#Uttar Pradesh elections 2022
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UP By Election Results Live: यूपी की एक लोकसभा और दो विधानसभा सीटों पर मतगणना आज 8 बजे से, तैयारी पूरी
UP By Election Results Live: यूपी की एक लोकसभा और दो विधानसभा सीटों पर मतगणना आज 8 बजे से, तैयारी पूरी
07:32 AM, 08-Dec-2022 सुबह 8 से शुरू होगी मतगणना मुख्य निर्वाचन अधिकारी अजय कुमार शुक्ला ने बताया कि सुबह 8 से मतगणना शुरू होगी। उन्होंने बताया कि मैनपुरी लोकसभा क्षेत्र के करहल, मैनपुरी, भोगांव और किशनी विधानसभा क्षेत्र के बूथों की मतगणना मैनपुरी में होगी। जसवंतनगर विधानसभा क्षेत्र की मतगणना इटावा में होगी। 06:55 AM, 08-Dec-2022 भाजपा ने किया बड़े अंतर से जीत का दावा भाजपा प्रदेश अध्यक्ष…
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Mayawati contests all 9 seats in UP by-elections; will her political influence endure or decline further?
Nine seats in Uttar Pradesh have upcoming by-elections, with BSP leader Mayawati accusing BJP and SP of colluding before the elections. She said that she has been unable to sleep since her party nominated candidates for nine assembly seats in the upcoming by-elections on November 20 in the state. In the 2022 UP assembly elections, the SP won four of the nine seats, the BJP won three, and the RLD…
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Uttar Pradesh ki Nau Seaton Par hi Honge Upachunaav, Sabase Hot Seat Milkeepur ke Lie Karana Hoga Intajaar
लखनऊ। उत्तर प्रदेश की 10 विधानसभा सीटें फिलहाल खाली हैं, लेकिन चुनाव आयोग ने नौ सीटों पर ही उपचुनाव की तारीखों की घोषणा की है। अयोध्या की मिल्कीपुर सीट पर चुनाव नहीं होंगे जिस पर पूरे प्रदेश की निगाहें थीं।
जानकारी के अनुसार, हाईकोर्ट में दायर याचिका की वजह से मिल्कीपुर में उपचुनाव की तिथि की घोषणा नहीं हो सकी है। मिल्कीपुर के पूर्व विधायक गोरखनाथ बाबा ने 2022 आम चुनाव को लेकर हाई कोर्ट में याचिका दाखिल की है। साल 2022 में विधानसभा चुनाव हारने के बाद गोरखनाथ बाबा ने अवधेश प्रसाद के चुनाव जीतने को लेकर याचिका दायर की थी। जो अभी अदालत में लंबित है।
Read More: https://www.deshbandhu.co.in/states/by-elections-will-be-held-in-nine-seats-in-uttar-pradesh-the-hottest-seat-will-have-to-be-waiting-for-milkipur-502324-1
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[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th October. In what has been a shocking turn of events for both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the 2024 general elections delivered a bitter blow to the ruling party in its once impregnable stronghold. Uttar Pradesh, which was long considered the BJP’s bastion, became one of the primary reasons for the party’s inability to secure a third consecutive term with an absolute majority at the national level. Hopes of replicating the 2019 performance, when the party clinched 62 seats, were dashed as it fell to a mere 33 seats—just over half of the previous tally. Now, with by-elections on the horizon for ten crucial assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, the political landscape is once again shifting. This electoral battle is pivotal not just for the BJP but for Yogi Adityanath himself, whose leadership capabilities are under the spotlight after the party’s disappointing performance in the general elections. As the state braces for a fiercely contested by-election, the question looms: Can Yogi Adityanath’s leadership revive the party’s fortunes, or will the BJP continue to struggle in these key constituencies? The Political Landscape: A Tough Road Ahead for BJP The upcoming by-elections will be held in ten constituencies: Milkipur, Karhal, Katehari, Ghaziabad, Kundarki, Khair, Meerapur, Phulpur, Manjhwa, and Sisamau. Of these, five were previously held by the Samajwadi Party (SP), three by the BJP, and one each by the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and the Nishad Party. The distribution of these seats indicates that the BJP faces a tough challenge, especially in constituencies dominated by the Samajwadi Party and other regional players. Furthermore, the outcome of these elections could influence the broader political narrative in Uttar Pradesh as the state prepares for its next assembly election. The by-elections will be a litmus test for Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, especially as his political standing took a hit after the general election results. Many in political circles have started questioning whether Adityanath’s governance style, which once galvanized the BJP’s voter base, is now beginning to lose its magic. Key Constituencies Where BJP May Struggle Several constituencies in the upcoming by-elections present significant challenges for the BJP. Let’s examine a few in detail: Milkipur: