#The Trump Tapes: Bob Woodward's Twenty Interviews with President Donald Trump | Explore Tumblr posts and blogs

deadpresidents · 5 days ago

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Best books on Trump?

Confidence Man: The Making of Donald Trump and the Breaking of America by Maggie Haberman (BOOK | KINDLE | AUDIO) Nobody is more plugged-in to Trump's world than Maggie Haberman, and she has been since he first announced he was running for President in 2015. She was one of the rare journalists who took him seriously from the beginning, and it gave her the unique access which results in some remarkable stories. Trump can't help but open up to her, even though he constantly attacks her for her coverage and has said some reprehensible things about her. I can't imagine how exhausted she is of being the Trump expert after almost ten years, and it isn't ending anytime soon.

The Divider: Trump in the White House, 2017-2021 by Peter Baker and Susan Glasser (BOOK | KINDLE | AUDIO) Peter Baker has covered the Presidency for over two decades and written excellent books about the past five Presidents. He continues to cover the White House for the New York Times and his frequent pieces analyzing contemporary Presidents in relation to Presidential history are always great. Susan Glasser is a longtime reporter for The New Yorker and is also fantastic with her coverage and has written several good books of her own. From time-to-time, Baker and Glasser, who have been married for years, team up to write a book and The Divider, like their incredible book about James Baker (The Man Who Ran Washington) shows how deep their connections are in Washington and American politics.

The Trump Tapes: Bob Woodward's Twenty Interviews with President Donald Trump by Bob Woodward (BOOK | KINDLE | AUDIO) Bob Woodward has written several books about Donald Trump's Presidency, and even before releasing this collection of twenty complete interviews with Trump, the legendary reporter who helped bring down Richard Nixon came to the conclusion that Trump was far more dangerous than Nixon and an undeniable threat to American democracy and the world order. Each of Woodward's other four books about or partially-focused on Trump (which are titled Fear, Rage, Peril, and War respectively -- which is not only appropriate, but might as well have been Trump's campaign slogan) are must-reads. But The Trump Tapes gives you Trump in his own, erratic, redundant, uncensored words full of lies and threats and insanity. It should frighten and repel people, but this is America where ignorance and intolerance openly reign, so instead this fucking country put Trump back in power, but with a mandate and full Congressional control this time. Ugh.

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tuxedoparklibrary · 2 years ago

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New digital materials to warm up with! Check out the list below of new eBooks and eAudiobooks recently added to the library's digital collection in Libby. https://www.overdrive.com/apps/libby/ Adult eBooks: - Gilded Girl by Pamela Kelley - Home for the Holidays by Johanna Lindsey - It Starts With Us by Colleen Hoover - The Last Chairlift by John Irving - A Man Called Ove by Fredrik Backman - No Plan B: Jack Reacher Series, Book 27 by Lee Child - Point of Retreat: Slammed Series, Book 2 by Colleen Hoover - Shrines of Gaiety by Kate Atkinson - Snowed In for Christmas by Sarah Morgan - A Very Merry Bromance by Lyssa Kay Adams - A World of Curiosities: Chief Inspector Gamache Novel Series, Book 18 by Louise Penny Adult eAudiobooks: - It Starts With Us by Colleen Hoover - No Plan B: Jack Reacher Series, Book 27 by Lee Child - Surrender: 40 Songs, One Story by Bono - The Trump Tapes: Bob Woodward's Twenty Interviews with President Donald Trump by Bob Woodward YA eBooks: - Seasparrow by Kristin Cashore - A Thousand Heartbeats by Kiera Cass YA eAudiobook: - Charm by Tracy Wolff Juvenile eBooks: - Freestyle by Gale Galligan - Mary Anne's Bad Luck Mystery by Ann M. Martin (available 12/29) - Tumble by Celia C. Perez - Collaborations by Dav Pilkey - The Case of the Left-Handed Lady by Nancy Springer Juvenile eAudiobook: - Legend of the Guardians: The Owls of Ga'Hoole (books 1-3) by Kathryn Lask https://www.instagram.com/p/CmEzkbADsGI/?igshid=NGJjMDIxMWI=

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awutar · 2 years ago

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5 revelations in Bob Woodward's audios about Donald Trump

