opened up this seat for by-election. His wife, Naseem Solanki, has been nominated by the SP, and with a significant Muslim and Brahmin voter base, the SP is in a strong position. The BJP will need to carefully craft its campaign to attract non-Muslim voters, particularly Dalits and Brahmins, to have any chance of success here. Challenges for Yogi Adityanath and BJP The by-elections present both a challenge and an opportunity for Yogi Adityanath and the BJP. On one hand, these elections provide a platform for the party to reclaim lost ground and restore confidence in Adityanath’s leadership. On the other hand, the political dynamics in these constituencies suggest that the BJP’s traditional base may not be enough to secure victory, especially given the strong presence of regional players like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal. Yogi Adityanath’s appeal, which has previously galvanized support in key regions of Uttar Pradesh, is being tested. The results of the by-elections will likely reflect whether the Chief Minister still holds the sway he once did or if voters are beginning to shift their allegiance to other parties in the face of new political realities. Conclusion The upcoming by-elections in Uttar Pradesh represent a crucial test for both the BJP and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Following the party’s dramatic fall in seat count during the 2024 general elections, the by-elections serve as an opportunity for the BJP to regain its footing. However, the road ahead is fraught with challenges, particularly in constituencies like Karhal, Milkipur, and Kundarki, where the Samajwadi Party and other regional players have a firm grip on the electorate. Yogi Adityanath’s leadership will face an even greater test than before. His ability to address the doubts raised after the general election loss will be critical to the BJP’s success. While his charisma and hardline governance approach have previously resonated with a broad voter base, the political landscape is shifting. The BJP will need a more nuanced strategy that goes beyond mere reliance on Adityanath’s appeal. The by-elections are not just a referendum on the BJP’s performance but also a reflection of the changing dynamics of Uttar Pradesh politics. For Yogi Adityanath, it will be a moment of reckoning—whether he can steer the party through these turbulent waters or if his influence is beginning to wane will become evident in the results of these key contests. [ad_2] Source link

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news365times · 2 months ago

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werindialive · 7 months ago

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Anything to stop Narendra Modi from becoming Prime Minister; Asaduddin Owaisi

AIMIM chief Asaduddin Owaisi, the candidate for the Lok Sabha seat from Hyderabad, openly said that he is willing to support anyone other than Narendra Modi in the fight for prime ministerial candidate.

In a statement to ANI, Mr. Owaisi said "I cannot talk about ifs, buts, and possibilities. I had said during the elections that if there is a chance that someone else can become the PM instead of Modi, then we will support them."

Talking about the Lok Sabha elections in 2024, Owaisi said that getting this many votes in the election should not have happened for BJP this time.

The atmosphere that was there in the country, according to the BJP should not have got even this number of seats. If we had done the right work they would have just got 150 seats. We could have stopped the BJP from forming the government and even the public wanted this, but were unsuccessful. But, at least we cannot be blamed," said Mr Owaisi.

"One thing is clear there wasn't any Muslim vote bank in the country and there never will be," he added.

Owaisi also talked about the BJP’s performance in Uttar Pradesh and said, "They thought they were invisible in UP but no one is invincible. Will PM Modi run the government with the help of crutches?"

Mr. Owaisi recorded 6,61,981 votes and defeated BJP's Madhavi Latha.

Thanking the people, Owaisi in a press conference said, I would like to thank the people as they have given success to Majlis for the fifth time. I would like to thank the people of Hyderabad, especially the youth, women, and first-time voters who have given a historic success to the AIMIM party."

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#werindia #leading india news source #top news stories #top news headlines #top news of the day #latest national news #indian politics #national news #political news #latest political news #politics #election #election results #lok sabha

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kisansatta · 4 years ago

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उत्तर प्रदेश उपचुनाव में भाजपा से कौन-कौन हो सकता है बीजेपी का प्रत्याशी

लखनऊ. यूपी में हाल ही में विधानसभा की 8 सीटों पर उपचुनाव होने वाले हैं. ऐसे में सभी पार्टियों के प्रत्याशी अपने-अपने क्षेत्र में ताकत झोंके हुए हैं कि आलाकमान की नजर उनपर पड़ जाये और उन्हें टिकट मिल जाये. उपचुनाव है तो जाहिर तौर पर सत्ताधारी दल बीजेपी के टिकट पर चुनाव लड़ने वालों की फौज सबसे ज्यादा होगी।

1. मल्हनी, जौनपुर – समाजवादी पार्टी के पारसनाथ यादव के निधन के चलते ये सीट खाली हुई है. इस सीट पर बीजेपी की बड़ी लड़ाई है. पार्टी कभी इस सीट से नहीं जीती. लिहाजा दमदार कैण्डिडेट की तलाश है. इस सीट पर इलाहाबाद विश्वविद्यालय के कभी छात्र नेता रहे मनोज सिंह की दावेदारी मानी जा रही है. वे बरसठी से ब्लाक प्रमुख रहे हैं. इसके अलावा 2017 में बीजेपी से लड़ चुके सतीश सिंह भी लाइन में हैं. 2012 में बसपा से चुनाव लड़ चुके हैं और अब बीजेपी के सिपाही बने पाणिनी सिंह भी दावेदारों का सूची में हैं. प्रमोद यादव का नाम भी लिया जा रहा है. इनके बारे में कहा जा रहा है कि आरएसएस के जरिये इन्हें लड़ाने की तैयारी है. हालंकि जौनपुर में इस थ्योरी की चर्चा जोरों पर है कि शायद बीजेपी ये सीट निषाद पार्टी को दे दे. उम्मीद्वार के रूप में बाहुबली धन्नंजय सिंह का नाम आगे है.

2. बांगरमऊ, उन्नाव – उन्नाव की जिला कमेटी ने बताया कि लगभग 20 लोगों ने चुनाव लड़ने ��े लिए आवेदन किया है. वैसे तो अभी कुछ कहना जल्दबाजी होगी, लेकिन कुलदीप सिंह सेंगर की फैमिली से ही किसी को टिकट मिलने की संभावना है. पत्नी संगीता सेंगर के लड़ने की संभावना है. इसके अलावा नवाबगंज ब्लॉक प्रमुख अरुण सिंह के नाम की भी हवा तेज है. ये भी कुलदीप सेंगर के खास रहे हैं. इसके अलावा ममता सिंह, शशि शेखर सिंह और ज्ञानेन्द्र सिंह के नाम की भी जिले में चर्चा तेज है.

3. देवरिया – विधायक जन्मेजय सिंह के निधन के कारण खाली हुई इस सीट पर उनके बेटे के चुनाव लड़ने की प्रबल संभावना है. जन्मेजय सिंह के बेटे अजय प्रताप सिंह ऊर्फ पिण्टू सिंह ही क्षेत्र का पूरा कामकाज देखते रहे हैं. हालांकि कई और नेता अपनी गोटी सेट करने में लगे हैं. पूर्व सांसद श्री प्रकाश मणि त्रिपाठी के बेटे शशांक मणि त्रिपाठी, संजय सिंह शंखवार, अलका सिंह और प्रमोद सिंह के नाम की भी चर्चा तेज है. 4. स्वार, रामपुर – बीजेपी के लिए दूसरी बड़ी चुनौती स्वार सीट है. इसपर भी उसे कभी जीत नहीं मिली है. आजम खान के बेटे अब्दुल्ला आजम का चुनाव रद्द होने से ये सीट खाली हुई है. इस सीट पर बीजेपी इस बार पूरी ताकत लगायेगी. तीन नामों की चर्चा पूरे रामपुर में है. आकाश सक्सेना हन्नी, लक्ष्मी सैनी और हरिओम मौर्या. हरिओम मौर्या मसवासी नगर पंचायत के चेयरमैन हैं. लक्ष्मी सैनी पिछला और उससे पहले का एक चुनाव हार चुकी हैं. आकाश सक्सेना वही शख्‍स हैं, जिन्होंने आजम खान के खिलाफ मुकदमे कराये हैं. महेश मौर्या भी लाइन में हैं जो मसवासी से चेयरमैन रह चुके हैं.

5. टूण्डला, फिरोजोबाद – एसपी सिंह बघेल के बीजेपी से सांसद बनने के बाद से ये सीट खाली चल रही है. इस सीट पर बीजेपी से चुनाव लड़ने के लिए अभी तक 18 आवेदन आ चुके हैं. इनमें पांच पूर्व विधायक, कुछ स्थानीय नेता और कुछ ऐसे नेता भी शामिल हैं जो आगरा से हैं, लेकिन टूण्डला से चुनाव लड़ना चाहते हैं. बीजेपी की जिला यूनिट में पदाधिकारी नीलम दिवाकर, पूर्व विधायक मोहनदेव शंखवार, पूर्व विधायक शिव सिंह चक का नाम तेजी से उभरा है.

