#UNIDIR

[spacenutspod]

Sydney, Australia (SPX) Aug 29, 2023 The intricacies of space security terminology can sometimes create barriers in international discussions. With the rapid evolution of space technology and policies, the need for a universal understanding of terms has become imperative. Recognizing this void, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) and the Secure World Foundation (SWF) have crafted the "Space Security Lexic

[westsahara]

Die Autonomieinitiative in der marokkanischen Sahara, eines der fortschrittlichsten Modelle in der Welt (Webinar)

New York–Der vonseiten des Königreichs Marokko zwecks der Beilegung  des  Regionalkonflikts rund um die marokkanische Sahara unterbreitete Autonomievorschlag in der marokkanischen Sahara ist eines der fortschrittlichsten Modelle in der Welt, den Beteiligten am „internationalen akademischen Seminar zur territorialen Autonomie“ zufolge.

Auf dieser Begegnung, welche von der ständigen Vertretung Marokkos bei den Vereinten Nationen in New York veranstaltet wurde, stellten die verschiedenen Redner die Modelle der Autonomie in mehreren Regionen der Welt vor, im Besonderen in der Prinzeninsel, einer Insel in der Republik São Tomé und Príncipe (in Afrika), in den Kaimaninseln (in der Karibik) und in Rotuma (in Ozeanien).

Die vonseiten des Königreichs Marokko unterbreitete Autonomieinitiative in der marokkanischen Sahara stelle eines der fortschrittlichsten Modelle in der Welt in Hinsicht auf die weitreichenden Vorrechte dar, die der Region übertragen werden, unterstrich der ehemalige französische Diplomat Marc Finaud gleich zum Beginn.

Mehrere Resolutionen des UNO-Sicherheitsrats haben diese Autonomieinitiative gewürdigt und sie als ernsthafte und glaubwürdige Anstrengung des Königreichs Marokko betrachtet, eine Lösung der Sahara-Frage nach sich führen zu dürfen, fuhr Herr Finaud, ein ehemaliger wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter des Instituts der Vereinten Nationen für die Abrüstungsforschung (UNIDIR), fort.  

Dr. Alan Howard, emeritierter Professor für Anthropologie an der Universität Hawaii in Manoa, verwies seinerseits darauf, dass die marokkanische Autonomieinitiative im Gegensatz zum in Rotuma angenommenen Autonomiemodell es der hiesigen Population möglich machte und macht, ihre Belange zur Gänze selbst regeln und dabei ihre kulturellen Besonderheiten berücksichtigen zu dürfen.

Er stellte fest, dass das marokkanische Modell die Population der Sahara-Region in den Mittelpunkt des Entscheidungsprozesses in Hinsicht auf lokale Angelegenheiten stellte, was die Glaubwürdigkeit und die Effizienz des marokkanischen Modells erstarken dürfte.

Gerhard Seibert, ein wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Zentrum für Internationale Studien (CEI) des Universitätsinstituts Lissabon, stellte seinerseits fest, dass das in der Prinzeninsel angenommene Autonomiemodell nicht die Unabhängigkeit des Justizsystems auf lokaler Ebene vorsehe.

Die Prinzeninsel habe sich bezogen auf 1995 zu einer autonomen Region mit einer regionalen gesetzgebenden Versammlung und einer regionalen Regierung auswachsen dürfen, fügte er hinzu, darauf verweisend, dass Regionalwahlen in den Jahren 1995, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2018 und 2022 zustande gekommen seien.

Vaughan Carter, Vorsitzender der Verfassungskommission der Kaimaninseln, erstattete einen Überblick über den langwierigen Entwicklungsprozess des Autonomiemodells, feststellend, dass die Autonomie es den Kaimaninseln möglich gemacht habe, die lokale Wirtschaft entwickeln zu dürfen.

Der Industrie-und-Dienstleistungssektor sei durch die Eigenständigkeit erheblich gewachsen, stellte er die Behauptung davon auf.

Auf diesem Webinar stellte der ständige Botschafter Marokkos bei den Vereinten Nationen, Herr Omar Hilale, klar heraus, dass diese Begegnung den Aufbau der akademischen Forschung ausgehend vom Modell der Autonomie erstarkt, darauf verweisend, dass das Königreich Marokko seine Anstrengungen zur Lösung der Sahara-Frage ernst und aufrichtig geleistet habe und leiste.

Und um in den Vordergrund spielen zu dürfen, dass fast 100 Staaten die Ansicht vertreten, dass der marokkanische Autonomievorschlag eine realistische Lösung darstelle, um dem Regionalkonflikt rund um die marokkanische Sahara ein Ende bereiten zu dürfen.

Die Autonomie sei ein Experiment, das in verschiedenen Regionen der Welt erfolgsgekrönt sei, Frieden nach sich gebracht und Hoffnung geweckt habe, betonte der Diplomat.