Historically a Samajwadi Party stronghold, Milkipur was once represented by Awadhesh Prasad, who vacated the seat after becoming a Member of Parliament. In the 2022 Assembly elections, the Samajwadi Party won here comfortably, defeating BJP’s candidate by over 13,000 votes. With a substantial Scheduled Caste and OBC voter base, the SP is poised to retain its dominance in the constituency, and the BJP will need a significant shift in voting behavior to have any chance of success. Karhal: A bastion of the Samajwadi Party since 1993, Karhal is an uphill battle for the BJP. In the 2022 Assembly elections, Akhilesh Yadav won this seat before vacating it for his Lok Sabha constituency in Kannauj. Tej Pratap Yadav, Akhilesh’s cousin, has been fielded by the SP in this by-election, bolstering the party’s chances. With 130,000 Yadav voters, along with significant Scheduled Caste and Muslim support, Karhal presents a difficult path for the BJP. Kundarki: This constituency, now vacated after the election of Jiyaur Rahman to the Lok Sabha, features a Muslim-majority electorate that has historically leaned toward the Samajwadi Party. With the BJP struggling to secure a foothold among the region’s significant Muslim and Dalit population, the party will need to deploy a highly strategic campaign if it hopes to gain ground here. Katehari: Another difficult seat for the BJP, Katehari is contested by the SP’s Shobhawati Verma, wife of MP Lalji Verma. This seat became vacant following Lalji Verma’s resignation, and the SP remains a dominant force here. Although the BJP has yet
to announce its candidate, potential candidates like Dharmraj Nishad and Awadhesh Dwivedi face an uphill battle against entrenched SP support. Meerapur: This constituency has a diverse electorate, with 40% of voters belonging to the Muslim community and another 50,000 Scheduled Caste voters. RLD’s Chandan Chauhan vacated the seat after winning a Lok Sabha seat, and the BJP faces a challenge in this largely non-traditional stronghold. Speculation has arisen that the BJP may concede this seat to the RLD in a gesture of political accommodation, but the dynamics of the constituency will make it a difficult battleground. Manjhwa: Previously held by the Nishad Party’s Dr. Vinod Kumar Bind, Manjhwa represents a unique electoral dynamic with an almost evenly distributed caste composition. While the Nishad Party has traditionally had sway here, the BJP has chosen not to field a candidate from its ally’s ranks, opting instead for direct contestation. This decision could fracture the vote, adding an additional layer of complexity to the race. Sisamau: The disqualification of Samajwadi Party MLA Irfan Solanki has opened up this seat for by-election. His wife, Naseem Solanki, has been nominated by the SP, and with a significant Muslim and Brahmin voter base, the SP is in a strong position. The BJP will need to carefully craft its campaign to attract non-Muslim voters, particularly Dalits and Brahmins, to have any chance of success here. Challenges for Yogi Adityanath and BJP The by-elections present both a challenge and an opportunity for Yogi Adityanath and the BJP. On one hand, these elections provide a platform for the party to reclaim lost ground and restore confidence in Adityanath’s leadership. On the other hand, the political dynamics in these constituencies suggest that the BJP’s traditional base may not be enough to secure victory, especially given the strong presence of regional players like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal. Yogi Adityanath’s appeal, which has previously galvanized support in key regions of Uttar Pradesh, is being tested. The results of the by-elections will likely reflect whether the Chief Minister still holds the sway he once did or if voters are beginning to shift their allegiance to other parties in the face of new political realities. Conclusion The upcoming by-elections in Uttar Pradesh represent a crucial test for both the BJP and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Following the party’s dramatic fall in seat count during the 2024 general elections, the by-elections serve as an opportunity for the BJP to regain its footing. However, the road ahead is fraught with challenges, particularly in constituencies like Karhal, Milkipur, and Kundarki, where the Samajwadi Party and other regional players have a firm grip on the electorate. Yogi Adityanath’s leadership will face an even greater test than before. His ability to address the doubts raised after the general election loss will be critical to the BJP’s success. While his charisma and hardline governance approach have previously resonated with a broad voter base, the political landscape is shifting. The BJP will need a more nuanced strategy that goes beyond mere reliance on Adityanath’s appeal. The by-elections are not just a referendum on the BJP’s performance but also a reflection of the changing dynamics of Uttar Pradesh politics. For Yogi Adityanath, it will be a moment of reckoning—whether he can steer the party through these turbulent waters or if his influence is beginning to wane will become evident in the results of these key contests. [ad_2] Source link