6. बुलंदशहर – बुलंदशहर की सीट बीजेपी के वीरेंद्र सिंह सिरोही के निधन के चलते खाली हुई है. इस पर दावेदारों की लंबी फौज सामने आई है. वीरेंद्र सिरोही के दोनों बेटे दिग्विजय और विनय सिरोही चुनाव लड़ना चाहते हैं. इसके अलावा लोकल कमिटी के कई पदाधिकारी और बिजनेसमैन भी दौड़ में बने हैं. जिला महामंत्री रहे रविन्द्र राजौरा, प्रताप चौधरी, सुंदरपाल तेवतिया, जगदीश दहिया, दिल्ली (इनकम टैक्स कमिश्नर) प्रो राजीव सिरोही, ड��एवी कालेजसाहब सिंह सिरोही (मुक्तेश्वरा के निवासी- गाजियाबाद में वर्तमान में रहते है) के नाम बुलंदशहर में चर्चा में हैं. चर्चा तो इस बात की भी है कि दिवंगत वीरेंद्र सिरोही के परिवार में ही कई दावेदार उठ खड़े हुए हैं.

7. घाटमपुर, कानपुर – मंत्री कमलरानी वरुण के निधन से यह सीट खाली हुई है. इस सीट से बीजेपी के टिकट पर चुनाव लड़ने के इच्छुक 15-20 लोगों के आवेदन जिला कमेटी को मिल चुके हैं. हालांकि, मजबूत दावेदारी कमलरानी वरुण की बेटी ही मानी जा रही हैं. बेटी स्वनिल पेशे से टीचर हैं. इनके लड़ने की संभावना ज्यादा है.

8. नौंगाव सादात – मंत्री चेतन चौहान के भी निधन से सीट खाली हुई है. जिला कमेटी के एक पदाधिकारी ने बताया कि वैसे तो पार्टी हाईकमान जिनको चाहेगा चुनाव लड़ायेगा, लेकिन संगीता चौहान के लड़ने की संभावना ज्यादा है. संगीता चौहान दिवंगत चेतन चौहान की पत्नी हैं. हालांकि वे राजनीति में सक्रिय नहीं रही हैं.

https://is.gd/udKhih #WhoCanBeBJPSCandidateInUttarPradeshByElection Who can be BJP's candidate in Uttar Pradesh by-election National, State, Top #National, #State, #Top KISAN SATTA - सच का संकल्प

#Who can be BJP's candidate in Uttar Pradesh by-election #National #State #Top

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iakshaysrivastav · 3 years ago

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Mamata Banerjee is confident that she will win, then why does the Bhabanipur bypoll matter?

TMC has been affirming a win for Mamata Banerjee in Bhabanipur. Why is there so much interest in the Bhabanipur bypoll? What makes it so exciting? As part of her campaigning, Mamata Banerjee visited temples, mosques, and Gurdwaras in the domestic constituency.

Mamata Bannerjee's home constituency is Bhabanipur. There have been recent reports that the people of Bhabanipur are talking about the days when Mamata Bannerjee grew up there.

The bypoll in Bhabanipur is in the spotlight. Along with Bhabanipur, Shamsher Ganj and Jangipur in the Murshidabad district will also contest the election on September 30.

Campaigning on the field by Mamata Bannerjee

"Ghorer meykey" (woman from the family) was the slogan of TMC's marketing campaign portraying the opposition are 'outsiders'. Bhabanipur will have five women candidates. Priyanka Tiberwal, the BJP candidate, seems to be Mamata Bannerjee’s strongest competitor.

Mamata Banerjee's extreme marketing campaign showcased her being a street-fighter and grassroots leader. It also gave the BJP a reason to assert that Mamata Banerjee is feeling tensed after losing the Nandigram seat despite running a massive campaign.

Keeping an eye on non-Bengali voters

TMC led the 2021 West Bengal campaign on Bangla pride by calling the BJP a foreign party. In Bhabanipur, 40% of voters are non-Bengali.

The TMC leaders have been positive in media interactions about winning votes from Marwaris, Gujaratis, and various non-Bengali ethnic groups in Bhabanipur.

In what's being seen as Mamata Banerjee versus Priyanka Tiberwal contest, the TMC seems assured of twenty percent Muslim voters in Bhabanipur. The BJP, however, banks on non-Bengali Hindu voters (around 32-35 percent) to provide Mamata Banerjee a tricky fight.

The Congress was an ally of Mamata Banerjee's TMC in 2011. The party candidate Deepa Dasmunshi, the wife of Congress politician Priyaranjan Dasmunshi, received 29 percent of the vote.

Priyanka Tiberwal is a lawyer who has initiated litigation in the case of alleged post-election violence in West Bengal. Her nomination was seen by many as a weak candidate for the BJP against Mamata Banerjee.

However, the presence of a large proportion of non-Bengali voters in Bhabanipur make Priyanka Tiberwal a potential dark horse in the voting competition.

The BJP also sent Lok Sabha MP Manoj Tiwari, a popular Bhojpuri singer turned politician, to attract significant numbers of voters from Bihar, Jharkhand, and eastern Uttar Pradesh.

WEATHER FORECAST

Weather can be a wonderful thing in Bhabanipur. Meteorological Department forecast heavy rainfall in Bhabanipur and surrounding areas by midweek due to low-pressure build-up in the Bay of Bengal.

Bhabanipur is not known for its high turnout, which is still around 50%. The Kolkata area experienced heavy rainfall last week, leading to flooding in many places. If the weather turns inclement on polling day and turnout is lower, Bhabanipur could experience a tighter-than-expected election.

#west bengal #mamata bannerjee #bhabanipur #politics

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indianpolsoc · 4 years ago

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FC Barcelona and the Indian National Congress: The uncanny resemblance

The following is a piece by Anunay Chowdhury. Anunay is a second-year student of Law at King’s College London.

Perhaps this is the strangest analogy that you would read today. FC Barcelona and Indian National Congress do not have any substantial similarity but, atypically, two of the most prominent organizations in their respective fields have much more in common than one would expect. The exit of a brilliant Brazilian player, Neymar in 2015 made Barcelona vulnerable and has been witnessing some of the most embarrassing moments in the club’s modern history. On the other side, the Indian National Congress is barely keeping up in the wake of Bhartiya Janta Party’s dominance in the national scene. A closer look at two organizations, who operate in two very distinct professions may reveal a similar flaw.

The recent headlines have put the Grand Old Party on a very fragile tactical ground. After the episodes in Karnataka and Madhya Pradesh, Indian National Congress is trying to salvage whatever remains of its minuscule repute in the state of Rajasthan. Sachin Pilot, a next-gen leader of the Indian National Congress and has been rumoured to be in direct conflict with local state leadership. He had single-handedly helped INC win the Rajasthan state elections in 2018. In 2015, INC only won on 21 seats out 200 in Rajasthan. The number increased to 100 seats in the 2018 election. Post his absence from the state Indian National Congress meeting; he has been dishonourably relieved from his duty as the INC Rajasthan President. As a mitigating response, the party leadership has called all the MLAs to gather in a fancy resort to contain the horse-trading from the other side – somehow the epistemology of this idea always escapes me. There were widespread rumours that Sachin Pilot was denied CMship in 2018 after the so-called resurgence of the Indian National Congress in the national scene after the near-lethal drubbing of INC after the 2014 national and state election.

The story of FC Barcelona of 2019, however coincidently, mirrors the near demise of Indian National Congress in the Indian political landscape. The FC Barcelona is the 2nd biggest club in the world by revenue - 2nd only to the national rival Real Madrid. Despite having, inarguably, the best player in the history of football, FC Barcelona has only been consistent in their dreary and insipid football. Under their former manager Pep Guardiola, FC Barcelona played one of the best football and embraced much of the identity for which they were known till date. The oozing display of possession and creativity has now decayed into relentless horizontal passing with no intent to threaten the opposing side. Almost all of their offensive movement goes through Lionel Messi, who in his day can still manage to outperform all the of the rest of the players on the field. Managers still fail to draw tactics to contain a single player in a game of 22. Lionel Messi has been, for the past two years, in a Super-Saiyan mode and has been dragging Barcelona alone. But the miracle-man still plays a team game, despite creating havoc on the field, the rules of the game remain the same – one who scores more will win. The ageing squad of FC Barcelona and dystopian management is at the core of the problem. Messi is himself 32, and he has to respect the biological limit of his body. Eight of the 20-player squad is above the age of 30. On average, 5 of the ten outfield players in a match are above the age of 30. The team does not have a classical wing player and depends on newly promoted 18-year-old Ansu Fati for occasional help. The team often seems confused and static and depend only on Lionel Messi to produce an opening for an attack. The management has spent more than 800 million pounds after the exit of the star player Neymar. Amidst the race to replace Neymar, FC Barcelona nearly killed the career of Phillipe Coutinho who joined Barcelona on the premise of winning big trophies. He has, since then, seen his former club, Liverpool FC, win everything that he was meant to win at FC Barcelona.