„Was wir als Vorschlag unterbreiten, steht in Übereinstimmung mit dem Völkerrecht und mit der Legalität sowie mit dem, was anderswo in Kraft ist“, sagte Herr Hilale.

Vor der Ausarbeitung dieses Autonomievorschlags verreisten marokkanische Abgesandte rund um die Welt, um sich nach ähnlichen Erfahrungen erkundigen zu können, rief der marokkanische Botschafter die Erinnerung daran wach.

Während dieses Webinars unterstrichen die verschiedenen Redner, wie wichtig es sei, regelmäßigen Beratschlagungen fördernd zu sein, zwecks dessen die verschiedenen Autonomiemodelle in aller Welt verbessern und ausbauen zu dürfen, damit sie auf die Bedürfnisse und auf die Ambitionen der hiesigen Population zugeschnitten werden dürften.

Quellen:

http://www.corcas.com

http://www.sahara-online.net

http://www.sahara-culture.com

http://www.sahara-villes.com

http://www.sahara-developpement.com

http://www.sahara-social.com

[raxmetoffa]

Unini niyə bu qədər böyüdürlər ki? Noluba unidir də, nə qədər küt olasan ki, ora da girmiyəsən. Girəndə də, bir pox dəyişmir onsuzda. Eyni lomlar, eyni problemlər

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beykent uni beni almazsa bilin ki o uni boktan bi unidir

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Arms Trafficking, A ‘Defining Factor’ in Undermining Peace

Arms Trafficking, A ‘Defining Factor’ in Undermining Peace

Small arms trafficking is a “defining factor in undermining peace and security”, the Director of the UN Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) told the Security Council on Monday during a ministerial debate. Robin Geiss said that that diversion and trafficking of arms “destabilizes communities and exacerbates situations of insecurity, including by committing serious violations of…

[christinamac1]

The nuclear consequences of cyber vulnerabilities

The nuclear consequences of cyber vulnerabilities

The nuclear consequences of cyber vulnerabilities,  https://www.europeanleadershipnetwork.org/commentary/the-nuclear-consequences-of-cyber-vulnerabilities/ Wilfred Wan |Researcher at the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), 29 Nov 21, A recent report about a massive cyber surveillance campaign allegedly conducted by Russian intelligence against US government agencies…

[eeyc]

Armas autónomasMáquinas que matan sin intervención humana: la carrera para crearlas aventaja a los esfuerzos por regularlas

Por Montse Hidalgo Pérez (ElPais.es) ( EL PAÍS TECNOLOGÍA RETINA)

La ONU lleva más de seis años intentando establecer un marco normativo para los llamados robots asesinos

Captura del combate entre la inteligencia artificial de Heron Systems y un piloto humano en un simulador de F-16. DARPA 

  En 2024, el Pentágono espera enfrentar a pilotos humanos contra aviones controlados por inteligencia artificial en duelos reales. Lo anunció el Secretario de Defensa de los Estados Unidos, Mark Esper, en una intervención reciente. A mediados de agosto, los algoritmos desarrollados por Heron Systems ya habían demostrado ser capaces de vencer a pilotos humanos en enfrentamientos simulados. Para Esper, la hazaña es una prueba del “impacto tectónico” que la inteligencia artificial y el machine learning van a tener en las guerras del futuro. Para quienes piden una regulación que controle el desarrollo de armas capaces de matar sin intervención humana, es un indicio más de que la humanidad llega tarde.

“Incluso en estos tiempos de disrupción seguimos viendo más y más informes de nuevos tipos de armas que se están estudiando, desarrollando y probando y que incorporan autonomía en sus funciones críticas”. Estas fueron las palabras elegidas la semana pasada por Izumi Nakamitsu, secretaria general adjunta y alta representante para asuntos de desarme de la ONU, para inaugurar el encuentro del grupo de expertos gubernamentales sobre sistemas de armas letales autónomas (LAWS, por sus siglas en inglés) en la Convención sobre las Armas Convencionales de la misma entidad. Nakamitsu señaló también la urgencia de los avances del grupo, que lleva más de seis años reuniéndose para buscar un marco que regule estas armas. Una vez más y después de cinco días de conversaciones, no hay resultados tangibles.

"Llevamos un año en una situación de atasco. Hay una serie de potencias en la convención que no tienen interés en que surja una regulación vinculante", señala Joaquín Rodríguez, miembro de ICRAC y coordinador de la campaña Stop Killer Robots en España. A este boicot suma la falta de decisión de otros países entre los que incluye a España. "La Unión Europea ha emitido diversas resoluciones pidiendo a los estados que se involucren en la negociación. Luego todo acaba quedando relativamente en papel mojado", lamenta. Hasta el papa Francisco ha entrado en el debate. "Estamos presenciando una erosión del multilateralismo que es incluso más seria a la vista del desarrollo de nuevas formas de tecnología militar, como los sistemas de armas letales autónomas, que irreversiblemente alteran la naturaleza de la guerra, desvinculándola del control humano", advirtió el viernes en la 75 Asamblea General de la ONU.

