#UNIDIR

[mineaction]

Launch of the Cluster Munitions Monitor 2024 report.

Watch the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) - Press Conference: Cluster Munitions Monitor 2024.

Speakers: 

·        Charles Bechara, ICBL-CMC Communications and Media Manager

·        Mary Wareham, Cluster Munition Monitor 2024 Ban Policy Editor

·        Katrin Atkins, Cluster Munition Monitor 2024 Impact Team Senior Researcher

·        Loren Persi, Cluster Munition Monitor 2024 Impact Team Lead 

Launch of the Cluster Munitions Monitor 2024 report

[nucleartestsday]

What's next for Nuclear Risk Reduction?

Concerns over nuclear risks have been steadily growing over the past decade, leading the UN Secretary General Ant��nio Guterres to describe the current situation as "a time of nuclear danger not seen since the height of the Cold War". As a response, efforts to address nuclear risk have started across different fora. The 2022 NPT Review Conference draft Final Document prominently featured nuclear risk reduction measures.

[spacenutspod]

Sydney, Australia (SPX) Aug 29, 2023 The intricacies of space security terminology can sometimes create barriers in international discussions. With the rapid evolution of space technology and policies, the need for a universal understanding of terms has become imperative. Recognizing this void, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) and the Secure World Foundation (SWF) have crafted the "Space Security Lexic

[westsahara]

Die Autonomieinitiative in der marokkanischen Sahara, eines der fortschrittlichsten Modelle in der Welt (Webinar)

New York–Der vonseiten des Königreichs Marokko zwecks der Beilegung  des  Regionalkonflikts rund um die marokkanische Sahara unterbreitete Autonomievorschlag in der marokkanischen Sahara ist eines der fortschrittlichsten Modelle in der Welt, den Beteiligten am „internationalen akademischen Seminar zur territorialen Autonomie“ zufolge.

Auf dieser Begegnung, welche von der ständigen Vertretung Marokkos bei den Vereinten Nationen in New York veranstaltet wurde, stellten die verschiedenen Redner die Modelle der Autonomie in mehreren Regionen der Welt vor, im Besonderen in der Prinzeninsel, einer Insel in der Republik São Tomé und Príncipe (in Afrika), in den Kaimaninseln (in der Karibik) und in Rotuma (in Ozeanien).

Die vonseiten des Königreichs Marokko unterbreitete Autonomieinitiative in der marokkanischen Sahara stelle eines der fortschrittlichsten Modelle in der Welt in Hinsicht auf die weitreichenden Vorrechte dar, die der Region übertragen werden, unterstrich der ehemalige französische Diplomat Marc Finaud gleich zum Beginn.

Mehrere Resolutionen des UNO-Sicherheitsrats haben diese Autonomieinitiative gewürdigt und sie als ernsthafte und glaubwürdige Anstrengung des Königreichs Marokko betrachtet, eine Lösung der Sahara-Frage nach sich führen zu dürfen, fuhr Herr Finaud, ein ehemaliger wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter des Instituts der Vereinten Nationen für die Abrüstungsforschung (UNIDIR), fort.  

Dr. Alan Howard, emeritierter Professor für Anthropologie an der Universität Hawaii in Manoa, verwies seinerseits darauf, dass die marokkanische Autonomieinitiative im Gegensatz zum in Rotuma angenommenen Autonomiemodell es der hiesigen Population möglich machte und macht, ihre Belange zur Gänze selbst regeln und dabei ihre kulturellen Besonderheiten berücksichtigen zu dürfen.

Er stellte fest, dass das marokkanische Modell die Population der Sahara-Region in den Mittelpunkt des Entscheidungsprozesses in Hinsicht auf lokale Angelegenheiten stellte, was die Glaubwürdigkeit und die Effizienz des marokkanischen Modells erstarken dürfte.