The ageing squad has run out of ideas, strength and passion for competing at a higher level. The manager seems reluctant to preclude ageing players due to their enormity of stature in the team. Management is disinclined to allow youth players into the first team. There seems to be a kind of hegemony of older players which undermines the managerial authority in the team selection process. Imbecilic man-management lead to expenditure on players that do not fit the requirement of the team. Barcelona is often seen succumbing to the pressure by other teams if they press high or lay deep back in defence. It only exposes off the field leadership in the hierarchy of players.

In short, Barcelona does not inspire confidence among fans, like me, that they can compete with the likes of Bayern Munich, Manchester City, Liverpool and Real Madrid. As long as they are dependent on just one man supplemented with their boring and dull tactics, lack of speed on the wings, midfielders not having freedom and creativity to anchor attacks, Barcelona is doing just everything to fall into oblivion like AC Milan and Manchester United. Fans have nothing but to sporadically orgasm on historical achievements of the club.

That surely rings a bell. The story of the Indian National Congress is the same. The recent ousting of Sachin Pilot from the Rajasthan state wing of the Indian National Congress has been linked to the weakened relations with the current Chief Minister of Rajasthan Ashok Gehlot. Some political analyst speculates that the souring relationship is due to the growing prominence of Sachin Pilot in the Rajasthan cadre of the Indian National Congress. Ashok Gehlot felt threatened due to diminishing prospect of his son growing in the ranks of the Indian National Congress in Rajasthan. Previously, Ashok Gehlot’s push to favour his son for the post of Rajasthan Cricket Association had created a concern for the local leaders of the party[1]. This is not the first time we have seen that despotic top tier party members exercise influence over the party decisions resulting in neglecting deserving candidates.

In recent times, the progression of the local leaders to the higher posts in the party has become a big concern. Much of the consternation is due to the power-hungry party veteran that does not let grassroot-workers to climb up the ladder. Former spokesperson of the party Sanjay Jha had penned the same concern in recent columns in Times of India. Instead of introspection, party discharged Sanjay Jha of his duties. He grew very critical of the lack of transparency in the internal party matters[2]. As for the matter of corroboration, he further wrote that his colleagues in the party expressed appreciation that he raised a very pertinent issue but simultaneously was left aghast by the lack of public support[3].

The leadership vacuum is another major problem. It emanates explicitly from the fact that Rahul Gandhi does not understand politics – plain and simple. Recklessness aside, BJP installed LCD TVs in the remotest of the areas in West Bengal during the Covid-19 pandemic for Amit Shah’s virtual rally for the upcoming West Bengal state elections. As against, Rahul Gandhi uploaded a video on Facebook critiquing Modi’s policies only to realise that around 70% of the voters in the elections do not have access to Facebook. Some student in 2017 wrote to Guinness Book of World Record to enlist Rahul Gandhi as the man who lost most elections [4]. He assumed the responsibility of the President in 2017 from his mother, Sonia Gandhi. After the 2019 Lok Sabha election, as Salman Khan would choke on 21st-century film-making after watching likes of Inception, Rahul Gandhi could barely fathom the enormity of the loss. As a response, Rahul Gandhi resigned from the post of President and submitted the letter of resignation to his mother, who has since taken charge instead. Initially, Sonia Gandhi was reluctant to accept the resignation but accepted it eventually. Rahul Gandhi was projected as the Prime Ministerial candidate of the Indian National Congress. The man has not held any administrative post in his entire life and managed to lose his constituency of Amethi, Uttar Pradesh was is nearly considered to be the family heirloom of the Gandhi’s. INC won 13 out of the 15 Lok Sabha elections that were held in Amethi before 2019 Lok Sabha election. The seat has been previously held by Rahul Gandhi’s father and mother – Rajiv Gandhi and Sonia Gandhi. These days, the former President of the INC has been reduced to memes and a universal symbol of political comic relief. In the times of alleged historical appropriation by Bhartiya Janta Party, Rahul Gandhi can be seen invoking his great grandfather – Jawaharlal Nehru, advocating on his behalf about the magnificence of his stature and his contribution to building modern India. Rahul Gandhi is nowhere near the acclaim of Jawaharlal Nehru. If resuscitated, Nehru would prefer going back to his grave than to witness the abysmal result of his progeny.

It is not the first time that the politicians are jumping the ships but what is surprising in the case of INC is the level of leadership and how they quit. Jyotiraditya Scindia was not any other leader in the Indian National Congress. He had a firm grip on the central Madhya Pradesh constituencies and had the support of 22 MLA’s while quitting the INC. As the media outlets reported, he grew discontented by the INC leadership or lack of it. Part of leadership is to maintain a close grip on prominent regional leaders and to make sure that their efforts are reciprocated. Despite delivering, Scindia did not feel having an essential role in the Madhya Pradesh government.

Once the beacon of freedom and liberty, the Indian National Congress is now in complete shambles and has been showing every symptom of an imminent implosion. The party has run out of ideas and lacks a democratic structure internally. All the next-gen leaders that were given an early opportunity by the INC, Like Sachin Pilot, Jyotiraditya Scindia, Milind Deora, Priya Dutt and Jitin Prasada seems to have only cemented their resolute against Sonia-Rahul hegemony over INC. The party has no one to blame but itself for its fallout with leaders like Jyotiraditya Scindia and Sachin Pilot. Rahul Gandhi is not a leader and can never be a leader, in the race of gladiators; he is merely a loony tune character.

Indian National Congress needs to revamp its internal structure to revive confidence among the party members and local party workers. The party needs a leader with inherent qualities to man-manage the party to march them forward. It is running out of time to be trying to groom and spoon feed a baby adult into believing that he is a leader. The party requires a more liberated federal structure. A fresh approach to reach masses at grassroot level is the need of the hour. If there is any chance for INC to salvage anything before the 2023 election, the time is of the essence. In the period from 1998 till today, INC has had only two presidents irrespective of the result as against Bhartiya Janta Party has had ten presidents in the same period. While the one is a beacon of democratic liberal values and the other one is regarded as a fascist organization. The party has to look beyond the clutches of the Rahul-Sonia leadership. An apposite effort-reward equation has to be set among the party lines, so the deserving candidates have necessary means to prove their mettle. The communication divide between the so-called “High Command” has to be bridged by delegation and more transparency.

FC Barcelona presidentship is up for elections in 2021 with the leading candidate, Victor Font promising a bright project including bringing back Xavi Hernandez, one of the leading squad member of 2011 Barcelona squad and a close apprentice of Pep Guardiola, as the head coach of the team. Xavi promises to bring back the electrifying football of FC Barcelona with particular reliance on youth and academy players. It remains to be seen what Indian National Congress would do to stop leakage of prominent next-gen leaders out of the party. How congress party will approach the 2023 general election would set the tone for the ultimate future of the party.

[1] https://theprint.in/politics/ashok-gehlot-son-rajasthan-cricket-congress/300861/

[2] https://www.hindustantimes.com/india-news/sanjay-jha-removed-as-congress-spokesperson-days-after-he-penned-critical-article-against-party/story-cHG4SZysgjtHKqTt1vWouO.html

[3] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/blogs/toi-edit-page/congressmen-watching-silently-as-party-hurtles-towards-political-obsolescence/

[4] https://www.business-standard.com/article/politics/rahul-gandhi-might-make-it-to-guinness-book-for-losing-27-elections-117032100523_1.html

#politics #sports #articles

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fdhfjdafdajfa · 5 years ago

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Yeah could you talk more about what's going on in your country right now? >:0

I get trolled half to fuck every time I open my mouth on India (a lot of Indians on this site are wealthy upper caste Hindu dipshits) but basically.