Inevitablemente tarde

Las armas con diferentes grados de autonomía ya existen. "El avión no tripulado X-47B de la Marina de Estados Unidos, con un alcance de 3.800 km y una autonomía de seis horas de vuelo sin repostar, puede despegar de un portaaviones, volar al objetivo, ser reabastecido en vuelo, destruir el objetivo, regresar y aterrizar en el portaaviones", precisa Francisco Rubio Damián, coronel de Infantería de la Academia Militar de Zaragoza y director de la Ciudadela de Jaca. “Es normal que las potencias militares desarrollen armas que les den una ventaja estratégica decisiva sobre sus enemigos. Es inevitable y pensar lo contrario sería solo un loable ejercicio de candidez”, razona Rubio, doctorado en Sociología y experto en Seguridad Global y Defensa.

Avión no tripulado X-47B. Getty Images 

  En 2017, Estados Unidos, Rusia e Israel concentraban más de la mitad de los proyectos mundiales de desarrollo de armas con algún tipo de autonomía en sus funciones, de acuerdo con los últimos datos recopilados por el Instituto Internacional de Estudios para la Paz de Estocolmo (Sipri). Las categorías más frecuentes eran entonces aeronaves y sistemas terrestres no tripulados, y sistemas de defensa antiaérea. Para Rubio Damián, la falta de avances en las negociaciones para que esa autonomía no se emplee de manera indiscriminada en funciones letales responde en parte al retraso en acometerlas. "Las reuniones se iniciaron cuando Estados Unidos, China y Rusia llevaban años en su particular carrera armamentística desarrollando robots militares".

En ausencia de una regulación específica, el desarrollo de sistemas de armas letales autónomas se rige por lo que establece el derecho internacional humanitario (DIH). En este contexto, cualquier uso de fuerza debe cumplir los principios de proporcionalidad (los daños a civiles no deben ser excesivos en relación con la ventaja militar anticipada con la acción), distinción (debe hacerse todo lo posible por identificar inequívocamente a civiles y combatientes) y necesidad (el objetivo debe justificarse como esencial para el avance del conflicto). “El DIH pone los umbrales mínimos que deben satisfacer estas armas, al crear un marco que aplica a cualquier arma autónoma. Sin embargo, las leyes actuales fracasan a la hora de establecer un rendimiento de cuentas por los crímenes que se cometan con sistemas automatizados”, explica Bryan McMahon, investigador en políticas de inteligencia artificial.

Imprevisibilidad y cajas negras

¿Por qué importa esto? Por que estas armas pueden cometer errores en el campo de batalla. Igual que ocurre en las carreteras, los juicios, la identificación de individuos y la vida real en general, el uso de estos sistemas puede derivar en resultados imprevisibles o imposibles de explicar. Arthur Holland, investigador asociado de inteligencia artificial y autonomía del Instituto para la investigación del desarme de las Naciones Unidas (UNIDIR), compara los riesgos de la autonomía en un arma con los que entrañaría una tostadora. “Pongamos que tienes una tostadora diseñada para funcionar en una cocina con la temperatura controlada, y la utilizas a temperaturas bajo cero. Seguramente no funcionará igual”, explicó la semana pasada en el coloquio organizado por UNIDIR en paralelo al encuentro del grupo de expertos. Su interlocutora, Pascale Fung, es directora del Centro para la Investigación en Inteligencia Artificial en Hong Kong y atribuye este fallo al entorno: cuando un sistema no está entrenado para determinados escenarios puede no ser capaz de gestionarlos.

"Además, a veces el problema no es el entorno sino el input. Si tu tostadora estaba entrenada para tostar pan de centeno y en las pruebas de campo introduces un bagel, el resultado puede ser cualquier otro", explicó Fung. El problema es que en este caso no están en juego el desayuno y las paredes de la cocina, sino las vidas de quienes se ven envueltos por un conflicto bélico: una máquina entrenada en zonas boscosas puede fallar en el desierto y otra entrenada para detectar objetivos con imágenes de personas caucásicas puede funcionar de manera distinta ante individuos de otras razas.

¿Llegarán a la guerra?

No está próximo el momento en que veamos Terminators en el campo de batalla. Un sistema así implicaría un nivel de sofisticación que no se ha alcanzado. Además, las guías elaboradas por el grupo de expertos en su reunión de 2019 recomiendan evitar el desarrollo de armas autónomas con forma humana. "Los expertos afirman que antropomorfizar los robots podría llevarnos a expectativas poco realistas de la capacidad de razonamiento y juicio moral de las máquinas", explica McMahon.

