#Uttarakhand Election 2017 Result

[richmeganews]

Discussion on UP, Uttarakhand, Manipur, Goa, Punjab election results 2017 on NDTV 24X7

Discussion on UP, Uttarakhand, Manipur, Goa, Punjab election results 2017 on NDTV 24X7

The post Discussion on UP, Uttarakhand, Manipur, Goa, Punjab election results 2017 on NDTV 24X7 appeared first on .

The post Discussion on UP, Uttarakhand, Manipur, Goa, Punjab election results 2017 on NDTV 24X7 appeared first on .

from WordPress http://www.richmeganews.com/discussion-on-up-uttarakhand-manipur-goa-punjab-election-results-2017-on-ndtv-24x7/

[javatpoint]

Yogi Adityanath Biography

Yogi Adityanath Biography

Yogi Adityanath (originally Ajay Singh Bisht), an Indian Hindu monk & politician born on June 5, 1972, and has been the 21st & present Chief Minister in Uttar Pradesh since March 19, 2017.

Following the victory of the BJP there in the 2017 State Assembly elections, in even though he was a prominent candidate, he was named the Chief Minister of UP on March 26, 2017.

He once more won the state assembly elections in 2022, becoming Uttar Pradesh's chief minister for a second time and making history by becoming the first chief minister who return to power after serving a complete five years in office. From 1998 to 2017, when he withdrew from becoming the Chief Minister, he served five consecutive terms as a member of the Lok Sabha from the Uttar Pradesh district of Gorakhpur.

In addition, since Mahant Avaidyanath, his religious "father," passed away in September 2014, Adityanath has served as the mahant of Gorakhnath Math, the Hindu institution in Gorakhpur. In addition, he founded the Hindu nationalist group Hindu Yuva Vahini. He portrays himself as a right-wing populist and a Hindutva nationalist.

Boyhood and Education

Yogi Adityanath was born on June 5, 1972, as Ajay Mohan Singh Bisht in the Rajput family of Panchur, Pauri Garhwal, Uttar Pradesh. Anand Singh Bisht, his deceased father, was a forest ranger. With four brothers & three sisters, he has been the second child born into the family. In Uttarakhand, there at Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna Garhwal University, he earned his bachelor's degree in mathematics.

Around the 1990s, he relocated to join the drive for the Ayodhya Ram temple. At the same time, Mahant Avaidyanath, the leader of the Gorakhnath Math, accepted him as a disciple. The push for such Ayodhya Ram temple was being led at the time by Mahant Avaidyanath. After receiving his initiation, Adityanath settled in Gorakhpur but frequently traveled to his home village, opening a school there in 1998.

When Avaidyanath passed away on September 12, 2014, Adityanath was elevated to the position of Mahant, or high priest, inside the Gorakhnath Math. Two days later, amid customary Nath sect rites, he was appointed Peethadhishwar of the Math.

Debut in politics

Yogi Adityanath is a member of the Hindutva political lineage in Uttar Pradesh, which dates back to Mahant Digvijay Nath, and oversaw the erection of idols inside the Babri Masjid of Ayodhya on December 22, 1949. Both Digvijay Nath & their successor Avaidyanath were members of the Hindu Mahasabha & had been chosen to represent their respective parties in the Parliament. The two schools of Hindu nationalism converged in the 1980s when the BJP, as well as the Sangh Parivar, joined this same Ayodhya movement. In 1991, Avaidyanath joined the BJP, but he still exercised considerable independence. Adityanath was chosen to lead India's Lower House of Parliament four years after Avaidyanath was named his successor.

In his first electoral victory, Adityanath founded Hindu Yuva Vahini, a youth organization that became well-known for its work in eastern Uttar Pradesh that played a crucial role in his rapid ascent. Adityanath as well as the BJP leadership have frequently clashed over the distribution of election tickets. Adityanath has been a prominent campaigner for the BJP, therefore the party has prevented the tensions from rising.

He made the connections between Indian Leftist parties and Nepali Maoists a central campaign theme in 2006 and urged Madhesi leaders to resist Maoism in Nepal. His convoy was allegedly ambushed in 2008 as it traveled to Azamgarh for one rally against terrorism.

One person was killed in the incident, as well as at least six other people were hurt.