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[ad_1] Paromita Das GG News Bureau New Delhi, 15th October. In what has been a shocking turn of events for both the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath, the 2024 general elections delivered a bitter blow to the ruling party in its once impregnable stronghold. Uttar Pradesh, which was long considered the BJP’s bastion, became one of the primary reasons for the party’s inability to secure a third consecutive term with an absolute majority at the national level. Hopes of replicating the 2019 performance, when the party clinched 62 seats, were dashed as it fell to a mere 33 seats—just over half of the previous tally. Now, with by-elections on the horizon for ten crucial assembly seats in Uttar Pradesh, the political landscape is once again shifting. This electoral battle is pivotal not just for the BJP but for Yogi Adityanath himself, whose leadership capabilities are under the spotlight after the party’s disappointing performance in the general elections. As the state braces for a fiercely contested by-election, the question looms: Can Yogi Adityanath’s leadership revive the party’s fortunes, or will the BJP continue to struggle in these key constituencies? The Political Landscape: A Tough Road Ahead for BJP The upcoming by-elections will be held in ten constituencies: Milkipur, Karhal, Katehari, Ghaziabad, Kundarki, Khair, Meerapur, Phulpur, Manjhwa, and Sisamau. Of these, five were previously held by the Samajwadi Party (SP), three by the BJP, and one each by the Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD) and the Nishad Party. The distribution of these seats indicates that the BJP faces a tough challenge, especially in constituencies dominated by the Samajwadi Party and other regional players. Furthermore, the outcome of these elections could influence the broader political narrative in Uttar Pradesh as the state prepares for its next assembly election. The by-elections will be a litmus test for Yogi Adityanath’s leadership, especially as his political standing took a hit after the general election results. Many in political circles have started questioning whether Adityanath’s governance style, which once galvanized the BJP’s voter base, is now beginning to lose its magic. Key Constituencies Where BJP May Struggle Several constituencies in the upcoming by-elections present significant challenges for the BJP. Let’s examine a few in detail: Milkipur: Historically a Samajwadi Party stronghold, Milkipur was once represented by Awadhesh Prasad, who vacated the seat after becoming a Member of Parliament. In the 2022 Assembly elections, the Samajwadi Party won here comfortably, defeating BJP’s candidate by over 13,000 votes. With a substantial Scheduled Caste and OBC voter base, the SP is poised to retain its dominance in the constituency, and the BJP will need a significant shift in voting behavior to have any chance of success. Karhal: A bastion of the Samajwadi Party since 1993, Karhal is an uphill battle for the BJP. In the 2022 Assembly elections, Akhilesh Yadav won this seat before vacating it for his Lok Sabha constituency in Kannauj. Tej Pratap Yadav, Akhilesh’s cousin, has been fielded by the SP in this by-election, bolstering the party’s chances. With 130,000 Yadav voters, along with significant Scheduled Caste and Muslim support, Karhal presents a difficult path for the BJP. Kundarki: This constituency, now vacated after the election of Jiyaur Rahman to the Lok Sabha, features a Muslim-majority electorate that has historically leaned toward the Samajwadi Party. With the BJP struggling to secure a foothold among the region’s significant Muslim and Dalit population, the party will need to deploy a highly strategic campaign if it hopes to gain ground here. Katehari: Another difficult seat for the BJP, Katehari is contested by the SP’s Shobhawati Verma, wife of MP Lalji Verma. This seat became vacant following Lalji Verma’s resignation, and the SP remains a dominant force here. Although the BJP has yet
