#TRS vs Congress vs BJP

[mirrortoday]

హుజూర్‌నగర్‌లో ముగిసిన నామినేషన్ల ఉపసంహరణల పర్వం.. బరిలో 28 మంది!

హుజూర్‌నగర్‌లో ముగిసిన నామినేషన్ల ఉపసంహరణల పర్వం.. బరిలో 28 మంది!

నిన్నటితో ముగిసిన నామినేషన్ల ఉపసంహరణ గడువు

చివరి రోజున నామినేషన్లు వెనక్కి తీసుకున్న ముగ్గురు స్వతంత్రులు

అభ్యర్థులకు గుర్తుల కేటాయింపులో అధికారులు

హుజూర్‌నగర్ ఉప ఎన్నిక తుది అంకానికి చేరుకుంది. గురువారంతో నామినేషన్ల ఉపసంహరణ గడువు ముగిసింది. మొత్తం 76 మంది నామినేషన్లు దాఖలు చేయగా వాటిలో 45 నామినేషన్లు తిరస్కరణకు గురయ్యాయి. దీంతో 31 మంది బరిలో నిలిచారు. బుధ, గురువారాల్లో నామినేషన్ల ఉపసంహరణకు…

[todaynewsguru]

In Telangana, Rythu Bandhu dues set stage for TRS vs BJP, Cong battle

In Telangana, Rythu Bandhu dues set stage for TRS vs BJP, Cong battle

The delay in payments for the Kharif season under Rythu Bandhu, the TRS government’s bi-annual scheme for farmers to provide farm investment incentives, is developing into a political controversy in the state, with the BJP and the Congress asking farmers to hit the streets. The payments were supposed to be made at the beginning of the month. Telangana BJP president Bandi Sanjay Kumar has called…

[youtuber-gautam-pragya]

India Election 2019: Modi Vs Others | Who Will Win? | Gautam Pragya

New Post has been published on https://gautampragya.com/2019/04/15/india-election-2019-modi-vs-others-who-will-win-gautam-pragya/

India Election 2019: Modi Vs Others | Who Will Win? | Gautam Pragya

Pragya Gautam 

BIG TIME QUESTIONS 

This is election season in India. More than 800 million people are exercising their voting rights to elect a democratic government in India. Hundreds of national and regional political parties are participating in the world biggest political festival. There are a couple of interesting questions:                                                                         1. Who will win the race and become PM?                                                                                                                                                                                                 2. Big factors which are playing a big role in this election and                                                                                                                                                                 3. How this election is different than previous elections

  WHO HAS PROBABLE CHANCES OF WINNING

There are 3 major fronts in this election – 1. BJP led NDA 2. Congress-led UPA and 3. Third front – group of regional parties. Most of the pre-poll surveys are projecting that NDA will be forming the government with 263-283 seats. UPA should be getting ~135 and the third front too ~135 seats. Even if NDA wins 250+, they should be able to attract a few regional parties (YSR Congress, TRS or BJD) from the third front with the offer of good portfolios in government. So, NDA has the highest probable chances in this election.

FACELESS OPPOSITION

Narratives of this election were little different few months ago and it was expected that 2019 election is going to be NDA Vs Mahagathbandhan (grand alliance of Congress & all regional parties) but lack of leadership in opposition and uncompromising nature of Congress and regional parties did not allow to form a grand alliance against NDA and which is benefitting NDA indirectly. Reasons why this grand alliance could not be formed – lack of leaders in Congress because of dynasty politics. Gandhi family wants to run congress only by Gandhi's which did not allow any big leader to emerge within Congress in recent decades. Few regional parties like Trinamool, TRS, BSP are reluctant to accept the leadership of Rahul Gandhi because of several reasons. Congress wants to invest everything on Rahul Gandhi and not willing to compromise anything. The combined effect of these factors prevented a grand alliance to be formed. On the other side, NDA was successfully able to manage their few big partners like Shiv Sena and JDU.

THINGS THAT ARE IMPACTING THE ELECTIONS

In any democratic country, an election should be fought on issues of development, education, health, employment, foreign policies, national security, etc. But, unfortunately, all these factors are negligible in India and elections are being fought on religion, cast, appeasement, etc. Who is responsible for this? Leaders? No. The whole democratic system of India is responsible for elections are not being fought on development issues. If a government does a fairly good job in lifting the basic living standard of people, they cannot go to the election only on the basis of this issue because voters are highly diversified in India. If a government do good work for 30-40% poor people, still it is not enough to win the election because of the remaining 60-70% population. So, elections are managed by mostly religion and cast. All political parties try to polarize the elections and voters look for a representative of their religion & cast. While selecting the candidate, political parties only see the winnability factor of a candidate and not other factors like qualification, criminal background, communication skill, ability to raise local issues. So, because of voter’s incapability of selecting the right candidate and election management of political parties are two major factors responsible for elections not being fought on core issues. In this election, social media – Facebook, WhatsApp, Twitter, etc. are also playing a big role in influencing people. Tech companies are using data and technology to divert peoples mind and political parties are taking help from them to divert votes in their favor.