Sin embargo, el experto está convencido de que veremos otros conceptos armas capaces de matar sin intervención humana antes de lo que pensamos: "Aunque la tecnología no está madura todavía, la creciente presión geopolítica empuja las LAWS cada vez más cerca del campo de batalla". Rubio, por su parte, admite que la tecnología existe, pero cree que es "poco probable" que la veamos en acción. "Las potencias militares harán todo lo que sea necesario para no estigmatizar esta tecnología y evitarán por todos los medios que se produzca un error fatal que pueda ser achacado al empleo de robots militares".

A la imprevisibilidad se suman las dificultades para seguir y comprender el razonamiento del algoritmo. Un sistema puede aparentar absoluta precisión en el reconocimiento de combatientes y estar basando su identificación no en las personas, sino en el paisaje de fondo. Si no se abre la caja negra y se desentraña la lógica fallida de estas decisiones, no es posible corregir el error. "La tecnología creada para hacer más humana la guerra puede convertirse en las armas más brutales del campo de batalla", advierte McMahon.

"Uno de los principales problemas a los que nos enfrentamos es que hay Estados que repiten como un mantra afirmaciones que son mentira", comienza Rodríguez. El portavoz de ICRAC se refiere a quienes aseguran que es posible crear LAWS a prueba de errores. "Siempre hay márgenes de error", insiste. En este contexto, la exigencia contra la que reman las grandes potencias bélicas es que siempre haya una persona al volante en el momento en que la máquina plantea una acción letal. ¿Es suficiente? Al menos entra dentro de lo humanamente controlable, señala Rubio. "Debería ser garantía suficiente de que el robot militar no provocará daños superfluos o sufrimientos innecesarios. Si otorgamos esa confianza en el soldado-combatiente, aunque no siempre cumpla, no hay motivos para no otorgar la misma confianza al soldado-operador del sistema autónomo".

En noviembre, el grupo de expertos volverá a reunirse, pero Rodríguez se muestra escéptico, dada la complejidad de la situación. "Los recursos que se están manejando son altísimos. Pensar que todos esos países están dispuestos a congelar los activos que han puesto en investigación armamentística es poco realista", argumenta. El experto no descarta que estas negociaciones puedan avanzar fuera del marco de la ONU, pero insiste en que la institución sería el marco ideal. "Los países que están realizando un boicot no solo están dificultando este tratado sino la resolución de controversias a escala internacional de una manera dialogada".

[liberlibris]

Thinking Outside the Box in Multilateral Disarmament and Arms Control Negotiations - United Nations Institute for Disarmament Reseach (UNIDIR)

In late 2004, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) began a research project entitled Disarmament as Humanitarian Action: Making Multilateral Negotiations Work (DHA). The project, assisted financially by the Governments of Norway and the Netherlands, examines current difficulties for the international community in tackling disarmament and arms control. Recognizing that a greater humanitarian focus is relevant to the work of multilateral practitioners like diplomats and other policy makers, the project is concerned with developing practical proposals to help them apply this in functional terms.

Until recently, thinking in disarmament and arms control was focused on security concepts dominated by external threats to states, especially from other states. These orthodox approaches have been found wanting in the face of new international security challenges. Indeed, the majority of multilateral processes in the disarmament domain failed to make substantial progress over the last decade, themes discussed in the DHA project’s first volume of work, entitled Alternative Approaches in Multilateral Decision Making: Disarmament as Humanitarian Action, published in 2005. It is here that human security and humanitarian approaches to disarmament and arms control could have great effect. Such approaches put greater stress on the individual and their community as reference points for security. This enables problems of armed violence to be framed in new ways and appropriate responses to be identified that may not have been considered before. The spread and humanitarian effects of small arms, such as assault rifles and handguns, is an example in which human security perspectives make a great deal of sense. Not only do small arms kill many of thousands of civilians each year, their presence can have a chilling effect on trust and cooperation, clouding the socio-economic prospects of millions of people, one household or street at a time. The mosaic of small arms proliferation can be better understood once we start thinking about what drives individual perceptions of insecurity and the resulting social interactions.

At root, disarmament and arms control problems are issues of human security. People are hurt or killed and their communities undermined and destroyed by armed violence. Yet traditional multilateral approaches to security, especially in arms control, have been geared toward counting and deciding what to do with discrete weapons and their components— whether they are bombers, tanks, nuclear warheads or poisonous chemicals—which usually are controlled by governments. However, as we are witnessing, this type of approach can be confounded by the sheer complexity of the task. New security challenges are increasingly defined by the interdependence of many variables, rather than the innate strategic properties of specific objects or systems. Infectious disease; refugees and internally displaced people; trafficking in people, guns and narcotics; and environmental damage do not fit into the existing multilateral “box” at all well, and our collective responses are poorer for it. Another hallmark of humanitarian approaches to disarmament is that they harness the insights offered by many different perspectives to meet practical challenges. This cognitive diversity—from affected communities, humanitarian deminers, medical personnel working in victim assistance and civil society activists for example—has been critical to the success of initiatives like the 1997 Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention. The DHA project’s second volume of research, Disarmament as Humanitarian Action: From Perspective to Practice, provided practical insights into the ways in which civil society has augmented the work of states from humanitarian contexts such as international efforts on explosive remnants of war, small arms and anti-personnel mines.