to announce its candidate, potential candidates like Dharmraj Nishad and Awadhesh Dwivedi face an uphill battle against entrenched SP support. Meerapur: This constituency has a diverse electorate, with 40% of voters belonging to the Muslim community and another 50,000 Scheduled Caste voters. RLD’s Chandan Chauhan vacated the seat after winning a Lok Sabha seat, and the BJP faces a challenge in this largely non-traditional stronghold. Speculation has arisen that the BJP may concede this seat to the RLD in a gesture of political accommodation, but the dynamics of the constituency will make it a difficult battleground. Manjhwa: Previously held by the Nishad Party’s Dr. Vinod Kumar Bind, Manjhwa represents a unique electoral dynamic with an almost evenly distributed caste composition. While the Nishad Party has traditionally had sway here, the BJP has chosen not to field a candidate from its ally’s ranks, opting instead for direct contestation. This decision could fracture the vote, adding an additional layer of complexity to the race. Sisamau: The disqualification of Samajwadi Party MLA Irfan Solanki has opened up this seat for by-election. His wife, Naseem Solanki, has been nominated by the SP, and with a significant Muslim and Brahmin voter base, the SP is in a strong position. The BJP will need to carefully craft its campaign to attract non-Muslim voters, particularly Dalits and Brahmins, to have any chance of success here. Challenges for Yogi Adityanath and BJP The by-elections present both a challenge and an opportunity for Yogi Adityanath and the BJP. On one hand, these elections provide a platform for the party to reclaim lost ground and restore confidence in Adityanath’s leadership. On the other hand, the political dynamics in these constituencies suggest that the BJP’s traditional base may not be enough to secure victory, especially given the strong presence of regional players like the Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Lok Dal. Yogi Adityanath’s appeal, which has previously galvanized support in key regions of Uttar Pradesh, is being tested. The results of the by-elections will likely reflect whether the Chief Minister still holds the sway he once did or if voters are beginning to shift their allegiance to other parties in the face of new political realities. Conclusion The upcoming by-elections in Uttar Pradesh represent a crucial test for both the BJP and Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath. Following the party’s dramatic fall in seat count during the 2024 general elections, the by-elections serve as an opportunity for the BJP to regain its footing. However, the road ahead is fraught with challenges, particularly in constituencies like Karhal, Milkipur, and Kundarki, where the Samajwadi Party and other regional players have a firm grip on the electorate. Yogi Adityanath’s leadership will face an even greater test than before. His ability to address the doubts raised after the general election loss will be critical to the BJP’s success. While his charisma and hardline governance approach have previously resonated with a broad voter base, the political landscape is shifting. The BJP will need a more nuanced strategy that goes beyond mere reliance on Adityanath’s appeal. The by-elections are not just a referendum on the BJP’s performance but also a reflection of the changing dynamics of Uttar Pradesh politics. For Yogi Adityanath, it will be a moment of reckoning—whether he can steer the party through these turbulent waters or if his influence is beginning to wane will become evident in the results of these key contests. [ad_2] Source link
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Former minister recalls how PM Modi’s ‘exceptional leadership’ secured safe passage for Indian students stuck in Ukraine warzone
In an interview given to ”Modi Story’, Muraleedharan remembered that elections in Uttar Pradesh were underway when the conflict between Russia and Ukraine began in February 2022.
“Despite his heavy political engagements, Prime Minister Modi took time out to address the crisis. He held meetings twice a day, in the morning and after returning from campaign events. Throughout the day, he was actively involved in campaigning, and in the evening he conducted late-night meetings. Despite his busy schedule, he led from the front in solving the problems,” said the former minister.
“One remarkable instance of his exceptional leadership was when he personally negotiated to secure safe passage for students, who travelled for more than 18 hours through the conflict zone to reach the border,” he added.