1. The ruling party is straight up nazis. That’s not “as bad as nazis”, that’s “literally trace their ideological genealogy to the nazis and are emulating their example in an openly acknowledged fashion.”

2. Where the Nazis originated as an occultist group but downplayed this tendency publicly, the Indian ruling party traces its origin to a Hindu reconstructionist movement which started in the late 19th century with the work of Ram Mohan Roy, who started the Brahmo Samaj, a movement which cultivated a “Hindu” religious identity synthesised from various local traditions and old Sanskrit texts recently unearthed by European and American occultists and philologists.

3. The occultist group that turned into the early Nazi party sprang from the Theosophist movement in India, which was one of the aforementioned occultist groups. A major Theosophist figure, Annie Besant, rose to become the president of the Indian National Congress, from which eventually split the RSS, which is referred to sometimes as “India’s KKK.”

4. The history of violent and forceful conversions to Hinduism goes back to the Brahmo Samaj mentioned earlier, but the RSS was and remains an extremely violent hate group.

5. Its ideology was formulated by Sarvarkar, who openly admired the nazis, advocated the rape of Muslim women, and felt that the Holocaust model was one to emulate with India’s religious minorities.The reason I establish all of this is because I assume that you (+ other potential beneficiaries) have a pretty good idea of what a nazi is, so I want to use that as a starting point to understand who these people are and just how closely related it all is. There is a LOT else going on here with all this occultism in terms of its ideology. The main thing I want westerners to take away is that the sort of wiccan-neopagan villification of Christianity is not harmless over here but rather is taken extremely seriously and serves as a rationale for a brewing genocide.

6. The RSS gradually expanded into an incomprehensibly large network of puppet organisations, a great number of which are involved in doing public relations work for Hinduism in the west. Everything the west knows about Hinduism is because of the RSS.

7. Their growth went more or less completely unchecked for 50 years post-independence and culminated in the destruction of the famous Babri Masjid in Uttar Pradesh, in North India, by a mob of religious fanatics who marched to it from all over India intent on building a Ram Mandir over it – a sort of Hindu answer to the Vatican. This happened in 1992. Anti-Muslim pogroms have been a part of India since British times, but there were especially a lot of them in the early 90′s by hate groups emboldened by the demolition.

8. Another major pogrom was the one in Gujarat in 2002. Thousands of Muslims were killed, businesses torched, etc. Its architect was then-Chief Minister of the state, Narendra Modi.

9. The RSSBJP builds up an ABSOLUTELY ENORMOUS army of internet trolls. The average westerner was probably affected by this, because they actually became influential in building a lot of early American discourse on race in the mid-2000s and early 2010s. A lot of diaspora angst (mine included, back when I was a moron) was given voice by RSS ideology. Their ideas got big. In that period it was pretty much mandatory on India to spout off RSS bullshit constantly. They also have a lot to do with the current infrastructure of Facebook. If you watch the interview I just linked to, MOST Indian facebook pages are run by them, including seemingly innocuous things like groups for searching for roommates. Since they drive up the hits by joining their groups with their tens and hundreds of fake accounts, it’s a big part of Facebook’s business model. Word is they also share infrastructure with Russia, which I believe.

10. In 2014, the RSS’s electoral wing, the BJP, wins the elections and appoints Narendra Modi as Prime Minister of all of India. They did this on the slogan of development.

11. Over the course of the 2014-2019 term, the development premise begins to ring exceptionally hollow, because not only do none of these development projects materialise, but they introduce several economic policies that seem to have no purpose whatsoever and are extremely destructive to the economy. One time they just cancelled a bunch of bank notes and made everyone cancel everything they were doing and wait in line to get them replaced and if they couldn’t do that their money just wouldn’t work anymore. Another time they introduced just this incredibly stupid tax scheme. Both moves were extremely unpopular.

12. Come the 2019 election, we learn that it doesn’t matter how batshit insane BJP’s economic policy is. BJP wins the election in a landslide, with a huge majority of the Hindu vote. In some areas this majority is enormous. In Delhi it’s 70%. In Bhopal – where the BJP’s candidate was Pragya Thakur, who was literally on trial for terrorism, that is, killing Muslims with bombs for political reasons in a coordinated manner with other actors – it was 86%.

13. It’s not just because there’s no opposition. It’s because the BJP is “teaching Muslims a lesson.” It’s literally just because Hindus have a visceral seething hatred for Muslims and for no other reason.

I wanna emphasise something here. In places like America, people self-segregate, regardless of race or any other factor, on the grounds of their political affiliation. For the most part, if you see a group of white people in America, they’re all hanging out together, it means they’re at least kind of on the same page politically – it means they all voted for Trump or they all hate him. Hindus do not do this. If you’re in Delhi and you see four Hindus hanging out on the street, 3 of them voted BJP. On tumblr we’re pretty good about understanding why members of minority groups tend to prefer the company of those who are neither in, nor sympathetic to, members of violent hate groups – you can see where this leaves Muslims.

A German proverb is being revived in India, “if you see nine guys sitting at a table with a nazi, it’s a table with ten nazis”. I know the States have a problem with hyperbolic nazi comparisons but that’s not what’s happening here. These guys are just literal straight up nazis so it isn’t a comparison. In the two years I’ve been here, the Holocaust has gone from being something people pretend not to know about, to becoming a manifestly obvious precedent which is being followed. So trite it’s not worth bringing up. Why? How?

Last year the state of Assam implemented the NRC, the National Register of Citizens. The point of this was to “identify illegal immigrants” allegedly from Bangladesh (a Muslim majority country). The actual point of this was apparent from the start.

This was during election season. A campaign promise.

The long and short of the NRC is that Muslims are being given the runaround and stripped of citizenship and thrown into camps. Like for real for real. So far this is only in the state of Assam, but the legal framework is being laid for its implementation in the entire country. It’s passed without much opposition or protest.

Fear not, though, because:

tl;dr - India is stripping Muslims of citizenship and throwing them in “detention centres” and openly promising to wipe Muslims and Christians out of India by 2021 and this is passing without any opposition in india and without any attention from international media.

#Gonna reblog this with a section on Kashmir.#Anonymous

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mariacallous · 2 years ago

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Two years from now, India will hold the most consequential election in its history: the final chance to stop Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s conversion of the world’s largest democracy into an illiberal Hindu-supremacist state. But the vote that may determine the outcome of that election takes place on Oct. 17, when the opposition Indian National Congress party will pick a new leader through an internal election for the first time since 2000.

The secular alternative to Modi’s Hindu-first Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), Congress is the only outfit that can match the ruling party’s national recognition and organizational reach. If there is a force that can deny Modi another outright majority in India’s Parliament, if not defeat him squarely, it is Congress. Alas, India’s grand old party has become debilitated by a democratic deficit of its own.

Congress—the party that once negotiated India’s freedom from British rule, inspired a generation of anti-colonial leaders from Asia to Africa, and incubated India’s democratic institutions—has effectively functioned as a hereditary dictatorship led by the Gandhi family for more than five decades. Its degeneration began in the 1960s, when then-Prime Minister Indira Gandhi purged her rivals and built a personality cult around herself, reducing the Congress party to her family’s fief. Since then, barring a brief interregnum in the 1990s caused by a death in the family, the Indian National Congress has not known a single leader outside the Gandhi dynasty.

Even now, when the party should be concentrating its energies on choosing the best candidate to lead the fight against Modi in 2024, its leadership race has been eclipsed by a 150-day so-called unity march led by politician Rahul Gandhi. The procession, staged as an historic event, is mostly a means to repair the tattered reputation of Rahul, the fifth-generation family scion who led Congress’s campaigns in parliamentary elections in 2014 and as the party’s president until 2019. Both were resounding victories for the BJP. Rahul even lost the family’s pocket borough in its stronghold in Uttar Pradesh in 2019 and carpetbagged his way into Parliament from southern India at the expense of the left.

Having delivered an electoral calamity for his party in 2019, Rahul did nothing to redeem himself. Between 2015 and 2019, as Modi intensified India’s social transformation—subverting autonomous institutions, consolidating a personality cult, and mainstreaming violent Hindu supremacy—Rahul made 247 overseas trips, an average of about five per month. He was missing on virtually every occasion that Modi’s actions created an opening for the opposition to advance a robust response. As a backbencher, he rarely attends Parliament, asks few questions (he raised none during Modi’s first term), and routinely misses meetings of parliamentary committees.