The ways in which disarmament diplomats do business is in need of remedial attention. Despite the catch-cry often repeated that “one size does not fit all” in finding multilateral solutions, precedent and past practice exert a very strong hold that can constrain innovation and flexibility among state representatives charged with those tasks. Sometimes, the attempted— and often abortive—responses of established multilateral institutions, like the Conference on Disarmament, are responses more striking for their inherited procedural resemblance with one another than for their ability to achieve a meaningful goal successfully. Familiar tools and approaches may be chosen, rather than selecting those most appropriate for the job at hand. Human security and humanitarian approaches are useful for multilateral disarmament practitioners in understanding the security challenges they face in their work. 

Thinking at the human scale can also help them think about the constraints on their own interactions and effectiveness. All of this prompts important questions: is it possible to tailor the international system’s responses and methods of dealing with common security problems in order to achieve better outcomes? If so, then how?

The common theme of the contributions to this volume, the DHA project’s third, is to look, from different angles, at how multilateral negotiations can be made to work better than they do. They present no easy or magical solutions. But, the volume does offer multilateral practitioners—including disarmament diplomats, their authorities in capitals, and civil society actors involved in the international security domain—practical ways to think outside the box by furnishing them with new tools and perspectives.

The completion of the work presented in this volume would not have been possible without the generous support of the Governments of Norway and the Netherlands. In particular, the DHA project team and I would like to thank Steffen Kongstad, Susan Eckey and Annette Landell of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as the Norwegian and Dutch Permanent Missions in Geneva. Anita Blétry, Christophe Carle, Rosy Cave, Nicolas Gérard, Eoghan Murphy, Jason Powers, Isabelle Roger, Ashley Thornton and Kerstin Vignard of UNIDIR were unfailingly helpful, as were all of those who commented on or reviewed the volume’s contents. We would also like to thank the UN Department of Disarmament Affairs in Geneva, and in particular Tim Caughley, Richard Lennane and Piers Millet, the staff of the Mines-Arms Unit of the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as the Small Arms Survey, especially Anne-Kathrin Glatz and James Bevan, Patrick McCarthy of the Geneva Forum and David Meddings of the World Health Organization. In addition, the DHA team asked me to mention the particular inspiration they drew from the work of Robert Axelrod, Philip Ball, Robin Dunbar, Paul Ormerod, Paul Seabright, Thomas Schelling and Frans de Waal.

Without doubt, more creativity and flexibility is needed in the current multilateral security environment. Our hope is that those working in multilateral disarmament and arms control, as well as the general reader, will find the perspectives in this volume stimulating, at times provocative, and ultimately useful in helping them to think outside whichever box they are in. 

Following the DHA project’s other work, it is a fitting that this volume  emerges in the twenty-fifth anniversary year of UNIDIR, an institute established to produce ideas for peace and security.

Dr. Patricia Lewis Director UNIDIR

[ebenpink]

Is The Risk Of Nuclear War Now The Highest Since WW2? http://bit.ly/2Eoryu2

Intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) Hwasong-14 is pictured during its second test-fire in this undated picture provided by KCNA in Pyongyang on July 29, 2017. KCNA via Reuters

Reuters: Risk of nuclear war now highest since WW2, U.N. arms research chief says GENEVA (Reuters) - The risk of nuclear weapons being used is at its highest since World War Two, a senior U.N. security expert said on Tuesday, calling it an “urgent” issue that the world should take more seriously. Renata Dwan, director of the U.N. Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), said all states with nuclear weapons have nuclear modernization programs underway and the arms control landscape is changing, partly due to strategic competition between China and the United States. Traditional arms control arrangements are also being eroded by the emergence of new types of war, with increasing prevalence of armed groups and private sector forces and new technologies that blurred the line between offence and defense, she told reporters in Geneva. With disarmament talks stalemated for the past two decades, 122 countries have signed a treaty to ban nuclear weapons, partly out of frustration and partly out of a recognition of the risks, she said. Read more .... WNU Editor: Being one who lived through the Cold War, today's risk of a nuclear war do not come even close to what was the situation at that time. So no .... risk of nuclear war now is not the highest since WW2. from War News Updates http://bit.ly/2JvuSaR via IFTTT

[paperchaserdotcom]