Gerhard Seibert, ein wissenschaftlicher Mitarbeiter am Zentrum für Internationale Studien (CEI) des Universitätsinstituts Lissabon, stellte seinerseits fest, dass das in der Prinzeninsel angenommene Autonomiemodell nicht die Unabhängigkeit des Justizsystems auf lokaler Ebene vorsehe.

Die Prinzeninsel habe sich bezogen auf 1995 zu einer autonomen Region mit einer regionalen gesetzgebenden Versammlung und einer regionalen Regierung auswachsen dürfen, fügte er hinzu, darauf verweisend, dass Regionalwahlen in den Jahren 1995, 2006, 2010, 2014, 2018 und 2022 zustande gekommen seien.

Vaughan Carter, Vorsitzender der Verfassungskommission der Kaimaninseln, erstattete einen Überblick über den langwierigen Entwicklungsprozess des Autonomiemodells, feststellend, dass die Autonomie es den Kaimaninseln möglich gemacht habe, die lokale Wirtschaft entwickeln zu dürfen.

Der Industrie-und-Dienstleistungssektor sei durch die Eigenständigkeit erheblich gewachsen, stellte er die Behauptung davon auf.

Auf diesem Webinar stellte der ständige Botschafter Marokkos bei den Vereinten Nationen, Herr Omar Hilale, klar heraus, dass diese Begegnung den Aufbau der akademischen Forschung ausgehend vom Modell der Autonomie erstarkt, darauf verweisend, dass das Königreich Marokko seine Anstrengungen zur Lösung der Sahara-Frage ernst und aufrichtig geleistet habe und leiste.

Und um in den Vordergrund spielen zu dürfen, dass fast 100 Staaten die Ansicht vertreten, dass der marokkanische Autonomievorschlag eine realistische Lösung darstelle, um dem Regionalkonflikt rund um die marokkanische Sahara ein Ende bereiten zu dürfen.

Die Autonomie sei ein Experiment, das in verschiedenen Regionen der Welt erfolgsgekrönt sei, Frieden nach sich gebracht und Hoffnung geweckt habe, betonte der Diplomat.

„Was wir als Vorschlag unterbreiten, steht in Übereinstimmung mit dem Völkerrecht und mit der Legalität sowie mit dem, was anderswo in Kraft ist“, sagte Herr Hilale.

Vor der Ausarbeitung dieses Autonomievorschlags verreisten marokkanische Abgesandte rund um die Welt, um sich nach ähnlichen Erfahrungen erkundigen zu können, rief der marokkanische Botschafter die Erinnerung daran wach.

Während dieses Webinars unterstrichen die verschiedenen Redner, wie wichtig es sei, regelmäßigen Beratschlagungen fördernd zu sein, zwecks dessen die verschiedenen Autonomiemodelle in aller Welt verbessern und ausbauen zu dürfen, damit sie auf die Bedürfnisse und auf die Ambitionen der hiesigen Population zugeschnitten werden dürften.

Quellen:

http://www.corcas.com

http://www.sahara-online.net

http://www.sahara-culture.com

http://www.sahara-villes.com

http://www.sahara-developpement.com

http://www.sahara-social.com

[raxmetoffa]

Unini niyə bu qədər böyüdürlər ki? Noluba unidir də, nə qədər küt olasan ki, ora da girmiyəsən. Girəndə də, bir pox dəyişmir onsuzda. Eyni lomlar, eyni problemlər

[mineaction]

Beyond Oslo - Taking stock of Gender and Diversity mainstreaming in the Anti-personnel mine ban convention.

Considering improvements in gender & diversity mainstreaming within mine action?

Our "Beyond Oslo" report analyzes the effectiveness of current strategies & explores potential paths forward.

The Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention (APMBC) is a reference in gender and diversity mainstreaming. In its latest Action Plan, known as the Oslo Action Plan (OAP), APMBC States Parties committed to take a number of practical steps to integrate gender perspectives and the diverse needs and experiences of people in affected communities into all aspects of mine action and programming.