Hundreds of Indian students were stuck in Kharkiv as full-scale military offensive began in the region during the last stages of the evacuation exercise. “We were unable to get them out, as the roads were damaged. The nearest border was Russia’s eastern border, but taking them there was a problem. Our mission officials were waiting at the borders. If we had to take them to the western border, it would have been an 18-20 hour journey. We felt this was going to be a big issue, but the PM did not lose hope; he negotiated and discussed with the Russians,” he said.
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https://www.tradologie.com/lp/news/detail/argentina-wheat-sales-delayed-as-farmers-await-election-and-rainfall
Argentina Wheat Sales Delayed As Farmers Await Election and Rainfall
According to the most recent government data released this week, pre-sales of the upcoming 2023/24 harvest in Argentina, a major exporter of wheat, soy, and corn, reached just 1.51 million metric tons by September 13. This is a sharp decrease from previous years and the slowest pace since 2016/17. According to the farming secretariat, this amount is in comparison to 5.28 million tons that were recorded at roughly the same time in 2022/23.
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Mayawati's Nephew, Akash Anand, Leads BSP's Poll Campaign: Launching from Nagina with Bhim Army Chief
Introduction: Join the latest political buzz as Akash Anand, the nephew and political heir of BSP supremo Mayawati, takes the helm of the party’s election campaign alongside his aunt. The duo is set to kick off their electoral journey from Nagina, Uttar Pradesh, in a strategic move to rejuvenate the BSP’s presence in the upcoming Lok Sabha elections.
Key Points:
With significant departures of key leaders from Dalit, Muslim, and OBC backgrounds, the BSP pins its hopes on Mayawati and Akash to lead the charge not only in UP but also across other states.
Akash Anand, the 34-year-old BSP national coordinator, will initiate the campaign from Nagina, an SC-reserved constituency known for its diverse demographic makeup.
Mayawati will launch the party’s national campaign from Haridwar, Uttarakhand, tapping into key pilgrimage centers to garner support.
The Nagina constituency, dominated by Muslim and Dalit communities, presents a complex electoral landscape, further intensified by the entry of Bhim Army chief Chandrashekhar Aazad into the fray.
Despite challenges posed by Aazad’s popularity among Dalit youths, BSP remains confident in Akash Anand’s ability to connect with the younger demographic.
The BSP’s electoral strategy extends beyond UP, with Mayawati and Akash slated to address rallies in various states to bolster the party’s presence nationwide.
The party’s electoral track record, particularly in the 2019 Lok Sabha polls and the subsequent UP Assembly elections in 2022, underscores the need for revitalization and strategic campaigning.
While BSP faces hurdles such as the lack of prominent minority leaders and departures of key figures to rival parties, the party remains hopeful in its bid for resurgence under Akash Anand’s leadership.
Conclusion: As the BSP charts its course for the upcoming elections, the leadership duo of Mayawati and Akash Anand emerges as the driving force behind the party’s electoral push. Stay tuned as they navigate through the political landscape, aiming to reclaim lost ground and redefine BSP’s presence in Indian politics.
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CBiBank Research Department: Uncertainty Looms Over Education in Uttar Pradesh as Madrasa Teachers Face Funding Crisis
By Jessie Miranda
Uttar Pradesh, India's most populous state, is facing an imminent education crisis as it stops payments to over 21,000 teachers in madrasas, with a significant impact on subjects like mathematics and science. The abrupt decision, occurring just before the general election, adds complexity to the ongoing debate about minority rights and discrimination. The teachers affected play a crucial role in shaping the academic journey of students, particularly those belonging to the Muslim community, which constitutes nearly a fifth of Uttar Pradesh's population.
The funding cut is linked to the federal government's discontinuation of the Scheme for Providing Quality Education in Madrasas, a move reflected in a document from the Ministry of Minority Affairs dated March 2022. This decision has sparked concerns about the potential loss of jobs for teachers who have been working tirelessly to provide education in essential subjects, despite facing limited resources and infrastructure challenges.