5 revelations in Bob Woodward’s audios about Donald Trump

The voice of Bob Woodwardthe journalist for The Washington Post, is well known in Washington DC and that of the former president donald trump is familiar throughout the world. But both can be heard in a new way in Woodward’s new audiobook, “The Trump Tapes: Bob Woodward’s Twenty Interviews with President Donald Trump,” on sale Oct. 25. Woodward has published raw audio of about twenty interviews…

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sanjosenewshq · 2 years ago

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Trump Tapes Reveal He is Harmful And A Risk To Democracy Bob Woodward Warns

Legendary Watergate journalist Bob Woodward sounded the alarm on former President Donald Trump Sunday, releasing eight hours of interview recordings he says present the ex-president as a severe “risk to democracy.” Trump was “simply the fallacious man for the job,” Woodward instructed host John Dickerson on “CBS Sunday Morning,” referring to Trump’s presidency. “He’s not simply the fallacious man for the job,” Woodward added. “He’s harmful, and he’s a risk to democracy — and he’s a risk to the presidency as a result of he doesn’t perceive the core obligations that include that workplace,” the Washington Put up journalist defined. Woodward used the 20 recorded interviews with Trump for his 2020 guide “Rage.” Now he’s releasing the tapes individually in “The Trump Tapes: Bob Woodward’s Twenty Interviews with President Donald Trump.” “Trump is an unparalleled hazard,” Woodward wrote in a Washington Put up essay tailored from the brand new guide. “If you hearken to him on the vary of points from international coverage to the virus to racial injustice, it’s clear he didn’t know what to do. Trump was overwhelmed by the job. He was largely disconnected from the wants and management expectations of the general public and his absolute self-focus turned the presidency.” The interviews occurred over 9 months in 2020 at varied places, together with Trump’s calls to Woodward at his house. (Trump insisted in an interview with Fox host Brian Kilmeade Friday that Woodward’s tapes “belong to me,” and stated he intends to sue over the proper to make use of them.) Woodward instructed Dickerson he recalled listening to the tone of Trump’s voice at one level speaking about COVID-19, and pondering: “He’s drowning in himself.” From all he has realized, Woodward famous in his essay that the “report now reveals that Trump has led — and continues to guide — a seditious conspiracy to overturn the 2020 election, which in impact is an effort to destroy democracy.” He’ll be much more harmful if he wins the White Home once more as a result of he is aware of the “levers of energy” and “full management means putting in absolute loyalists in key Cupboard and White Home posts,” Woodward warned. Woodward agreed with Dickerson that Trump views the presidency as a “possession.” “I feel [he considers it] as a trophy,” Woodward added. “And he’s gonna maintain it.” Woodward stated he regrets not being pushier with Trump concerning the finish of his time period. “There was one level the place I requested him, ’I hear that in case you lose, you’re not gonna go away the White Home?” Woodward recalled. However Trump refused to remark. It was the “solely time he had no remark,” stated Woodward. “This was after all months earlier than his loss. And I type of slapped myself a bit bit: Why didn’t I observe up on that a bit bit extra?” Trump instructed a Texas crowd at a rally Saturday that he’ll most likely run for the presidency within the subsequent election. Take a look at extra of Woodward’s CBS interview, with Trump audio snippits, right here: Originally published at San Jose News HQ

#San Jose News HQ

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sutrala · 2 years ago

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Woodward says 'dangerous' and 'threat to democracy'... (First column, 7th story, link) Related stories:Trump Plans to Challenge 2022 Elections -- Starting in Philly...IT BEGINS: The Don rages at DeSantis...Fraud criminal trial against Org opens...Lawyers look out for...

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mdye · 8 years ago

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On Tuesday evening, after President Donald Trump abruptly fired FBI Director James Comey, who was investigating ties between the Trump campaign and Russia, Americans suddenly grew much more interested in something that happened 43 years ago — the Saturday Night Massacre.

The massacre kicked the Watergate scandal — concerning associates of Nixon’s who broke into the Democratic National Committee’s headquarters in the Watergate office/residential complex in Washington, DC — into high gear. At the time, Congress was already looking into the break-in and investigating Nixon’s potential involvement and cover-up efforts. So was Archibald Cox, a special prosecutor appointed by the attorney general.