Adityanath and other BJP officials gathered in January 2007 to mourn the loss of a guy who had been slain as a result of religious violence. The police later detained him and his followers and imprisoned them in Gorkhapur jail on allegations of upsetting the peace and disobeying prohibitory orders. Following his detention, there was more rioting, during which many coaches of the Mumbai-Gorakhpur Godan Express got allegedly set afire by rioting Hindu Yuva Vahini members. The district judge and the neighborhood's chief of police were transferred & replaced the day following the arrest.

Personal opinions

On January 3, 2016, a day following the purported terrorist strike by Pakistani militants on an Indian air force facility in Pathankot, Adityanath compares Pakistan to Satan.

Adityanath asked India to implement similar tactics to combat terrorism. He had praised then-US President Donald Trump's move to enact a restriction on citizens from seven countries with a majority of Muslims entering the US.

[semwaldiagnostics]

Dr. Tushar Semwal Best Radiologist in Dehradun

Your health is one of the most important assets that are in your possession and taking proper care of it is one of your primary responsibilities. Going to visit your healthcare professional at regular intervals is imperative in order to maintain good health. Many times your doctor might prescribe you to get some tests done in order to get a better picture of your body and health. Thus finding a place that provides accurate results also becomes necessary. The diagnostic centre where you go to get these done should thus be chosen very carefully as important health decisions depend on it. You can easily tell about the quality of services of the diagnostic centre by the quality of the doctors and the services provided by them.

Dr. Tushar Jaiprakash Semwal is a MBBS, MD (Radio Diagnosis). Regarded as the best radiologist in Dehradun he started Semwal Diagnostics to deliver the greatest quality and most comfortable diagnostic services at a reasonable cost while adhering to ethical principles and using a team of highly experienced and efficient specialists. Semwal Diagnostic is a one-stop shop for a comprehensive variety of radiological services, including CT scans, ultrasounds, OPG, color Doppler imaging, ECG, digital X-rays, etc.

Educational Background

Pravara Institute of Medical Sciences awarded him his medical degree. Pravara Rural University, Loni (M.H.) conferred an MBBS degree and a year of rotational internship on him in May 2012.  He graduated from the Himalayan Institute of Medical Sciences, Swami Rama University, Dehradun, Uttarakhand, with a doctor of medicine in interventional radio diagnostics in August 2017. With a strong educational background, Dr Tushar Semwal proves to be the best knowledge resource for Semwal Diagnostics which leads as a quality radiology centre.

Professional Experience

He has been a radiologist consultant at the Synergy Institute of Medical Sciences in Dehradun since November 2019. He served as a radiologist consultant at the Thakarey municipal hospital in Mumbai from March to November 2019. He worked as a radiology consultant at Suburban Diagnostics in Mumbai from January to November. In March, he worked at the Lilavati Hospital and Research Center in Mumbai as a clinical associate. From October 2017 until March 2018, he worked as a senior resident at Himalayan Hospital in Dehradun. He also served as a junior resident in Mumbai in 2013 at Saifee Hospital, Nanavati Hospital, and Jaslok Hospital.

One of the Best radiologists in Dehradun, Dr Tushar Semwal has created a professional radiography centre, Semwal Diagnostics, that delivers excellence and quality services at a convenient location in Dehradun. Not only this at Semwal Diagnostic your health is in the hands of highly qualified professionals and a highly trained staff which ensure maximum accuracy in the conducted tests

Awards and Honors

Dr Tushar Semwal is awarded the following honors for his exemplary work and contributions in the field of medicine:

Mr Tushar was vice president of the Medical Students Association of India in 2014. (MSAI).

He was elected to the International Federation of Medical Students Associations’ standing committee in 2013. (IFMSA) He represented India at the IFMSA conference in Baltimore, Washington, D.C., in 2013 and the Asian Medical Student Association in Singapore in 2012.

He was honored in 2013 by the Uttarakhand government, the Indian Medical Association, and Médecins Sans Frontières (Doctors Without Borders) for his work during the Uttarakhand floods.

Mr Tushar was also a prominent member of the IFMSA conference hosting committee in 2012, which was hosted at the Renaissance Convention Center in Mumbai.

Why Choose Semwal Diagnostic?