(Reuters) - The risk of nuclear weapons being used is at its highest since WW2, a senior U.N. security expert said on Tuesday, calling it an “urgent” issue that the world should take more seriously. Renata Dwan, director of the U.N. Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), said all states with nuclear weapons have nuclear modernization programs underway & the arms control landscape is changing, partly due to strategic competition between China & the U.S. Traditional arms control arrangements are also being eroded by the emergence of new types of war, with increasing prevalence of armed groups & private sector forces & new technologies that blurred the line between offence and defense, she told reporters in Geneva. With disarmament talks stalemated for the past two decades, 122 countries have signed a treaty to ban nuclear weapons, partly out of frustration & partly out of a recognition of the risks, she said. “I think that it’s genuinely a call to recognize – & this has been somewhat missing in the media coverage of the issues – that the risks of nuclear war are particularly high now, & the risks of the use of nuclear weapons, for some of the factors I pointed out, are higher now than at any time since WW2.” The nuclear ban treaty, officially called the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, was backed by the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), which won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2017. The treaty has so far gathered 23 of the 50 ratifications that it needs to come into force, including South Africa, Austria, Thailand, Vietnam & Mexico. It is strongly opposed by the United States, Russia & other states with nuclear arms. Cuba also ratified the treaty in 2018, 56 years after the Cuban missile crisis, a 13-day Cold War face-off between Moscow & Washington that marked the closest the world had ever come to nuclear war. Dwan said the world should not ignore the danger of nuclear weapons. “How we think about that, & how we act on that risk & the management of that risk, seems to me a pretty significant & urgent question that isn’t reflected fully in the (U.N.) Security Council.” #worldwar3 #nuclearwar #russia #china #america — view on Instagram http://bit.ly/2QhVNaD

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Webinar: SPACE AND NUCLEAR WEAPONS SYSTEMS

Webinar: SPACE AND NUCLEAR WEAPONS SYSTEMS

SPACE AND NUCLEAR WEAPONS SYSTEMS (UNIDIR), May 25, 2021, virtual, ~9:00 am ET    https://spacepolicyonline.com/events/space-and-nuclear-weapons-systems-unidir-may-25-2021-virtual-900-am-et/ The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) will hold a two-day virtual conference on May 25-26, 2021 on “Nuclear Risk: Across Technologies and Domains.”  The meeting is 14:00-16:20…

[courtneytincher]

Big Power Conflicts are Increasingly Taking Place in Outer Space

GENEVA, Sep 12 (IPS) - Daniel A. Porras is a fellow for space security at the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR).Nearly every article on ‘space security' begins with the acknowledgement that satellites and space-based services are critical for modern societies. And with good reason.

Read the full story, “Big Power Conflicts are Increasingly Taking Place in Outer Space”, on globalissues.org →

from Global Issues News Headlines

GENEVA, Sep 12 (IPS) - Daniel A. Porras is a fellow for space security at the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR).Nearly every article on ‘space security' begins with the acknowledgement that satellites and space-based services are critical for modern societies. And with good reason.

Read the full story, “Big Power Conflicts are Increasingly Taking Place in Outer Space”, on globalissues.org →

via IFTTT

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R Packages worth a look

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[christineamccalla]

Yazziz Al-Shayeb, Lord Chief Justice; Man At Nations, At Large - NATO; Vizier; Lord Chamberlain; Or, Application Of The Ali Baba Defense As  A Holocaustal Litigiously Offensive Strategy, by McCalla, Christine Ann, MBA, MS, CBME, CAHR, CBDE, CTW, CPA

The potential lies at the heart of the man, historically or so it said. For the religious dispensation that is Christianity, it bears more than a metaphor or euphemism. Cain and Abel; Esau and Jacob; and, King Saul and the boy of the pastures, David later to become King. Religion while being of a violent disposition often posits to reality, and the current one of a Middle East’s tragedy of deception; instability; murder; and, kingmaker’s psychosis, bearing a striking resemblance to Niccolò Machiavelli’s The Prince, and his varying and many-dimensionaled character attributes.

While married to the Monarch and not born as one, Yazziz Al-Shayeb and all variations thereof understands and shares many attributes with Wikipedia’s Niccolò Machiavelli, Il Principe

(The Prince); diplomat and political theorist being Chief Justice, Lord Chamberlain, entrepreneur and other attributes. In these attributes Al-Shayeb has demonstrated his knowledge of Machiavelli’s methodology in keeping the faith, “You must know there are two ways of contesting,[*] the one by the law, the other by force; the first method is proper to men, the second to beasts; but because the first is frequently not sufficient, it is necessary to have re-course to the second. Therefore it is necessary for a prince to understand how to avail himself of the beast and the man.” Being Chief Justice, Al-Shayeb understands the recording of contests by law, and by character attributes contesting by force. A lesson Prince Mohammed bin Salman would do well to learn among allegations of his involvement in the high-level Saudi officials liable for the murder of journalist Jamal Khashogg, in Chris Harris & Reuters’ article, “Credible evidence for probe into Saudi prince over Khashoggi's murder, says UN report”, dated June 19, 2019. Prince Mohammed bin Salman who is unrelated to Yazziz Al-Shayeb’s wife, by familial presence, association or affiliation, and should have received her writ of separation to familial presence, relations, association, and affiliation.