As the OAP enters its final year of implementation, this report provides an overview of the implementation of action points covering gender, diversity, and inclusion, with the intention to assess its impact and reflect on the way forward. Drawing on official reporting and statements made by States Parties, as well as on a survey conducted with key actors in mine action, this report outlines instances of progress achieved regarding gender and diversity mainstreaming, as well as challenges and areas for improvement that could be addressed in the next Action Plan.

Citation: Renata H. Dalaqua, Paula Jou Fuster and Hana Salama (2023) "Beyond Oslo: Taking Stock of Gender and Diversity Mainstreaming in the Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention", UNIDIR, Geneva.

[vallakusurabakmanne]

beykent uni beni almazsa bilin ki o uni boktan bi unidir

[christinamac1]

The nuclear consequences of cyber vulnerabilities

The nuclear consequences of cyber vulnerabilities

The nuclear consequences of cyber vulnerabilities,  https://www.europeanleadershipnetwork.org/commentary/the-nuclear-consequences-of-cyber-vulnerabilities/ Wilfred Wan |Researcher at the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), 29 Nov 21, A recent report about a massive cyber surveillance campaign allegedly conducted by Russian intelligence against US government agencies…

[africaprimenews]

Arms Trafficking, A ‘Defining Factor’ in Undermining Peace

Arms Trafficking, A ‘Defining Factor’ in Undermining Peace

Small arms trafficking is a “defining factor in undermining peace and security”, the Director of the UN Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR)��told the Security Council on Monday during a ministerial debate. Robin Geiss said that that diversion and trafficking of arms “destabilizes communities and exacerbates situations of insecurity, including by committing serious violations of…

[ebenpink]

Is The Risk Of Nuclear War Now The Highest Since WW2? http://bit.ly/2Eoryu2

Intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) Hwasong-14 is pictured during its second test-fire in this undated picture provided by KCNA in Pyongyang on July 29, 2017. KCNA via Reuters

Reuters: Risk of nuclear war now highest since WW2, U.N. arms research chief says GENEVA (Reuters) - The risk of nuclear weapons being used is at its highest since World War Two, a senior U.N. security expert said on Tuesday, calling it an “urgent” issue that the world should take more seriously. Renata Dwan, director of the U.N. Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), said all states with nuclear weapons have nuclear modernization programs underway and the arms control landscape is changing, partly due to strategic competition between China and the United States. Traditional arms control arrangements are also being eroded by the emergence of new types of war, with increasing prevalence of armed groups and private sector forces and new technologies that blurred the line between offence and defense, she told reporters in Geneva. With disarmament talks stalemated for the past two decades, 122 countries have signed a treaty to ban nuclear weapons, partly out of frustration and partly out of a recognition of the risks, she said. Read more .... WNU Editor: Being one who lived through the Cold War, today's risk of a nuclear war do not come even close to what was the situation at that time. So no .... risk of nuclear war now is not the highest since WW2. from War News Updates http://bit.ly/2JvuSaR via IFTTT

[mineaction]

Enable states to assess and strengthen national capacities against improvised explosive devices.

Explosive hazards have profound effects on communities and development. The UNIDIR C-IED tool enables states to assess and strengthen national capacities against improvised explosive devices.Together, we can protect our communities and build peace.

[paperchaserdotcom]