Semwal Diagnostics headed by the best radiologist in Dehradun is committed to providing the most accurate and thorough diagnosis possible. Semwal Diagnostics is able to give the “best advance care” because of its core values of excellence, reliability, punctuality, novelty, safety, correctness, and sincerity. The attitude of “patients’ health and wellness first” is strictly adhered to.

The best radiologist in Dehradun and his team of professionals run one of the top diagnostics centres in Dehradun. Semwal Diagnostics maintains the position as the top radiologists in Dehradun thanks to our highly qualified team of specialists, high-end technology, affordable pricing, and an enthusiastic and motivated workforce. With Semwal Diagnostics you can be assured that your health and safety are in the best hands.

Headed by the best radiologist in Dehradun, Semwal Diagnostics is the perfect destination to get precise and accurate test results. Book an appointment now or Visit Semwal Diagnostics and take care of the most important asset: your health and take timely decisions for your betterment so that you can lead a healthy and happy life.

[news-trust-india]

Uttarakhand Election Result: उत्‍तराखंड में भाजपा को दोबारा पूर्ण बहुमत

Uttarakhand Election Result: उत्‍तराखंड में भाजपा को दोबारा पूर्ण बहुमत

Uttarakhand Election Result: साल 2017 के बाद 2022 विधानसभा चुनावों में भी भाजपा ने उत्‍तराखंड में पूर्ण बहुमत प्राप्‍त किया है। भाजपा के इस बड़ी जीत के लिए कोई राज्‍य में मोदी लहर को कारण मान रहा है तो कोई जनता द्वारा इसे डबल इंजन पर भरोसा करार दे रहा है। जो भी भाजपा ने लगातार दोबारा बहुमत प्राप्‍त कर नया इतिहास रच दिया है। आइए जानते हैं इसके पाचं बड़े फैक्‍टर… Uttarakhand Election Result 2022:…

[ezhilmozhi]

Support The Caravan

We cannot do this without you. We investigate powerful people, uncover scams, hold governments to account and report hard facts on conflicts and crises, all because we are independent of any outside interests. And since we answer to nobody but you, our readers, we need your support to keep our journalism alive.

COMMENTARY HEALTH

Uncritical support for Modi paved the way for India’s COVID-19 crisis

VIDYA KRISHNAN

28 April 2021



A man wearing personal protective equipment runs past burning funeral pyres during a mass cremation of COVID-19 casualties at a crematorium in Delhi, on 26 April 2021. The next day, India recorded 3,286 deaths, its highest number of COVID-19 fatalities so far, taking the total number of deaths in the country since the start of the pandemic to 201,187. 

ADNAN ABIDI / REUTERS



India is a veritable chamber of horrors right now. Every day appears to mark a new record-highest number of daily cases, with the country witnessing 3,52,991 new COVID-19 cases and 2,812 deaths on 25 April. Patients are dying due to a lack of oxygen in hospitals—at least 24 patients died in a hospital in Nashik, in Maharashtra, on 21 April, and another 25 died in Delhi, the national capital, two days later. The next day, on 24 April, the solicitor general Tushar Mehta lied to the Supreme Court that the central government had “ensured that nobody in the country was left without oxygen.” Meanwhile, oxygen tankers are being blocked by state governments, and people have resorted to looting cylinders. This medical horror unfolding in the country was inevitable, given the leaders and the ideologies that India chose for herself.

It is also an experience of déjà vu. In August 2017, over 60 new-born babies, with chests the size of an adult human’s palm, died in less a week in a district hospital in Gorakhpur, Uttar Pradesh. The Bharatiya Janata Party government in the state, led by the chief minister Ajay Singh Bisht—more commonly known as Adityanath—denied that the deaths were a result of a shortage of oxygen, and maintains this narrative till date. A paediatrician at the hospital, Kafeel Khan, had accused the state government of not paying the hospital’s oxygen supplier, which led to the shortage and the deaths.