While calls to revive the educational program persist, there is a broader concern about the treatment of religious minorities in India, especially in regions governed by the Hindu nationalist BJP. The decision raises questions about the government's commitment to providing inclusive and quality education, especially for minority communities. Education experts and advocates stress the importance of reinstating the program to ensure that students, particularly those in madrasas, have access to a well-rounded curriculum and a promising academic future. The ongoing uncertainty highlights the need for comprehensive educational policies that address the diverse needs of India's population, fostering an environment that promotes inclusivity, diversity, and equal opportunities in education.
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Akhilesh Yadav Says Alliance With Congress "Off To Good Start" On 11 Seats
Samajwadi Party chief Akhilesh Yadav today said his party's alliance with the Congress is "off to a good start" with 11 "strong" Lok Sabha seats in Uttar Pradesh.
The state sends 80 members to the Lower House of Parliament and elections are due in April-May.
"Our cordial alliance with the Congress is off to a good start with 11 strong seats. This trend will move forward with the winning equation. 'INDIA' team and 'PDA' strategy will change history," Mr Yadav said in a post in Hindi on 'X'.
The development comes at a time amid strong indications that Bihar Chief Minister and JD(U) president Nitish Kumar may do yet another volte-face and return to the BJP-led NDA.
Mr Kumar had joined hands with RJD, founded by his former arch-rival Lalu Prasad, in August 2022 after he severed ties with the BJP.
The longest-serving Chief Minister of Bihar, thereafter, embarked upon a drive to bring together all parties across the country to take on the BJP that culminated in the formation of the opposition bloc INDIA.
In case Nitish Kumar decides to return to the NDA fold, the opposition united front will take a massive hit.
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Mainpuri Bypoll: मैनपुरी में डिंपल यादव 3 लाख वोट से जीतेंगी, मतदान के बाद मुलायम सिंह यादव के भाई का दावा
Mainpuri Bypoll: मैनपुरी में डिंपल यादव 3 लाख वोट से जीतेंगी, मतदान के बाद मुलायम सिंह यादव के भाई का दावा
Uttarpradesh By Election 2022 Live Hindi News: उत्तर प्रदेश के मैनपुरी लोकसभा सीट उपचुनाव के लिए मतदान शुरू हो गया है। यहां सपा उम्मीदवार डिंपल यादव और बीजेपी प्रत्याशी रघुराज सिंह शाक्य के बीच मुकाबला माना जा रहा है। वहीं मुलायम सिंह यादव के भाई अभय राम यादव ने दावा किया कि डिंपल यादव 3 लाख वोट से जीतेंगी। हाइलाइट्समैनपुरी लोकसभा सीट पर वोटिंग शुरूमुलायम सिंह यादव के भाई ने डाला वोटअभय राम…
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Happy Birthday Yogi Adityanath Wishes Quotes messages images 2023
Please follow and like us: Happy Birthday Yogi Adityanath Wishes in English – Born Ajay Singh Bisht, CM Yogi Adityanath came into power as Uttar Pradesh’ Chief Minister in 2017 from the Bharatiya Janta Party. He has been re-elected to power in 2022 assembly elections as well. He was born on 5th June 1972 in Pauri Garhwal, which is now in Uttarakhand. After completing his graduation in…
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Fatwa against SP candidate Naseem Solanki for puja participation; Maulana's response sought, temple cleansed
Naseem Solanki, who is standing as a candidate for the Samajwadi Party in the Sisamau assembly constituency in Uttar Pradesh, is facing difficulties. The National President of All India Muslim Jamaat, Maulana Mufti Shahabuddin Rizvi Barelvi, has issued a fatwa against her for her temple worship. Naseem Solanki’s husband, Irfan Solanki, emerged victorious in the 2022 assembly elections for the…
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[Images ID:
Image1: Clippings from the article ‘ Hindi will be made compulsory in northeastern states till Class 10, says Amit Shah ‘ on scroll.in
There is a picture of Union Home Minister and BJP leader Amit Shah delivering a speech during an election rally in Loni, Ghaziabad district of Uttar Pradesh state on February 3, 2022.
Text: Union Home Minister Amit Shah on Thursday said that Hindi will now be made compulsory in all eight northeastern states up to Class 10.
The home minister added that more attention must be paid to Hindi examinations.