Despite resigning from the party’s presidency in 2019, Rahul remains its de facto leader , whereas his mother, Sonia Gandhi, wields power as caretaker president. The only significant promotion within the party leadership since 2019 has been of his sister, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra, who has no prior political experience. This state of affairs has allowed Modi, a self-made politician raised by lower-caste parents, to cast himself as the righteous nemesis of the culture of entitlement exemplified by the Gandhis. Modi has portrayed Congress as irredeemably nepotistic and sought to discredit the secular nationalism the party claims to espouse.

None of this has provoked Congress to shed the family dynasty. If anything, criticism of the Gandhis within the party is punished in petty ways. In 2020, when a group of senior leaders urged internal reform, its members were vilified, told to leave the party, and shut out of party posts. The party’s highest administrative body, handpicked by the Gandhis, then passed a motion to strengthen the family’s grip and see off all challenges to its reign. In state elections months later, Congress lost control of one state to the BJP and was routed in others.

Once invincible across India, Congress now governs only two of India’s 28 states. Several experienced and promising young party leaders have left in frustration over the lack of direction under the Gandhis. The family doles out party positions, an arrangement that has ensured its control. But the party’s woes forced the Gandhis to agree to this month’s competitive vote, and Rahul has decided to keep out of the race. His decision has three intended ends: covering up the taint of dynasticism; making Rahul appear self-sacrificing, a patriot uninterested in position; and consecrating him within the party as the supreme authority who does not need a formal title to exercise power.

To avoid an unexpected challenge to their authority, the Gandhi family has nominated a surrogate to contest the party leadership election. Their stand-in is Mallikarjun Kharge, an eminence from southern India who overcame the vicious prejudices directed at him for being a Dalit—a member of a community deemed so impure by the scriptures that they fall outside the hierarchical Hindu caste system—to raise himself up. Worryingly, Kharge is also an obedient 80-year-old Gandhi family acolyte who lost his parliamentary seat in the last election.

His lone challenger is Shashi Tharoor, a member of a dominant yet—strictly speaking—lower caste from southern India. He is perhaps the only figure with the oratorical prowess, charisma, and national profile to rival Modi. As a former high-ranking career diplomat at the United Nations, Tharoor oversaw a complex bureaucracy, supervised efforts to rescue refugees who fled Vietnam by ship and boat at the end of the Vietnam War, helped negotiate the end of hostilities in the former Yugoslavia, and finished close behind Ban Ki-moon in the race for U.N. secretary-general in 2006. An astringent critic of Hindu nationalism, Tharoor has won three successive terms in Parliament despite running in the communist redoubt of Kerala.

Tharoor would be a front-runner to lead almost any centrist party in the world. In the Congress party, however, he faces abuse because he threatens to overshadow Rahul. The party that admires Kharge for his docility portrays Tharoor as a renegade for dissenting from the Gandhi leadership and calling for reforms to democratize the party. Tharoor may be just the disruptive break from the past that Congress needs, but the party appears determined to thwart him. Kharge admitted to advising Tharoor to drop out rather than squander his time on an election. Although Tharoor has traversed the country on budget airlines, Kharge has flown around India on a private plane.

Undeterred, Tharoor has published a detailed blueprint to revitalize Congress. But he faces nearly impossible odds against Kharge, the status quo candidate. Party bosses have turned an indulgent blind eye to officials who have deployed their authority to mobilize support for Kharge—in blatant violation of the election code. Tharoor has even been denied a complete list of the 9,000 eligible voters and their contact details. The results of the election are expected on Oct. 19.

Modi’s “New India” is now widely regarded as the site of democracy’s demise, but it is also paradoxically the setting for democracy’s civic reclamation. From massive nationwide agitation against 2019 legislation that sought to introduce a religious test for citizenship (which has not yet been implemented) to the unremitting protests against controversial agricultural laws that culminated in their repeal last year, the past three years have also been characterized by citizen uprisings against Modi’s sectarian politics.

In “any unrigged pan-Indian electoral college that we can imagine,” the historian Mukul Kesavan recently wrote in Calcutta’s Telegraph, “Tharoor would handily best Kharge.” A victory for Tharoor could boost the party’s sinking fortunes by heralding a departure from its recent decline. Tharoor still may succeed in unifying a fragmented opposition that is weary of the Gandhis. Even if such a coalition cannot vanquish the BJP, it could deprive it of a full majority in Parliament and force it to form a coalition government. Modi is unaccustomed to sharing power, and any such arrangement could temper his worst instincts—if not finish him off completely. But since such a future would be predicated on a reformed Indian National Congress party—and since reform would threaten the Gandhis—a coordinated effort is underway to foil Tharoor’s bid.

What distinguishes India today is not the presence of a strongman leader; it is the absence of an effective opposition capable of converting ordinary citizens’ fury into electoral gains. The Congress party’s leadership election presents the first real opportunity in eight years to end Modi’s attacks on Indian democracy, but the country’s oldest political party appears determined to foil that opportunity. Emancipating Congress from the Gandhis may prove even more challenging than rescuing India from Modi.

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legalupanishad · 2 years ago

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Presidential Election in India: Laws and the Process (2022)

This article on 'Law relating to Presidential election in India' was written by Jagrati, an intern at Legal Upanishad.

Introduction

On 25th July 2022, the 14th President of India, Mr Ram Nath Kovind will reach the finality of his tenure accompanied by the commencement of the 15th President’s tenure. The Presidential election in India can be regarded as the lightning rod for cut-throat politics. Since every major political party goes the extra mile to name a candidate that helps them set up a favourable narrative or immense popularity among the citizens. Like in the case of Droupadi Murmu (a former Jharkhand Governor) who belongs to a Santhal tribe of Odisha has been nominated as the official candidate of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance for the 2022 Presidential election in India. Through this, a persistent effort has been made by the ruling party to represent itself as a paragon of caste inclusivity along with entrenching its Hindutva ideology. Does this bring us to a series of questions starting with who is the President? How is the President of India elected? What are the laws and criteria present for the Presidential election in India? Who elects the President? This article will focus on these particular questions along with similar relevant questions in the following paragraphs.

Post of the President in India

The President is the de jure head of the state, the supreme commander of the armed forces as well as the foremost citizen of India. Articles 52-62 of the Indian Constitution specifically deal with the post of the President. Every executive action of the state is taken in his name as stated in Article 53. Since India has a Parliamentary System of Government, the post of the President is nothing more than a nominal head since the Council of Ministers led by the Prime Minister constitutes the ultimate source of counsel and edict for the President and hence, he is void of any actual authority.

The Presidential Election in India: Process

As per Article 54 of the Constitution, the Presidential election in India come within the category of indirect elections i.e., the President is not elected directly by the common citizens of India but by elected MPs and MLAs which constitute the electoral college. This electoral college is comprised of the elected members of Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha, Legislative Assemblies of the states, and of the Union Territories of Delhi, Jammu & Kashmir and Puducherry. The nominated members of the both Houses of Parliament and other State Legislature Assemblies are not eligible to vote since they are not people’s representatives i.e., not directly elected by the citizens of India and are actually nominated by the President (Article 80 (2)). The value of a vote for each MP has been reduced from 708 and fixed at 700 after the Jammu & Kashmir Assembly was dissolved in 2018, as per the Election Commission of India. However, the vote of each MLA differs since each legislative assembly and its respective state consists of varying strengths of members and populations respectively. In order to get a proportional representation from each state as well as to ascertain the value of the votes of eligible voters, a formula based on the population of each state stipulated under Article 55 (2) (a) is operated: the total population of the state is divided by 1,000 times the strength of its Legislative Assembly. Since the 84th Amendment Act, 2001 has frozen the constitutional boundaries till the national census of 2026 is published, the constituencies have been fixed according to the 1971 census (Article 55 (3)). Presently, the highest strength of any constituency is that of Uttar Pradesh which stands at 208 whereas the lowest stands at 7 which is Sikkim

Manner of voting in the Presidential election in India

The Presidential election in India is carried out in accordance with proportional representation by means of a single-transferable vote taken by a secret ballot system mentioned under Article 55 (3) of the Constitution. The term “proportional representation by means of a single-transferable vote” refers to the method of the election where the candidates are chosen on the basis of a ranked preferential method which entails the transfer of votes to alternative candidates where the winning candidates surpass the quota or the least preferred candidates are eliminated. During the presidential elections, the electors are given ballot papers that do not contain any election symbols but only 2 columns, one, showcasing the name of the candidates and two, containing the array of preferences. The voters cast their votes by ranking their preferences in the space adjacent to the name of the candidates. For example, if a voter likes candidate X the most, he places 1 next to X, and if his next preference is Y, he puts 2 beside his name, and so forth. In this, the voter is not obligated to rank all the preferences provided on the ballot paper and is obligated to place his first preference only. After this, the number of votes a candidate needs to be elected known as the quota system is calculated by using the formula: (Valid Votes Cast/Seats Available +1) +1. The next step is to count the first preference of each voter and if no one meets the quota, the candidates with the fewest votes are excluded and their votes are apportioned among the remaining candidates equally. In the subsequent rounds of tallying, if one of the candidates secures the minimum number of quotas, then all of the other candidates’ votes are transferred to him and he is declared the winner, if there occurs a tie, then one candidate is randomly selected for elimination. Since this system is not like the First Past the Post System where a party wins on the basis of acquiring a simple majority, the candidate in the single-transferable vote system wins after bagging the maximum number of first preference votes i.e., acquiring the votes equivalent to the quota.