The state then arrested Khan and led a farcical investigation against him, as evidenced in the order releasing him on bail and the departmental inquiry absolving him of negligence. But the state did not conduct post-mortem examinations of the infants, did not hand over their medical records to their families, and sought to erase its negligence. As if the injustice did not matter until it was provable on paper. This greed and cruelty normalised under the BJP leadership is cancerous, and the scale at which it has infected the country is on display during this ongoing second wave of the coronavirus pandemic.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu-nationalist government has taken the difficult task of organising a pandemic response in a poor country like India and made it impossible. In April last year, after the pandemic hit India, the Modi administration extended a brutal lockdown without consulting the nation’s top scientists, adding an economic as well as humanitarian crisis to the medical emergency. As I reported for The Caravan earlier this month, the prime minister did not consult the national taskforce of India’s leading scientists in February and March this year either, despite the surge in cases.

After imposing the lockdown, Modi then invoked a draconian colonial-era law, the Epidemics Act of 1897—enacted during the bubonic plague of 1896—that focuses not on controlling the disease, but on cracking down on its subjects and suspending civil liberties. The Modi administration, of course, presented a narrative that it was using the law only in instances where healthcare workers had been targeted. As noted previously in The Caravan, the centre did not, however, enact several better legislations introduced the previous year that sought to protect healthcare workers.

Current Issue

April 2021



The lockdown, Indians were told, was to flatten the curve. Lav Agarwal, the joint secretary in the union health ministry, had stated shortly after that a Rs 15,000-crore package by the centre would be used for, among other things, “building resilient national and state health systems for future disease outbreaks.” But tenders for oxygen plants were not released till October 2020—eight months into the pandemic. That month, the centre issued tenders for 150 oxygen plants. As of April 2021, only 33 of them have been set up.

As India suffered its most devastating COVID-19 surge, its political parties and leaders—including Modi and his top lieutenant, the home minister Amit Shah—spent the last month focussed on an ongoing, eight-phased, gruelling blood sport of an election in West Bengal. The prime minister boasted of the large rallies he commanded—and gleefully catcalled the state’ incumbent chief minister Mamata Banerjee during one of them—with no apparent concern about the pandemic still ravaging the country. The polling in West Bengal began on 27 March. Within two weeks, the state recorded its highest-ever single-day spike with 5,892 new cases recorded on 14 April. Eleven days later, the state recorded 15,889 cases, and its capital city of Kolkata reported a positivity rate of approximately 50 percent.



On 21 March, amid the rising second wave, India's national dailies saw full-page ads in which Prime Minister Narendra Modi invited people to attend the Maha Kumbh in Uttarakhand.

Modi’s apparent lack of concern about the pandemic did not stop at electioneering. On 21 March, India’s national dailies showed a front-page full-size advertisement showing Modi and the Uttarakhand chief minister Tirath Singh Rawat welcoming devotees to the Maha Kumbh, a weeks-long Hindu religious festival. The previous day, Rawat had proclaimed, “Nobody will be stopped in the name of Covid-19 as we are sure the faith in God will overcome the fear of the virus.” Devotees attended in the millions, and soon began testing positive by the thousands. On 1 April, the day the super-spreader event began, the state recorded a total of 1,863 cases. On 26 April, it recorded 35,864 cases.

Contribute

The more you can help,

the more we can do

Support The Caravan

CONTRIBUTE

The pervasive grief felt by Indian citizens is only matched by the knowledge that they are on their own. On 20 April, in his first national broadcast after the onset of the second COVID-19 wave in the country, the prime minister appeared to confirm this knowledge without any sense of irony. “I request young colleagues to create small committees in their societies, localities and apartments and help others in following the COVID discipline,” Modi said. “If we do this, then governments will not need to create containment zones, impose curfew or lockdown.” The prime minister did little to explain or reassure the citizens about what his government was doing to help them.

As Modi noted in his address, without acknowledging his own failure, Indian citizens have come together to save themselves. All across social-media platforms and WhatsApp groups, users are inundated with desperate requests and leads to find their own oxygen cylinders, medications, tele-consult with doctors, and find a hospital bed. To the best of their availabilities, they respond with leads, noting the date and time that the information was verified. But as citizens discover with alarming regularity, there are no beds, no medicines, and no hospitals. There are no hearse vans to carry the dead to the graveyards. There is no wood to burn the pyres.

India's failed pandemic response is an inevitable consequence of the blind support, over two elections, to the anti-intellectual government led by Modi and the BJP.  As I recently argued in The Atlantic, this is the greatest moral failure of our generation. It is India’s collective moral failure before it is the BJP’s political failure.