(Reuters) - The risk of nuclear weapons being used is at its highest since WW2, a senior U.N. security expert said on Tuesday, calling it an “urgent” issue that the world should take more seriously. Renata Dwan, director of the U.N. Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR), said all states with nuclear weapons have nuclear modernization programs underway & the arms control landscape is changing, partly due to strategic competition between China & the U.S. Traditional arms control arrangements are also being eroded by the emergence of new types of war, with increasing prevalence of armed groups & private sector forces & new technologies that blurred the line between offence and defense, she told reporters in Geneva. With disarmament talks stalemated for the past two decades, 122 countries have signed a treaty to ban nuclear weapons, partly out of frustration & partly out of a recognition of the risks, she said. “I think that it’s genuinely a call to recognize – & this has been somewhat missing in the media coverage of the issues – that the risks of nuclear war are particularly high now, & the risks of the use of nuclear weapons, for some of the factors I pointed out, are higher now than at any time since WW2.” The nuclear ban treaty, officially called the Treaty for the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons, was backed by the International Campaign to Abolish Nuclear Weapons (ICAN), which won the Nobel Peace Prize in 2017. The treaty has so far gathered 23 of the 50 ratifications that it needs to come into force, including South Africa, Austria, Thailand, Vietnam & Mexico. It is strongly opposed by the United States, Russia & other states with nuclear arms. Cuba also ratified the treaty in 2018, 56 years after the Cuban missile crisis, a 13-day Cold War face-off between Moscow & Washington that marked the closest the world had ever come to nuclear war. Dwan said the world should not ignore the danger of nuclear weapons. “How we think about that, & how we act on that risk & the management of that risk, seems to me a pretty significant & urgent question that isn’t reflected fully in the (U.N.) Security Council.” #worldwar3 #nuclearwar #russia #china #america — view on Instagram http://bit.ly/2QhVNaD

[christinamac1]

Webinar: SPACE AND NUCLEAR WEAPONS SYSTEMS

Webinar: SPACE AND NUCLEAR WEAPONS SYSTEMS

SPACE AND NUCLEAR WEAPONS SYSTEMS (UNIDIR), May 25, 2021, virtual, ~9:00 am ET    https://spacepolicyonline.com/events/space-and-nuclear-weapons-systems-unidir-may-25-2021-virtual-900-am-et/ The United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) will hold a two-day virtual conference on May 25-26, 2021 on “Nuclear Risk: Across Technologies and Domains.”  The meeting is 14:00-16:20…

[liberlibris]

Thinking Outside the Box in Multilateral Disarmament and Arms Control Negotiations - United Nations Institute for Disarmament Reseach (UNIDIR)

In late 2004, the United Nations Institute for Disarmament Research (UNIDIR) began a research project entitled Disarmament as Humanitarian Action: Making Multilateral Negotiations Work (DHA). The project, assisted financially by the Governments of Norway and the Netherlands, examines current difficulties for the international community in tackling disarmament and arms control. Recognizing that a greater humanitarian focus is relevant to the work of multilateral practitioners like diplomats and other policy makers, the project is concerned with developing practical proposals to help them apply this in functional terms.

Until recently, thinking in disarmament and arms control was focused on security concepts dominated by external threats to states, especially from other states. These orthodox approaches have been found wanting in the face of new international security challenges. Indeed, the majority of multilateral processes in the disarmament domain failed to make substantial progress over the last decade, themes discussed in the DHA project’s first volume of work, entitled Alternative Approaches in Multilateral Decision Making: Disarmament as Humanitarian Action, published in 2005. It is here that human security and humanitarian approaches to disarmament and arms control could have great effect. Such approaches put greater stress on the individual and their community as reference points for security. This enables problems of armed violence to be framed in new ways and appropriate responses to be identified that may not have been considered before. The spread and humanitarian effects of small arms, such as assault rifles and handguns, is an example in which human security perspectives make a great deal of sense. Not only do small arms kill many of thousands of civilians each year, their presence can have a chilling effect on trust and cooperation, clouding the socio-economic prospects of millions of people, one household or street at a time. The mosaic of small arms proliferation can be better understood once we start thinking about what drives individual perceptions of insecurity and the resulting social interactions.