Machiavelli also argued “All states, all powers, that have held and hold rule over men have been and are either republics or principalities. Principalities are either hereditary, in which the family has been long established; or they are new.” In  Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s case and his lack of vetted monarchical ties, is a new principality according Euronews’ UN special rapporteur, Agnes Callamard. It is unclear bin Salman’s principality’s establishment, but given his association with Callamard, the UN funded by monarch Al-Shayeb’s wife would be a safe bet. Given the complexities of said socio-economic and political systems, one can only imagine the hostilities of Al-Shayeb’s personal and married life, given the undue advantages and influences the UN is capable of wielding, demonstrating again Machiavelli’s conference of principalities in which such dominions are thus acquired as either accustomed to living under a prince, or to live in freedom; and are acquired either by the arms of the prince himself, or of others, or else by fortune or by ability.

Al-Shayeb’s wife, monarch, has not issued an opinion on the rivalry of bin Salman or the Saudi Arabian government and officials, but assume her lot cannot be an easy one given she must finance her murders, murderers, holocausts, and demise with the risk of death by impoverishment and homelessness as her reward. To respond to Machiavelli’s conference, “... you cannot take strong  measures against them, feeling bound to them; ...may be very strong in armed forces, yet in entering a province one has always need of the goodwill of the natives.”, what is the UN’s analysis of risk management in said regard given its humanitarian and peacekeeping stature internationally? Furthermore and of a more political sensitive nature, is the perception of bin Salman’s principality’s establishment in Al-Shayeb’s competitive landscape; strategic frameworks including client acquisition and satisfaction, and supply chain management; his wife’s relationship by birth, association, and affiliation including her native country Jamaica; and, her pursuits, of life, liberty, health, welfare, internal revenues, and commerce, trade, and industry.

Given Al-Shayeb’s stature as jurist in which he understands the sophistication of protesting by law and by force, the peace must prevail as Machiavelli’s Dante argued: Knowledge doth come of learning well retained, Unfruitful else. To avoid rivalries, bin Salman must by now be aware of Machiavelli’s new principality and its theories and theorems, mainly being:

“But the difficulties occur in a new principality. And firstly, if it be not entirely new, but is, as it were, a member of a state which, taken collectively, may be called composite, the changes arise chiefly from an inherent difficulty which there is in all new principalities; for men change their rulers willingly, hoping to better themselves, and this hope induces  them  to  take  up  arms  against  him  who  rules:  wherein they  are  deceived,  because  they  afterwards  find  by  experience  they  have  gone  from  bad  to  worse.  This  follows  also on  another  natural  and  common  necessity,  which  always causes  a  new  prince  to  burden  those  who  have  submitted to him with his soldiery and with infinite other hardships which he must put upon his new acquisition”.

Given the UN’s conferral of stature with titles including, The Office Of The United Nations Special Coordinator For The Middle East Peace Process (UNSCO); and UN Truce Supervision Organization (UNTSO): International Monetary Fund (IMF); United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO); World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO); The World Bank; and, The United Nations Institute For Disarmament Research (UNIDIR); the UN can hardly afford to play Kingmaker, Princemaker, Nepotism, or Cronyism. As such a petition is necessary and issued as, writ of injunction and separation from contamination and contaminatory elements including the confusion of Machiavelli’s principalities and theorems and all their varieties, variants, and variations thereof, fabrication of varieties, variants, and variations thereof of the statute Title Of Nobility, applying all laws, statutes, et al, et al, regarding Suits Of A Person Injured and Right To Face The Accuser, set eternally, transferable and attached, et al.

On a separate and congratulatory note, congratulations to Al-Shayeb and his wife who has allegedly been recognized as Presidential Gubernatorial Entrant (USA) and Congresswoman, Maryland - Defunct, who are still waiting on official dispatches to retain compliance with the Convention of Judicial and Extrajudicial Service on Civil and Commercial Matters. For them this conference regarding Machiavelli’s advice on governings are applicable: there are three courses for those wishing to hold cities or principalities known for living under their own laws prior to annex: the  first  is  to  ruin  them,  the  next  is  to reside  there  in  person,  the  third  is  to  permit  them  to  live under  their  own  laws,  drawing  a  tribute,  and  establishing within  it  an  oligarchy  which  will  keep  it  friendly  to  you. Because  such  a  government,  being  created  by  the  prince, knows  that  it  cannot  stand  without  his  friendship  and  interest, and does it utmost to support him; and therefore he who would keep a city accustomed to freedom will hold it more  easily  by  the  means  of  its  own  citizens  than  in  any other way.

Al-Shayeb’s wife’s gubernatorial status came through substantial societal risks and increasing socio-economic and political unrest and violence the United States of America has been experiencing over the last decade, and defied taking the path well-traveled while exhibiting the highest  examples  both  of  prince  and  of  state;  because  men,  walking almost always in paths beaten by others, and following by imitation their deeds, are yet unable to keep entirely to the ways of others or attain to the power of those they imitate. Defying increasing odds, Al-Shayeb’s wife has retained right to life; right to expression; and, forcibly rendering the Preambles of We The Peoples as true and upheld in all aspects of her interactions. Congratulations to her and best wishes on her new endeavors! ‘Le radici e corrispondenze,’ It is for writing stead!