 The blame for this cannot stop at one man, no matter how unfit for office he may be. It lies just as much at the feet of people who voted for this incompetence twice thinking it will never affect them, assuming their bubbles of concrete will keep them safe from the chaos being inflicted on others. The structure and actions of the Modi administration has stood in mockery of the citizens who ever placed their faith in it. And yet, the leaders of this administration have been rewarded with blind hero-worship, and that was the last blow to Indian democracy.

Since 2002, I’ve seen Modi rise to power with a dropped jaw. His career is a monument to treachery, to the power of majoritarianism in India, and to the horrors forgiven by the country to protect those who champion such majoritarianism. He has spent people’s lives as pocket change as he failed his way upwards, into the highest office in the land.

Throughout his career, Modi has shown an insatiable appetite to jail and threaten his own citizens, and let them die on his watch without accepting any responsibility. His two terms have been an era of derangement, through which he has asked us, the people of India, to turn a blind eye to the bloodletting in Kashmir, rampant gang-rapes of women, lynchings of Muslim minorities, caste atrocities against Dalits, and the spectre of detention camps in Assam. As if all of this was not bad enough, in this process, we have also made a Faustian bargain in signing up to hate our own neighbours, friends, and colleagues.

Today, as graveyards run out of space, we cannot pin it on Modi without a critical self-inventory of the role BJP voters played in this tragic story. It is a difficult conversation to have in a country filled with strife but it can no longer be avoided. Neither can the link between morals and politics be evaded.

The BJP secured 37.4 percent of the votes in the 2019 Lok Sabha elections—the highest ever received by the party in its history. A nation gets the government it deserves and, in small and big ways, every one of BJP’s voters who could make their peace with poor people dying in the name of economic prosperity contributed to this tragedy, particularly the upper castes, upper class and middle class.

The kind of people who quote scriptures from the Bhagavad Gita and discuss theories on free-market capitalism as they short-change their oppressed-caste domestic workers whom they refuse to give weekly offs. The kind who do not see the inhumanity of children begging at their BMW’s window as they drive to work, where they will not speak up against systemic corruption. The kind who find women “angry” when they bring up the sexual violence and turn a blind eye to the rampant practice of manual scavenging prevalent in the country.

Most of all, with their hearts full of cynicism and indifference, and theirs sleeves stained in blood, they award certificates of nationalism based on religion, gender and caste. They preferred WhatsApps that repeated convenient falsehoods over factual news reports that showcased the unpleasant realities. Their collective will and wilful apathy—towards the poor, the sick, the minorities—is the cement that holds this government together. They valourise greed, demonise the fight for social justice, and advise us to remain calm, after handing over power to a party that has no interest, and no skill, in the art of  governance. 

They handed power to the BJP, and now they chastise those who did not for bringing politics into everyday conversations, and without irony want us keep things positive instead of focussing on the viral apocalypse we are in. By aiding, abetting or ignoring one injustice at a time, they helped Modi subvert democracy in favour of authoritarian regimes. Through their fogged lens of good intentions and morally neutral positions, they are directly responsible for degrading out institution—courts, police stations, and hospitals. 

The rich and middle-class citizen  was entirely alright watching children choke to death in Gorakhpur, assuming that would never happen to him. Once the pandemic levelled the system, and the privileged found themselves without privilege for the first time, they fled, with no regard to the medical apartheid unfolding in hospitals created for the poor. They now act shocked when confronted with the fragility of their bubbles.

The cynical political decisions taken in the past seven years have come back to haunt us this last month. We have, as people, been wilfully unaware of the state of our health infrastructure for so long because it was claiming lives that did not matter to us. That bubble has now burst.   

Our small and big moral failures have added up to design India’s pandemic response. On 27 April, India recorded 3,286 deaths, its highest number of COVID-19 fatalities so far, taking the total number of deaths since the start of the pandemic to 201,187. We created this veritable chamber of horrors

[toldnews-blog]

New Post has been published on https://toldnews.com/world/why-is-a-2500-year-old-epic-dominating-polls-in-modern-india/

Why is a 2,500-year-old epic dominating polls in modern India?