On the night of Saturday, October 20, 1973, President Nixon ordered Cox’s firing. However, the person with authority to dismiss Cox, Nixon’s Attorney General Elliot Richardson, refused to carry out the order.

Instead, Richardson resigned. His deputy, William Ruckelshaus, then became acting attorney general, and also refused to obey the order. Ruckelshaus resigned too. That left Robert Bork, the solicitor general, as the highest-ranking official in the Justice Department. Bork finally carried out Nixon’s order and dismissed Cox.

That hardly solved Nixon’s problems. Instead, it only accelerated public interest and outrage at the brewing scandal over the Watergate cover-up; while Nixon had acted privately in the past to try to keep his team’s break-in to the DNC's offices in the Watergate under wraps, this was a very public, and very brazen, attempt to derail efforts to investigate the crime.

The public reaction to the massacre would force Nixon to appoint another special prosecutor to replace Cox, and accelerated congressional interest in impeaching the president. While Nixon’s actions had been meant to keep the scandal from ending his presidency, less than 10 months later he resigned.

The massacre was shocking — a president had never brazenly fired an official charged with investigating the president’s conduct before. So when Trump fired Comey, who was charged with investigating Trump’s presidential campaign just as Cox was charged with investigating Nixon’s, Americans suddenly got very interested in the events of 1973:

http://pic.twitter.com/gPgakigANa

— Phil Klinkner (@pklinkne) May 10, 2017

There are obviously many differences between the two situations, both in the way the investigations were conducted and in the underlying conduct being investigated. But the parallels are there, and it’s important to understand exactly what happened 44 years ago.

Cox and Nixon were feuding over the White House tapes

The Watergate scandal had been simmering for almost a year when Cox was named special prosecutor in May 1973. The break-in occurred on June 17, 1972, the actual burglars were caught at the scene, and within weeks the Washington Post's Carl Bernstein and Bob Woodward had tied the burglars to the White House. The scandal didn't become prominent enough to hurt Nixon's reelection (he beat George McGovern in every state but Massachusetts and DC, and won the popular vote by 23 points).

But the following January, Judge John Sirica, who prosecuted the burglars and their supervisors G. Gordon Liddy and Howard Hunt, said he was "not satisfied" that the whole story of the break-in had been told, and so in February 1973 the Senate launched a temporary ("select" in Congress jargon) committee to investigate. It wasn't long after that that senior administration officials started resigning. On April 30, 1973, the attorney general, Richard Kleindienst, Nixon’s chief of staff, H.R. Haldeman, and domestic policy adviser John Ehrlichman all resigned, and Nixon fired White House counsel John Dean.

Nixon denied that any of the three had done anything wrong. He said Kleindienst left because the Justice Department needed an attorney general who could investigate Watergate. Kleindienst had a conflict of interest because his predecessor, John Mitchell, had left to run Nixon's reelection campaign (which had hired Liddy, Hunt, and the burglars to conduct the Watergate break-in).

Nixon then appointed Elliot Richardson, his secretary of defense, to succeed Kleindienst as attorney general. He gave Richardson open-ended authority to “make all decisions bearing on the prosecution of the Watergate case and related matters."

Nixon didn’t intend for Richardson to use that power to name an independent prosecutor; he thought creating such a position was unnecessary. But in May Richardson, appointed Cox, a professor at Harvard Law School who had served as solicitor general under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson, anyway.

Cox was a Democrat, but he had taught Richardson at Harvard Law, and he had supported Richardson’s Republican bid for attorney general of Massachusetts in 1966. Besides, basically everyone on Richardson's initial list of candidates for the job had turned it down.

"Nobody with a nationally recognized name wanted to attach that name to the Watergate special prosecutor's position," the legal scholar Ken Gormley writes in his biography of Cox. "It was an untested, risky job with little chance of building a more prestigious career from it." One Richardson aide told Gormley, "It is a terrible thing to say, and I am sure Archie Cox would take it in good spirits, but we were getting desperate."