Presidential Election in India

Criteria to contest the Presidential election in India

Article 58 of the Constitution stipulates that a person is said to be eligible for election as President if he is a citizen of India, his age is at least 35 years, and is qualified for election as a member of the House of the People. However, the said candidate must not hold any office of profit (candidates who are holding the positions of President, Vice President, Governor, or Minister are the exceptions) under any Central or State Government. Even if those candidates who have previously or are currently holding the position of the President shall according to the other provisions of the Constitution be eligible to contest. The nomination process of a candidate for the post of President is regulated via the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Election Rules, 1974 according to which every candidate has to obey its prescribed form (Form 2). For the nomination to be successful, at least 50 electors as proposers and another 50 as seconders must accept the form of the candidate. The ‘elector’ here refers to the elected MP and MLA. The said nomination paper is presented to the Returning Officer (one who is responsible for supervising the elections) along with a security deposit of Rs. 15000. The candidate needs to submit a certified copy of the entry showcasing his name in the electoral list for the Parliamentary Constituency in which the candidate is listed as an elector.

Conclusion

In this article, we got to know the relevant laws and procedures related to the presidential election in India who although is just a nominal head, still constitutes to be the most important and responsible position due to the magnitude of powers entrusted to him by way of which he can be a valued member in the day-to-day governance.

References

- Express Web Desk, “Droupadi Murmu: 10 things to know about NDA’s presidential nominee”, Indian Express, June 22, 2022, Available at: (Accessed July 2, 2022). https://indianexpress.com/article/india/draupadi-murmu-10-things-to-know-about-ndas-presidential-nominee-7982963/ - Tusharika Narwal, “Explainer: How the President of India is elected”, Live Law, June 21, 2022 Available at: https://www.livelaw.in/know-the-law/explainer-how-the-president-of-india-is-elected-202038 (Accessed July 2, 2022). - Abhinav Ranjan, “How is the President of India elected? Explained”, India TV, June 9, 2022 Available at: https://www.indiatvnews.com/news/india/president-of-india-election-process-explained-electoral-college-formula-2022-06-09-783208 (Accessed July 2, 2022). - Sanjay Sharma, “Presidential poll candidate must have 50 MPs, MLAs as proposers, 50 as seconders”, India Today, June 12, 2022 Available at: https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/presidential-poll-candidate-proposers-seconders-1961520-2022-06-12 (Accessed July 2, 2022). - The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Single Transferable Vote”, Britannica Available at: https://www.britannica.com/topic/single-transferable-vote (Accessed July 2, 2022). Read the full article

#Laws #presidentialelections #presidentialelections2022 #legalupdates #elections #assignmenthelp #lawassignmenthelp #legalarticle #lawarticle

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varundattadelhinewsreporter · 3 years ago

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Issues of bad roads, stray cattle, inflation pose crop up amidst UP polls

News by Varun Datta, Delhi

With the SP, BSP and the Congress fielding Muslim candidates from the Jaunpur Sadar seat in Uttar Pradesh, the BJP nominee hopes to find a less difficult road to the Assembly due to a likely division of votes.

However, issues of bad roads, daily traffic congestions in the city, inflation, unemployment and stray cattle can pose a problem for sitting BJP MLA Girish Yadav, who has been fielded again from the seat by the party. Yadav is a minister in the Yogi Adityanath government in the state.

Voting in Jaunpur will be held on March 7 in the last phase of the ongoing Uttar Pradesh polls.

Among the major parties, the Samajwadi Party (SP) has fielded Mohammad Arshad Khan, BSP Salim Khan and the Congress NadeemJaved.Javed was elected from the seat on a Congress ticket in 2012. In the 2017 elections, he was in the fray as the candidate of the SP-Congress combine but was defeated by Yadav.

Sitting MLA Yadav is confident the BJP's development work will lead him to victory, aided by a likely polarisation of Muslim votes. SP candidate Mohammad Arshad Khan, who was the MLA for the SP-BSP alliance from this area in 1993, however, exudes confidence that the Muslim-Yadav vote bank and his old well-wishers will work in his favour. BSP's Salim Khan is trying to strengthen his fight by uniting his traditional Dalit vote bank and the Muslim community in this region.

Javed, the Congress contestant, on the other hand, feels party general secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra's "Ladkihun, lad saktihun" campaign and support from the educated sections and the youth will propel him to victory once again. Jaunpur district is adjacent to Prime Minister NarendraModi's parliamentary constituency Varanasi.

There are more than 3.5 lakh voters in the JaunpurSadar assembly seat, and the number of Muslim voters is over 90,000, as per party estimates.The seat has a considerable number of Kshatriya voters, along with those of the Vaishya and the Maurya communities. A local businessman, Iqbal Ahmed, claimed that the BJP is afraid of a repeat of the equation seen in 1996.

That year, Afzal Ahmed from the SP and Haji Mohammad Taufiq from the BSP were in the fray, and against them, the BJP had fielded SurendraPratap Singh, hoping to win on the support of Hindu voters in the seat. The BJP's strategy fell flat and Afzal Ahmed won. Vijay Yadav of Jaunpur city claimed he would not vote for the BJP candidate even though he is from the same community.

"We will not vote for BJP candidate GirishYadav because many people in our family are in government jobs and the Samajwadi Party has promised to reinstate the old pension system. If that happens, the future of our family will be secured. So, the vote of our entire family will go to the SP," he added. Sadiq Khan, who deals in batteries at the main market of the city, said the business of small traders has come to a standstill under the BJP government.

"Our business has been ruined due to the COVID-19 epidemic and the GST has forced us to think about closing our shops. Our entire family and friends will vote for the SP," he said. Ramji Madanwal, who runs a breakfast joint at the Chaharsu intersection, is happy with the work of the state government.

He said it has become easier for him to run his business as the law and order situation has improved and electricity comes round the clock. The roads of the city are, however, bad and lead to problems of traffic congestions that affects businesses, Madanwal added. Preeti Gupta of Urdu Bazar, Rani Tiwari of Olandganj, and Seema Singh, an employee at the district hospital, said they have made up their minds to vote for the BJP due to the improved law and order situation in the state.

Singh felt that although the government is doing good work for women, the situation will improve if inflation reduces a little Malku Ram, a farmer, raised the issue of stray cattle, and said he is forced to spend the nights guarding his crops in the fields. It will bring relief to farmers if the government made some arrangements to solve the problem of stray cattle, he added. BJP candidate GirishYadav told PTI that in his tenure, a lot of work has been done in the city, including that on the sewer network, the ring road outside the city and also on beautification. Work has been done to get people's ration cards made in rural areas and to provide houses under the PradhanMantriAwasYojana, he said. Yadav said if he won the election this time, he would work to build a flyover to resolve the issue of traffic jams caused by railway crossings in the city. Apart from this, the construction work of the four-lane road between Jaunpur Shahganj and Ambedkar Nagar will also be expedited, he added.

Samajwadi Party candidate Arshad Khan said that after winning the election, he will open schools in all the panchayats of the area so that students don't have to travel to the city to study. Apart from this, the Samajwadi pension, free rations and other facilities announced by the party will be implemented, he said.

Congress candidate NadeemJaved said that the biggest problem of Jaunpur is the migration of the youth for employment. "We will try to provide means of employment to the youth in Jaunpur itself so that they do not have to go anywhere," he said. BSP candidate Salim Khan, a builder by profession, said Mayawati developed Uttar Pradesh during her four terms.

"This time too, after she becomes the chief minister, Uttar Pradesh will be put on the path of development, as will Jaunpur," he said.