Image copyright Getty Images

Image caption Many Hindus see the Ramayana’s protagonist, Ram, as a hero

With the Indian general election under way, the Ramayana, a 2,500-year-old Hindu mythological epic, is back in the spotlight. The BBC’s religious affairs reporter Priyanka Pathak explains why.

This year, like in previous elections, the conversation among many hardline Hindus has returned to the epic Ramayana and its protagonist, Ram.

A longstanding demand to construct a temple in the northern city of Ayodhya – a key point of tension between Hindus and Muslims – which Hindus believe is Ram’s birthplace, has become louder in recent months.

Hardline Hindus want the temple built on the same spot where a 16th Century mosque was demolished by Hindu mobs in 1992. They believe the Babri mosque was built after the destruction of a Hindu temple by a Muslim invader.

India’s Ayodhya site: Masses gather as Hindu-Muslim dispute simmers

The governing Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has promised, once again, to reconstruct the Ram Mandir (temple) in its election manifesto.

Like in previous elections, they hope that this pledge will draw in more Hindu voters. They also organised Hindu religious festivals on a grand scale in the lead-up to the polls.

On 12 April, a large gathering of right-wing organisations was held at the iconic Ram Lila Maidan, a sprawling ground named after the god in the centre of the capital, Delhi, to celebrate “Ram’s birthday”.

People dressed in saffron robes wielded swords as they chanted “Jai Shree Ram”, which translates from the Hindi to “Hail Lord Ram”. They shouted slogans, reiterating their promise to Ram that they would reconstruct the temple.

What is the story of the Ramayana?

Image copyright Heritage Images/Getty

The epic tells the story of Ram, a beloved prince who is unaware of his own divinity

On the eve of his coronation, he is banished from his kingdom for 14 years by his father at the behest of his stepmother

With his wife, Sita, and brother, Lakshman, he wanders through India’s forests – until the 10-headed demon king Ravana abducts Sita

Ram then fights and defeats Ravana to rescue Sita after which he establishes a just kingdom

The story of Ram’s pursuit of righteousness has made him a symbol of self-sacrifice and heroism for many Hindus

He is why this epic remains potent and has dominated India’s political discourse

Experts believe that the movement to build the temple, spearheaded by a powerful Hindu nationalist organisation called the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), has helped craft some sort of a collective Hindu identity in India.

This idea is something that the RSS, the ideological fountainhead of the BJP, has cultivated since the 19th Century.

However, the movement found its zeitgeist moment only a century later.

Image copyright Getty Images

Image caption People in Ahmedabad city sitting along the road and watching a television series on the Ramayana

Several things happened almost concurrently during the late 1980s. First, a television show on the epic reminded 80 million viewers of the story and rekindled a love for its hero.

The serial broadcast a standardised story of the Ramayana, pulled together from many versions and variants. There is no official version of this sprawling epic although historical scholars consider the version by Valmiki, a sage and Sanskrit poet, to be the most authentic.

But really there are as many as 3,000 retellings of the story in around 22 languages, including some that eulogise Ravana while others say it was actually Ram’s brother Lakshman who killed the demon king.

India votes 2019

But what the television show did was give India a single narrative of the Ramayana. It also gave a single religion to a country “that was diverse and plural and included many different ways to be Indian”, says Arshia Sattar, a doctorate in south Asian languages, who has translated Valmiki’s Ramayana from Sanskrit into English.

The second big moment came in the late 1980s, when the Congress party led by Rajiv Gandhi – which has always styled itself as secular – decided to lay the foundation stone of the temple in Ayodhya with the help of Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), a right-wing outfit, to woo Hindu votes in a close election.

The plan didn’t work – instead, it paved the way for the BJP, still a young party at the time, to seize what they saw as an opportunity to galvanise Hindu voters.

In September 1989, the party’s then president LK Advani launched a nationwide march for the temple. Bricks began to move from around India for the construction of the temple. The campaign was successful in mobilising communal sentiments and set in motion a series of events that would result in the demolition of the mosque. This, in turn, triggered nationwide riots.

Image copyright Getty Images

Image caption Hindu activists are demanding the construction of the Ram Temple

But in the next elections, the BJP swept the polls. From that moment forward, the party – which was 12 years old at the time – became a national heavyweight.