The comparison of bin Salman and Al-Shayeb though unreasonable has not yet concluded, and can be compared to Macchiaveli’s Francesco Sforza and Cesare Borgia. Francesco Sforza (who by  proper  means  and  with great  ability,  from  being  a  private  person  rose  to  be  Duke of Milan, and that which he had acquired with a thousand anxieties he kept with little trouble. UN could be considered proper means.), and Cesare Borgia (acquired his state during the ascendancy through familial presence [his father], (Macchiaveli).

The comparison continues with Macchiaveli’s Agathocles, the  Sicilian, who after infinite treacheries and cruelties, should live for long secure in his country, and defend himself from external  enemies, seeing  that  many  others,  by  means  of  cruelty, have never been able even in peaceful times to hold the state,  still  less  in  the  doubtful  times  of  war, shall bear to Al-Shayeb and all his stature, the designs and methodologies of Cain and Abel; Esau and Jacob; and, King Saul and King David the need for relief; victory; and a Kingmaker. Of the three (3) biblical epics, it was King David who accumulated the greatest victory with Wikipedia’s Prophet Samuel being King Maker by deception.

Prophet Samuel’s feat of defying King Saul, 1 Samuel 16:1-23 (www.bible.com), went to anoint a new king in Bethlehem in deception in the dynamic of making a holy sacrifice, and went to the man named Jesse who had seven (7) sons including David, would-be king. Once anointed with oil, the Spirit of the Lord left the existing king, Saul, and covered David instead. It took decades for David to be King and may triumphs and disappointments along with the territory including isolation, ostracisms, and famine, and described as permitted by the Right to Expression, Freedom of Religion, Association, Assembly, Press, and Petition, King David had a heart of God and followed his mandates. King David contested by both law and force, but never departed from his principalities as prince.

In I Samuel 24, David crept up to Saul in Saul’s indiscreet moment and cut off a piece of his robe, distanced himself, then shouted, O King Saul, I have cut your robe but have not taken your life. I have not bestirred rebellion nor treason against you. In this struggle of principalities, bin Salman’s claim of monarchy has not resulted in Al-Shayeb’s holocaust, treason, jeopardy to stature, nor espionage. For Al-Shayeb, this may be a case of reality or character attribute.

Machiavelli’s conference assessing Al-Shayeb’s dilemma continued in,

“A  principality  is  created  either  by  the  people  or  by  the nobles, accordingly as one or other of them has the opportunity;  for  the  nobles,  seeing  they  cannot  withstand  the people, begin to cry up the reputation of one of themselves, and they make him a prince, so that under his shadow they can  give  vent  to  their  ambitions.  The  people,  finding  they cannot resist the nobles, also cry up the reputation of one of themselves, and make him a prince so as to be defended by his authority. He who obtains sovereignty by the assistance of the nobles maintains himself with more difficulty than he who comes to it by the aid of the people, because the former finds  himself  with  many  around  him  who  consider  themselves his equals, and because of this he can neither rule nor manage them to his liking. But he who reaches sovereignty by popular favour finds himself alone, and has none around him, or few, who are not prepared to obey him.”

For the Kingmakers, principalities, princes, sovereignties, nobles, peoples, and ambitions themselves, it is helpful to be mindful that Al-Shayeb’s title of monarchial presence was acquired through TItle of Nobility, and to which he has added the Title of Peerage. This alone has preserved his inherent right to life, equalities, justice, and dignities. There are also the following complications in Al-Shayeb’s favor, Act of State doctrine, War Powers Clause, Marque and Reprisals, Letters of Marque and Reprisals, and We The Peoples Preambles. In the acquisition of equals, both to rule and manage, reputations matter. Whether in ambition, venting, or crying up, may Al-Shayeb be able to find peers whether as The Prince, Cesare Borgia, a dignity, or as himself, Yazziz Al-Shayeb and all varieties, variants, and variations thereof.

Another context of the principalities, one by the law, the other by force (Macchiaveli), is the Ali Baba Defense As  A Holocaustal Litigiously Offensive Strategy, which after all is Al-Shayeb’s existence given bin Salman’s monarchial states and powers, that have held and hold rule over men as either republics or principalities (Macchiaveli) with UN’s support (Harris) rendering Al-Shayeb’s personal dynamics as that of being holocaustal.

A recommendation of escape is the Ali Baba Defense strategy in which his opponent is converted to being an entity, that of the judicial administration and a failed infrastructure. Every applicable law is applied inclusive of the laws, properties, foundations, and fundamentals of statistics’ decision trees. bin Salman being a principality of vented ambitions and without resistance of the nobles, shall cry up the reputation of himself, and why making himself a prince requires being defended by his authority (Macchiaveli).