For latest news by Varun Datta Delhi News, Visit Varun Datta news profile link:

You can also share important news stories of your area on my email ID: [email protected]

#varun datta #varun datta delhi #varun datta news #varun datta delhi news reporter #Elections #Uttar pradesh

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kisansatta · 4 years ago

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2. बांगरमऊ, उन्नाव – उन्नाव की जिला कमेटी ने बताया कि लगभग 20 लोगों ने चुनाव लड़ने के लिए आवेदन किया है. वैसे तो अभी कुछ कहना जल्दबाजी होगी, लेकिन कुलदीप सिंह सेंगर की फैमिली से ही किसी को टिकट मिलने की संभावना है. पत्नी संगीता सेंगर के लड़ने की संभावना है. इसके अलावा नवाबगंज ब्लॉक प्रमुख अरुण सिंह के नाम की भी हवा तेज है. ये भी कुलदीप सेंगर के खास रहे हैं. इसके अलावा ममता सिंह, शशि शेखर सिंह और ज्ञानेन्द्र सिंह के नाम की भी जिले में चर्चा तेज है.

6. बुलंदशहर – बुलंदशहर की सीट बीजेपी के वीरेंद्र सिंह सिरोही के निधन के चलते खाली हुई है. इस पर दावेदारों की लंबी फौज सामने आई है. वीरेंद्र सिरोही के दोनों बेटे दिग्विजय और विनय सिरोही चुनाव लड़ना चाहते हैं. इसके अलावा लोकल कमिटी के कई पदाधिकारी और बिजनेसमैन भी दौड़ में बने हैं. जिला महामंत्री रहे रविन्द्र राजौरा, प्रताप चौधरी, सुंदरपाल तेवतिया, जगदीश दहिया, दिल्ली (इनकम टैक्स कमिश्नर) प्रो राजीव सिरोही, डीएवी कालेजसाहब सिंह सिरोही (मुक्तेश्वरा के निवासी- गाजियाबाद में वर्तमान में रहते है) के नाम बुलंदशहर में चर्चा में हैं. चर्चा तो इस बात की भी है कि दिवंगत वीरेंद्र सिरोही के परिवार में ही कई दावेदार उठ खड़े हुए हैं.

https://is.gd/FSFdOw #WhoCanBeBJPSCandidateInUttarPradeshByElection Who can be BJP's candidate in Uttar Pradesh by-election National, State, Top #National, #State, #Top KISAN SATTA - सच का संकल्प

#Who can be BJP's candidate in Uttar Pradesh by-election #National #State #Top

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tripotomaniac · 5 years ago

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New Post has been published on Tripotomaniac - Anirban's blogsite

New Post has been published on https://www.endlessvista.com/2020/02/delhi-election-a-five-point-analysis/

Delhi Election - A Five Point Analysis

In last five years, Delhi faced problems no less than any other states. In fact, we can say, the problems were much more in terms of their uniqueness coupled with a new party ruling the State lead by an inexperienced Chief Minister and team of novices. Problems were varying from pollution to women security to water to crimes and what not. According to a report, over sixty thousand deaths reported in Delhi in last five years due to pollution. Therefore it would have been natural if people of Delhi wanted a new Govt run by experienced team so as to rescue Delhi from this so called agony. On top of that, this agony was multiplied by both Congress and BJP through their interviews, social media campaigns, rallies etc. Even the things tried out first time in India were criticized to the extent possible. So, if anyone from a distance saw Delhi, it might have occurred to him that this Govt would see its end in 2020. However it didn’t but something very unique happened that we can say is a new beginning in Indian Politics where Aam Aadmi of Delhi chose a party with which they could connect and approve as one of them.

If one starts analyzing, what are the factors that made this possible, answers will be many. Some will say good work by AAP, some will say wrong timing and declarations by BJP, some will say freebies by AAP but no one said people wanted to test one more time like they wanted BJP at center once more in 2019. People of this country witnessed how things change and development stops with a new Govt coming in and how old developmental works takes a U-turn. Recent example of Andhra Pradesh and daily news from this state is an example which people of Delhi never wanted to create. They also understood, no Govt is perfect neither can do things overnight, however whatever unique things done by AAP in Delhi may not even progress an inch if another Govt comes to power and thus decided to vote in favour of AAP.

In the midst of all these, the two most important entities that changed the equation in favour of AAP are Arvind Kejriwal and BJP. Similar to the campaigns of Rahul Gandhi contributing sometimes to BJP’s win, BJP’s campaign and wrong timing of some actions bent the needle to AAP’s favour. People who earlier decided to vote for BJP seeing Modi and national interests also took a U-turn post the brigade of BJP representatives came from other states to do campaign. And on top of that, absence of a local dependable face for CM but trying to win the state election by keeping the gun on PM’s shoulder were rejected by Delhi strongly.

Local Vs National: In the entire campaign of AAP, Arvind Kejriwal only spoke on development and chose words carefully even when criticizing the oppositions. While BJP was busy on promoting their actions taken on national level at local level and Congress was trying hard decide what to say except bashing central Govt, Kejriwal evolved as a seasoned politician and kept silence in all these CAA/NRC but was showing himself more receptive to arguments etc. In spite of BJP trying to show him as Anti CAA, people actually didn’t find any reason to consider him Anti CAA or Pro JNU or Anti Hindu or Pro Muslim. This balanced stand with the “Prashant Kishore Effect” worked damn well.

Talk Vs Action : The whole campaign of AAP was on highlighting development, revenue of Delhi going up in spite of the free and subsidized amenities, Open house Report card and interview with Media. Very evident was the confidence of AAP and Mr. Kejriwal on their works which is possible only when people worked at ground zero, know what is going on and what’s being done. Be it Mahalla Clinic or Water or Education, good amount of work has been done considering all roadblocks and time to time issues with Lt Governor or CBI etc. On the other hand, BJP campaign was confusing due to absence of local level candidate except the guest appearance of Manoj Tiwari time to time with his laughable style that irritated the people of Delhi. While Arvind Kejriwal was talking about development similar to what brought BJP to Centre, BJP candidates were busy in mudslinging thereby creating a complete contrast between their ideology and intent. The infusion of Modi, Yogi, Shah and others didn’t work out since, Modi being PM is supposed to say what as PM he did or plan to do which is completely national and excellent from emotional point of view which actually brought him to power at centre but its state election. Yogi told in language which may be applicable to Uttar Pradesh but couldn’t affect people of Delhi. And in all these drama, Delhi people continued their search for new BJP CM and got disappointed. I should say, even Smriti Irani could have bagged 15-20 seats had she be announced as CM face of Delhi.

Face Vs No Face: Gone are those days when elections were used to be won with loyal supporters of parties. In this age, the same person votes for Congress at municipality level, BJP at centre and AAP at state purely on three things- Aspiration or emotional level like how his country is represented at global arena, respect and strength against neighbors etc, State level on how overall security, development, day to day need, prices are being controlled, education is managed, healthcare facilities available etc and on municipal level on how the road to his home is being done, whether the roads at his area are illuminated, is there patrolling happening at night etc etc. So no voter is loyal and thus, unless a face with a track record is there to see, people will feel unsecured and confused and with already so much confusion already around, people don’t like any more confusion especially in such areas where it is not a big challenge to remove. And AAP didn’t fail the people of Delhi but projected a face already dear to them or became dear due to the work done in past few years.

Free Vs Chargeable: Even if the freebies given by AAP sometimes are not appreciated considering money from taxpayers being utilized in such free or subsidized things, the strong protest by BJP on this freebies scared people. And when assumptions are easy to be spread today, many must have thought, it’s not only going to be chargeable but may be more that what is reasonable as new Govt has to recover the deficit. When BJP is not fully aware of how this is being done by Kejriwal, they should not have spoken on this. And the simple easy to understand explanation by Arvind Kejriwal in layman’s language on how this is being done convinced people to a large extent apart from the dream and taste of free things for another five years.

Sense Vs No-Sense: Kejriwal also lost his cool once and told there is some settings between Modi and Pakistan but in most of the campaigns, while whole agenda of AAP was highlighting only the work they did with a control on language being used against oppositions, both BJP and Congress continued that strong one side agenda. Sense was prevailing more on AAP and Kejriwal on choosing words vis-à-vis what BJP did. The issue is not only choosing the words, but propaganda through social media showing Delhi people themselves in poor lights thereby creating an enemy without any reason. Showing Delhi people as beggars who long to have only freebies, or as anti-nationals or as divided Hindus actually turned even the pro BJP to anti BJP. Moreover when the controversy on CAA was already going on fueled further by religious sentiments and instigating violence through fear of losing Indian citizenship, using that card or harping again and again on the religion was detrimental. I can surely say, had there been no other representatives of BJP from other states but only a battle between one right candidate of BJP vs Kejriwal, a few more seats could have come to BJP.