It took its place as either the party leading the ruling government alliance or as the leading opposition party. For the BJP, the Ayodhya issue became a way to consolidate Hindu votes – something that used to be fragmented along caste lines.

This now well-known version of the epic, championing Ram, also became a convenient point for other Hindu organisations to rally around. This meant that other versions of the epic began to be stamped out.

For instance, in 2011, a Hindu nationalist student union and other affiliated right-wing groups succeeded in forcing Delhi University to drop an essay by the late poet and Ramayana scholar AK Ramanujan, which questioned how many versions of the epic existed, from its history curriculum.

“This may have been part of the general climate of intolerance and the battle over who had the right to tell the country’s history and its myths that was part of the Indian landscape between the 1980s and the 2000s,” literary critic and author Nilanjana Roy wrote of the incident in her blog in 2011.

Image copyright Getty Images

Image caption Ram fights and defeats the ten-headed demon Ravana in the Hindu epic

But for hardline Hindus, the cultural loss of other versions is simply collateral damage.

They believe that a sort of Hindu renaissance can be built around the epic, allowing Hindus to band together and revive their religion as a way of life that they believe was lost and can be re-established.

For instance, in September 2017, the Uttarakhand state minister for alternative medicine, proposed spending $3.6m (POUND) to find Sanjeevani – a mythical, glow-in-the-dark herb, described in the epic as having saved Ram and Lakshman from certain death.

The deputy chief minister of Uttar Pradesh has also suggested that science was so advanced during the time of the Ramayana that Sita was actually a test-tube baby. And the vice chancellor of an Indian university has claimed that Ravana, had a fleet of airplanes.

A series of such examples from Indian politicians and scholars can be seen as an attempt to bolster pride in the mythological epic. But they also evoke a nostalgia for a grand past, reawakening hope for a future that repeats the great feats of distance ancestors.

[skandyx]

Uttarakhand Election Results 2017: The rebellion that cost Congress dear

Uttarakhand Election Results 2017: The rebellion that cost Congress dear

[ad_1] If you want to summarise the 2017 Uttarakhand Assembly elections, you can say the ruling Congress has been decimated after last year’s rebellion by party MLAs. And Chief Minister Harish Rawat, who was projected as ‘Bahubali’ in the elections, also fell flat as he lost both the seats, Kitchha and Haridwar Rural, that he contested.  The enormity of BJP’s victory is so huge that it is…

[matterconcern-blog]

New Post has been published on Matter Concern

New Post has been published on https://matterconcern.com/archives/36437

Victory Of Corruption-Free Rule, Modi's Pro-Poor Policies: Amit Shah

Bharatiya Janata Party chief Amit Shah is speaking to the media as his party is headed for a stunning victory in Uttar Pradesh and Uttarakhand, trampling a fragmented opposition that had hoped the demonetisation exercise would have hurt Prime Minister Narendra Modi�s popularity during crucial...

[news-trust-india]

Uttarakhand Election Result: सीएम धामी हारे चुनाव, बने ऐसे तीसरे मुख्‍यमंत्री; जिसके नेतृत्‍व में लड़ा गया इलेक्‍शन

Uttarakhand Election Result: सीएम धामी हारे चुनाव, बने ऐसे तीसरे मुख्‍यमंत्री; जिसके नेतृत्‍व में लड़ा गया इलेक्‍शन

देहरादून। Uttarakhand Election Result: मुख्‍यमंत्री पुष्‍कर सिंह धामी खटीमा सीट से चुनाव हार गए हैं। वह ऐसे तीसरे मुख्‍यमंत्री बने गए हैं, जो चुनाव हारे हैं। आपको बता दें कि इससे पहले 2012 में हुए विधानसभा चुनाव में भाजपा सरकार ने बीसी खंड़डूी के नेतृत्‍व में चुनाव लड़ा, लेकिन बीसी खंडूड़ी खुद चुनाव हार गए थे। वहीं, 2017 में कांग्रेस सरकार ने मुख्‍यमंत्री हरीश रावत के नेतृत्‍व में चुनाव लड़ा…

[cqubemedia-blog]