Many in Washington worried that Cox would not be aggressive enough, or lacked the proper investigative chops. But no one was less pleased with the pick than Nixon himself. "If Richardson had searched specifically for the man whom I would have least trusted to conduct so politically sensitive an investigation in an unbiased way, he could hardly have done better than choose Archibald Cox," the president seethed in his 1978 memoirs. Cox's ties to the Kennedy family, in particular, grated on Nixon, who really had never gotten over losing to JFK in 1960.

The events that would lead to Cox's dismissal began with the July revelation by former White House aide and then-Federal Aviation Administration chief Alexander Butterfield, in testimony to the Senate Watergate Committee, that the White House had an extensive, secret tape-recording system that was activated by sound. Nixon had secretly been recording conversations in the White House since 1971. Few people in the White House other than Nixon knew about it, and it remained secret from the public until Butterfield’s testimony:

While the Kennedy and Johnson White Houses had sometimes taped presidential meetings, the Nixon administration was the first and only one to record the president's activity so completely (though his bedroom and residences in San Clemente and Key Biscayne were not taped). So the tapes represented the single best source of evidence into the White House's involvement in the break-in.

The administration tried desperately to prevent either Cox or the Senate Watergate Committee from getting ahold of them.

Cox secured a subpoena against the administration that would force it to release the tapes. But Nixon refused to comply. He seriously considered destroying them entirely, and invoked the principle of executive privilege to argue that he should not be obligated to comply with the subpoena. The case was appealed to the DC Circuit Court of Appeals.

On October 12, the court of appeals upheld the subpoena, effectively ordering Nixon to hand over the tapes. Nixon responded by offering Cox a compromise: John Stennis, a conservative Democratic senator from Mississippi, could listen to the tapes and verify they matched transcripts of them released by the White House. But Stennis was notoriously hard of hearing, and Cox would not agree to the deal.

The massacre, and the aftermath

After the failure of the Stennis Compromise, Nixon ordered Richardson to dismiss Cox. Richardson refused and resigned, as did his deputy, Ruckelshaus. Bork ultimately was the one to fire Cox.

The reaction to the events was furious. "It was a terrifying night," Elizabeth Drew, a veteran reporter who covered Watergate at the time, told me in a 2014 interview. "It felt like we were in a banana republic."

It was a major turning point in the scandal, and helped make impeachment feel like a real possibility.

"The television networks offered hour-long specials," Watergate reporters Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein write in their book The Final Days. They continue:

The newspapers carried banner headlines. Within two days, 150,000 telegrams had arrived in the capital, the largest concentrated volume in the history of Western Union. Deans of the most prestigious law schools in the country demanded that Congress commence an impeachment inquiry. By the following Tuesday, forty-four separate Watergate-related bills had been introduced in the House. Twenty-two called for an impeachment investigation.

Nixon wanted the investigation kicked to Henry Petersen, the assistant attorney general for the criminal division. But pressure for a new special prosecutor was immense, and Bork and White House Chief of Staff Alexander Haig recommended that Nixon pick the Texas Democratic lawyer Leon Jaworski. Jaworski only agreed to accept if Nixon would agree that he and the White House could be sued for evidence if they came to an impasse in the investigation.

The White House announced Jaworski’s selection on November 1. "Within ten days of the Cox firing and after the high political price I had had to pay for ridding myself of him," Nixon writes in his memoirs, "I was back in the same trap of having to accept a Watergate Special Prosecutor.”

Jaworski eventually had to appeal all the way to the Supreme Court, but in a unanimous ruling on July 24, 1974, the Court mandated the White House release the subpoenaed tapes. The White House finally complied, and on August 5 they released what became known as the "smoking gun" recording, in which Haldeman and Nixon, days after the break-in, discuss using the CIA to hamper the FBI's investigative efforts.

The tapes also famously included an 18½-minute gap on June 20, 1972. The minutes are believed to include a conversation between Nixon and Haldeman about the Watergate arrests. Rose Mary Woods, Nixon's secretary, claimed that she accidentally erased the portion, but due to how the taping system worked, it would have been almost physically impossible to do so. Most plausible, according to Drew, is Ehrlichman's allegation that Nixon personally erased the tapes, presumably because they contained yet more discussion of a cover-up.

Two days after the tapes’ existence became known to the public, Nixon resigned from the presidency.

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