“Twenty-two thousand Hindi teachers have been recruited in the eight states of the North East,” Shah said. “Nine tribal communities of the North East have converted their dialects’ scripts to Devanagari.”
Image2: The clipping, ’“Twenty-two thousand Hindi teachers have been recruited in the eight states of the North East,” Shah said. “Nine tribal communities of the North East have converted their dialects’ scripts to Devanagari.” ‘
Image3: A map highlighting the unofficial and tribal languages in Northeast India. It shows a lot of diversity. end ID]
What I think of the Indian Government's decision to make Hindi compulsory in North-Eastern schools:
(Disclaimer: This is not against the policies of any particular political party, ethnicity, or linguistic group. This is just to highlight the naivety of the Government of India and the unfairness of Indian constitution. I believe all the parties in power till date have not done anything at all to prevent this linguistic catastrophe, well, mere compensations at times, maybe.)
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North East India is a culturally sensitive region. It differs from the mainland culturally, racially and historically. Most of the population is tribal and speak a myriad of distinct languages and dialects. It is probably the most culturally diverse area of the country.
Hindi is already an optional subject in many state boards as well as CBSE (Central Board of Secondary Education). Now what the Indian government wants, is to make it compulsory. Which means students will be forced to learn it whether or not they wish to.
Some of you might ask, what's the problem with that? Well, you see... As I mentioned earlier, North East is a sensitive region. Many communities here are already struggling to keep their native culture alive, forceful imposition of Hindi will only make matters worse. Having grown up in the NE, I've had many local acquaintances who either didn't know how to speak their tribal languages or were hardly fluent in them. "I'm not that good at it..." they'd say with a sad smile. And, you know why? Because they were never taught the language. Either they are to pick it up from their parents, or they'll never know it.
Most of these tribal languages are not taught in schools. Even when they are, consider the scenario of migration. Once they leave their native village or town and maybe even settle down in a different part of the same state where the natives hail from some other tribe, they risk losing ties with the language forever. Same goes for intercommunity families where the children end up learning only the link language and not the native ones.
So why isn't the Indian Government helping to preserve these languages instead of promoting and imposing Hindi? I leave it upon you to ponder...
Also...
Reminds me of the 18th century missionaries lmao. Just replace teachers with missionaries and scripts with religion and yeah...
Hindi imposition is no better than what the British did to these people back in the colonial days. It's risking their native cultures and threatening to replace them with something foreign in the name of reforms. Yes, I said 'foreign', because Hindi was never spoken in this region prior to a hundred years or so when Hindi propagation became a thing.
And it's not like there never was a link language in the region. Assamese was the lingua franca for most of North-East facilitating communication between the numerous tribal communities as well as non-tribals. Bengali worked as a link language in Tripura and Barak Valley region of Assam. Nagamese, a pidgin version of Assamese is still spoken as the common language between the different communities inhabiting the state of Nagaland.
What the Indian government is doing, is destroying the old linguistic fabric of society that kept the people connected and replacing it with Hindi. Many languages that historically used the Assamese or Bengali script are turning to Devanagari or the Roman script, thanks to government funding and propaganda (Boro, Khasi, Mising etc.) Old link languages like Nefamese (in Arunachal) have been replaced by Hindi and English.
There are hundreds of local dialects in the region that are currently endangered either due to small population sizes or because the young generation is shifting to more 'economically profitable' languages. There's really not much that the Indian government has done to protect them.
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What they want to destroy. What we need to protect. The map is of course only depicting the unofficial languages, the recognised languages like Assamese, Bengali, Bodo and Manipuri have not been highlighted.
Let us not forget that when one culture threatens to replace another, there's always resistance and this kind of cultural imposition is, in my opinion, one of the factors contributing to the insurgencies and separatist movements in the region. If you make people believe they need to speak a certain language to connect with the nation instead of making them realise that their own culture and language is an integral part of the nation too, well, this is what happens.
There's been opposition and clear voicing of displeasure coming from many tribal and political groups regarding this new education policy but I don't suppose much will change given how deaf our governments have always been.
It's a lost battle, unless we all speak out against it.
*sigh*
- Normalweirdoboy
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