అందరి దృష్టి యూపీపైనే, కాసేపట్లో ప్రారంభంకానున్న కౌంటింగ్ దేశవ్యాప్తంగా అందరి దృష్టిని ఆకర్షిస్తున్న అయిదు రాష్ట్రాల అసెంబ్లీ ఎన్నికల ఓట్ల లెక్కింపు కాసేపట్లో ప్రారంభంకానుంది. వేల మంది సిబ్బంది ఈ విధుల్లో పాల్గొంటున్నారు. ఉదయం 8 గంటల కల్లా లెక్కింపు ప్రారంభమవుతుంది. 403 స్థానాలున్న యూపీలో 75 జిల్లాల్లో ఏర్పాటు చేసిన 78 కేంద్రాల్లో ఓట్ల లెక్కింపు జరగనుంది. అమేథి, అజాంగడ్‌, కుషీనగర్‌ జిల్లాల్లో రెండేసి కేంద్రాల చొప్పున ఏర్పాటు చేశారు. 70 స్థానాలున్న ఉత్తరాఖండ్‌లో 15 కేంద్రాలు, 117 స్థానాలున్న పంజాబ్‌లో 53 కేంద్రాలు, 40 స్థానాలున్న గోవాలో రెండు, 60 స్థానాలున్న మణిపూర్‌లో 12 కేంద్రాల్లోనూ ఓట్ల లెక్కింపు జరగనుంది. లెక్కింపు కేంద్రాల్లో ఎన్నికల సంఘం మూడంచెల భద్రతను ఏర్పాటు చేసింది. మధ్యాహ్నం 12 గంటలకల్లా ఆధిక్యతలపై స్పష్టత వస్తుందని భావిస్తున్నారు. ఉత్తర్‌ప్రదేశ్‌ ముఖ్యమంత్రి, ఎస్పీ జాతీయాధ్యక్షుడు అఖిలేశ్‌ యాదవ్‌, బీఎస్పీ అధ్యక్షురాలు మాయావతి భవితవ్యాన్ని ఫలితాలు తేల్చనున్నాయి.

[itsmeghana-blog]

Uttarakhand Legislative Assembly election will be held from 15 th February 2017. Elections will conduct in a single phase in Uttarakhand state for the 70 seats of the Vidhan Sabha. In Previous elections, none of the political parties won the majority. Indina Naitonal congress formed government in the leadership of vijay Bahuguna with the help of PDF party. The Major political parties in Uttarakhand state are BJP ( Bharatiya Janatha Party), INC ( Indian National congress ) , SP ( Samajwadi Party ), BSP ( Bahujan Samajwadi Party ) And UKD ( Uttarakhand Karnati Dal ). The Uttarakhand Assembly results will be announced on 11th March 2017.

[updatetimes]

Uttarakhand Assembly Elections 2017 Opinion Polls & Survey Results – BJP, BSP, Congress, UKD

Uttarakhand Assembly Elections 2017 Opinion Polls & Survey Results – BJP, BSP, Congress, UKD

Uttarakhand Legislative Assembly Elections Opinion Polls 2017: As the five-year term for the present Uttarakhand government is about to end, elections to be held in all 70 seats of Uttarakhand Vidhan Sabha. All political parties look ready for the polls; there are regional parties and national parties contesting the polls but let us see who will win these polls. The opinion polls are usually…

[leftpress]

On Election Results

cpi | Communist Party of India (CPI) | March 11th 2017

PRESS RELEASE

The Central Secretariat of the Communist Party of India (CPI) issued the following statement to the media on March 11, 2017:

The results of elections in Uttar Pradesh giving 3/4th majority to BJP, is a big setback to secular and democratic forces in the country. It is a victory to communalism that was unleashed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the election campaign in Uttar Pradesh.

It looks Modi was successful in making the people to believe that demonetisation was against the black money and rich, though it is otherwise.

The defeat of Akali-BJP is in Punjab, is the result of its corrupt and misrule.

On the whole the results are more anti-incumbency in Uttar Pradesh, Pun...

jab, Uttarakhand, Manipur and Goa, though in the last two states there is no majority to any party.

The results may cause further problems with more anti-people policies by government and intolerance and communal offensive by Hindutva forces.

The result should be awakening to Left democratic, secular forces in the country to forge broader unity to fight back the attacks on people, and offensive of communal forces in the country.

(Roykutty)

Office Secretary