All said and done, what I personally like is the evolution of two men i.e., Modi and Kejriwal from humble background to the power that shows the power of Democracy and the intelligence of citizens in voting the right candidates for the right positions and overall disposing the “Dynast Politics” with a ZERO.

************************************************************************************

Disclaimer: Views expressed are entirely my own and do not have any connection with any organization, individual, association or Religion.

#aap #bjp #delhi #development #election #india #indian election #indian politics #indianelection #kejriwal #modi #people #politics #religion

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chunavparchar-com · 5 years ago

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Delhi Has Assembly Elections In 2020, What Do You Think The Public Will Once Again Trust Arvind Kejriwal?

Elections in the country's capital Delhi have come very close. The new year is about to start with elections, so the heat of the elections can also be felt with the knock of winter in Delhi's climate. In the assembly elections to be held in 70 seats, all the candidates are trying hard to ensure their victory. In view of the elections that have come close, the present Kejriwal government of Delhi has suddenly increased the pace of its public interest works. Public meetings and press conferences are being held daily.

In the last elections, the public supported the Aam Aadmi Party under the leadership of Kejriwal and won 67 out of 70 seats, winning the Aam Aadmi Party with tremendous figures. The people of Delhi openly supported IITian Kejriwal. Even with a strong leadership like Kiran Bedi, the BJP had to face tremendous defeat. After the formation of the government, however, Chief Minister Kejriwal took a long time to learn how to run the government, but eventually he learned and he adopted his muffler style.

The Kejriwal government made its debut with dharna protests, the dharnas became so much that they had to be subjected to criticism many times. Kejriwal also accused the BJP-ruled center of not working. Many times he also got into a fight with the Delhi Police and demanded that the police be brought under the state government, but the Modi government rejected this request outright. The offices of various ministers of the Kejriwal government were also raided by the CBI but the Kejriwal government maintained its clean image.

Despite all these hurdles, the Kejriwal government continued to do its work. As the Kejriwal government came to power with its promises, they also fulfilled the promises of free electricity and water to a large extent. The Kejriwal government failed miserably to control pollution, but pollution is not only the issue of Delhi, the government of every party has failed to control pollution all over India but the condition of BJP-ruled Uttar Pradesh and Haryana is the worst in the country.

In this way, in the matter of general services like cleaning, electricity, water etc. in Delhi, the people of Delhi are ready to give full numbers to the Kejriwal government, but there are some issues which Kejriwal government came to power and has forgotten to mention them. .

The first issue is the Lokpal and the second issue is the support of the Congress. Kejriwal formed the party by making the common people a base and also kept the name of the party connected with the common man. Kejriwal's statements kept changing again and again. First he refused to join politics and then left Anna Hazare and joined politics. He then refused to seek the support of the Congress, but tried his best to join the Congress to target the BJP. In this way, Kejriwal did the work of bringing the level of politics down.

Now the people who are not interested in politics will definitely trust Kejriwal again and the decision of those who are more interested in politics than actions can stagger.

Actually, victory in elections cannot be decided only on these few grounds. Election campaign is the mainstay of winning the election, irrespective of whether the public is happy or angry it can be assured. Some of the leading companies of North India handle the Best Election Marketing Company in Delhi NCR - Political Campaigning, among them chunavparchar is a leading company. Years of experience and has served in various assembly and Lok Sabha elections, chunavparchar has the ability to make any level candidate ahead in the race for elections.

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politikspanda-blog · 5 years ago

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5 Current Political Issues in India 2019

Political issues in India are an obvious aspects testing the largest democracy. India's development involves a wide range of changes in a variety of economic,social and political indicators. But out of the three, political indicators are the one that govern the other two. The vast Indian democracy has came long way dealing with many political issues and in the process picked up new ones.

We can list some of the major political issues India is facing currently...

Lack of opposition.

It has been the prime political issue in India since independence. Also the Lok Sabha elections of 2019 have given the clear cut huge mandate in favor of BJP. The opposition has even failed to reach the threshold for having a leader of opposition. In a democracy a strong opposition is a mandatory aspect but in India's current scenario as well as the history there was none on the horizon. Opposition parties never got nurtured in India; BJP only comes as the exception in this case with the only success story. In the current part the grand old party INC is struggling to find its recognition and many parties are on the verge to loose their ' national party ' status. No doubt, quality of Indian democracy will suffer due to lack of opposition. The opposition in India plays an important role in providing practical criticism of the ruling party. It is also consulted when important appointments are made. Therefore, it is important for the opposition to have a leader who can represent the interests of the non-dominant parties in these roles. The absence of an opposition leader will weaken India as the opposition will not be able to put up a unified front against the ruling party. Transparency in Political funding.

Political Funding in India is a opaque, black money driven exercise. Political parties are still out of the purview of RTI (Right to Information) Act making the case worst. The lack of transparency allows the use of money and muscle power in election. This demeans the democracy and to the worst bring ineligible candidate to the body of decision making. This government has introduced three major changes in the mechanics of political funding in India- political parties can now receive foreign funds; any company can donate any amount of money to any political party; and any individual, group of people or company can donate money anonymously to any party through electoral bonds. But these reforms have failed to make the process more transparent. They prove no more than the blunt arrows providing nothing on the ground realities. There has been uproar over making this transparent but neither the ruling party nor the opposition might be willing to do so. This is the kind of political issue that most parties would like to keep as far as possible. Political funding in India largely remains ‘under the table’ despite the many ‘reforms’ introduced by the government. Major reforms that need consideration to deal with this and bring transparency and accountability in the political system are- Bringing political parties under the RTI act and Restricting the anonymous donations. The dynastic politics.

image credits: https://www.indiasopinion.in/democracy-dynastic-politics-case-india/ The first thing that comes to mind hearing of the dynastic politics is the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty. But one cannot deny the fact that it has become the very core of Indian politics. Several seats have become the traditional seats of a family India has a sufficient number of political dynasties present at all levels- centre, state or local. Gandhi dynasty, the Scindia family, the Abdullah family, Yadavs of Uttar Pradesh, Karunanidhi family, etc. are some of the names we know on a national level. A long list will be there if we consider them at the other two levels. The political dynasties in India are present in various forms and degrees. It not only makes the agenda shift from the “welfare of the state” to “welfare of the family”, but also dilutes the essence of a democracy with corruption and favoritism. Dynastic politics harms the country by stagnating the power into the hands of a few. Voters are left with less choice and this hinders the development by first filling the treasure chest for the family and then distributing the remains to the citizens. Dynasts capturing the politics rules out the chances of better performing individuals to enter and do good for the state. This makes it the core of political issues in India and we should try to escape from this tram and lead our country to better future with more capable leaders. Political fragmentation of the Indian electoral system.

As we all know we have a three tier system of government in India- center, state and local. These government units get in conflict when different political parties form government at different levels. The power conflict between the governments sometimes goes so deep leaving the public to suffer. Most current example of this case is Delhi where the BJP led central government was conflicting with the AAP led state government. In the most cases in the past 70 years India has shown some political maturity to keep the political fragmentation at par. But there are no fewer instances when the political rivalry has prevailed over the public interests This is not only bad for the democracy but also brings policy paralysis within the governing body. And this only leads to the suffering of the public interests compromising the issues of development under such political issues in India. Criminals in politics.

Crime and politics in India are so mixed that a “clean politician” sounds like an oxymoron, a breed that no longer exists. Many of the candidates fighting elections have criminal charges on them and still they are allowed to contest and as well represent in the house. According to law, an MP or MLA would be disqualified with immediate effect if convicted of a crime. But here is a loophole that allows them to retain their seats if they appealed their convictions within three months. Supreme Court has given the verdict for the disqualification of MP’s and MLA’s convicted of crimes punishable with a jail term of two years or more. But the Union Government’s move to bring in ordinance to keep the rights of convicted legislatures intact and protect them from immediate disqualification, made it clear that even the verdicts of apex court could be overruled for selfish political interests. Voters can play an important role in resolving out this political issue in India because the vast electorate is definitely powerful enough to make its say. Also the NOTA should be given enough tooth so that the political parties respect the mandate that isn't in their favor. (adsbygoogle = window.adsbygoogle || ).push({}); Read the full article

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