At root, disarmament and arms control problems are issues of human security. People are hurt or killed and their communities undermined and destroyed by armed violence. Yet traditional multilateral approaches to security, especially in arms control, have been geared toward counting and deciding what to do with discrete weapons and their components— whether they are bombers, tanks, nuclear warheads or poisonous chemicals—which usually are controlled by governments. However, as we are witnessing, this type of approach can be confounded by the sheer complexity of the task. New security challenges are increasingly defined by the interdependence of many variables, rather than the innate strategic properties of specific objects or systems. Infectious disease; refugees and internally displaced people; trafficking in people, guns and narcotics; and environmental damage do not fit into the existing multilateral “box” at all well, and our collective responses are poorer for it. Another hallmark of humanitarian approaches to disarmament is that they harness the insights offered by many different perspectives to meet practical challenges. This cognitive diversity—from affected communities, humanitarian deminers, medical personnel working in victim assistance and civil society activists for example—has been critical to the success of initiatives like the 1997 Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention. The DHA project’s second volume of research, Disarmament as Humanitarian Action: From Perspective to Practice, provided practical insights into the ways in which civil society has augmented the work of states from humanitarian contexts such as international efforts on explosive remnants of war, small arms and anti-personnel mines.

The ways in which disarmament diplomats do business is in need of remedial attention. Despite the catch-cry often repeated that “one size does not fit all” in finding multilateral solutions, precedent and past practice exert a very strong hold that can constrain innovation and flexibility among state representatives charged with those tasks. Sometimes, the attempted— and often abortive—responses of established multilateral institutions, like the Conference on Disarmament, are responses more striking for their inherited procedural resemblance with one another than for their ability to achieve a meaningful goal successfully. Familiar tools and approaches may be chosen, rather than selecting those most appropriate for the job at hand. Human security and humanitarian approaches are useful for multilateral disarmament practitioners in understanding the security challenges they face in their work. 

Thinking at the human scale can also help them think about the constraints on their own interactions and effectiveness. All of this prompts important questions: is it possible to tailor the international system’s responses and methods of dealing with common security problems in order to achieve better outcomes? If so, then how?

The common theme of the contributions to this volume, the DHA project’s third, is to look, from different angles, at how multilateral negotiations can be made to work better than they do. They present no easy or magical solutions. But, the volume does offer multilateral practitioners—including disarmament diplomats, their authorities in capitals, and civil society actors involved in the international security domain—practical ways to think outside the box by furnishing them with new tools and perspectives.

The completion of the work presented in this volume would not have been possible without the generous support of the Governments of Norway and the Netherlands. In particular, the DHA project team and I would like to thank Steffen Kongstad, Susan Eckey and Annette Landell of the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, as well as the Norwegian and Dutch Permanent Missions in Geneva. Anita Blétry, Christophe Carle, Rosy Cave, Nicolas Gérard, Eoghan Murphy, Jason Powers, Isabelle Roger, Ashley Thornton and Kerstin Vignard of UNIDIR were unfailingly helpful, as were all of those who commented on or reviewed the volume’s contents. We would also like to thank the UN Department of Disarmament Affairs in Geneva, and in particular Tim Caughley, Richard Lennane and Piers Millet, the staff of the Mines-Arms Unit of the International Committee of the Red Cross, as well as the Small Arms Survey, especially Anne-Kathrin Glatz and James Bevan, Patrick McCarthy of the Geneva Forum and David Meddings of the World Health Organization. In addition, the DHA team asked me to mention the particular inspiration they drew from the work of Robert Axelrod, Philip Ball, Robin Dunbar, Paul Ormerod, Paul Seabright, Thomas Schelling and Frans de Waal.

Without doubt, more creativity and flexibility is needed in the current multilateral security environment. Our hope is that those working in multilateral disarmament and arms control, as well as the general reader, will find the perspectives in this volume stimulating, at times provocative, and ultimately useful in helping them to think outside whichever box they are in. 

Following the DHA project’s other work, it is a fitting that this volume  emerges in the twenty-fifth anniversary year of UNIDIR, an institute established to produce ideas for peace and security.

Dr. Patricia Lewis Director UNIDIR

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