MODI WAVE

This election is different than a few previous elections in recent decades because this election has become one person-centric like never before. People are talking only about Modi. There are ‘Others’ in opposition but that ‘Others’ has no face. Rahul, Mamata, Mayawati, Akhilesh, Chandrababu, KCR Rao, Kejriwal are trying to become the face of ‘Others’ but their opportunistic and uncompromising behavior is preventing all of them to give the united fight against Modi. There is a large group of people who want to see Modi as PM regardless of the performance of BJP or performance of their own local MP or representative. This wave (also called ‘Modi wave’) will certainly benefit BJP and Modi as PM.

QUESTION for you: To whom you will vote? Write You Answer In Comment Section

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Until Net Time!

XOXO

Pragya

[todaybharatnews]

via Today Bharat nbsp; While Naidu is rallying all the anti-BJP forces, even embracing his arch rival Congress, Jagan chooses to remain equidistant from the two national parties. Two leaders, two parties and two completely different political strategies are underway in the Telugu states. While Chandrababu Naidu is on a hectic mission to rally all the anti-BJP forces across the nation by even embracing his arch rival Congress, Jagan Mohan Reddyrsquo;s YSRCP chooses to remain equidistant from the two national parties despite facing allegations of arriving at a tacit deal with the BJP. Naidu believes that placing TDP in an appropriate national political contest helped it in 2014 and will do so in 2019 too. On the contrary, Jagan expects to benefit from a strategy of regional confinement. Writing in the Economic and Political Weekly (July 12, 2014), this author explains how the national factor helped Naidu in the last general elections: ldquo;The sense of helplessness strongly instilled in the Seemandhra electorate in turn also generated a feeling that the residual state of Andhra Pradesh desperately needed help from the central government. Jagan Mohan Reddy failed to acknowledge this new sentiment among the people. In fact, Jagan Mohan Reddy was also one among the leaders who were responsible for creating such a sense of helplessness. Chandrababu Naidu demonstrated consummate political skills by arriving at an early understanding with the Narendra Modi-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) and converted the threat into an opportunity. The strong Modi sentiment evident across the country convinced the average voter in the Seemandhra region that Chandrababu Naidu could form part of a winning combination at the Centre and could deliver for the truncated state without a capital... While Chandrababu Naidu could successfully locate himself in a national political context that was considered so crucial for Seemandhra in the wake of bifurcation, Jagan Mohan Reddy demonstrated an utter lack of strategy. He even sent signals of extending support to the much discredited United Progressive Alliance which proved to be costly to his electoral prospects. Jagan Mohan Reddyrsquo;s stand of supporting any possible formation at the Centre for the benefit of the state failed to convince the electorate. This is because of the discernible political trend in favour of the NDA.rdquo; The TDP leadership believes that PM Narendra Modirsquo;s image is now on the decline, evident from the results of the series of bye-elections held across the nation, and captured in many opinion surveys too. Added to this, there is a simmering discontent against the Modi regime for the manner in which Andhra Pradesh was treated, especially the denial of Special Category Status (SCS) to the state. Any alliance with the BJP would prove to be costly for the TDP given the antipathy towards the NDA-led central government. All the political parties, including the opposition YSRCP, have been fighting for SCS, in the background of growing resentment against the Centre for the denial of such a status for the newly carved state of Andhra Pradesh as per the then Prime Ministerrsquo;s assurance in the Rajya Sabha. Given this context, the TDP has chosen to distance itself from the BJP. Pawan Kalyan has already deserted Naidu. The TDP won with a slender, mere 2% margin in 2014. The loss of BJP and Pawan Kalyan would certainly hurt the TDP in terms of electoral arithmetic. The party expects to make up for this loss by allying with the Congress. But given the anti-Congress narrative over the bifurcation promoted by the TDP itself, Naidu found it difficult to sell his idea of joining hands with the villain of bifurcation. Thus, he is now cleverly couching his new-found love for the Congress in the perspective of national politics. The BJP has already denied special status and the Congress promises to deliver it. Thus, Naidu finally bid goodbye to the BJP to embrace the Congress, yet again appropriately locating himself in a national context. But the difference this time as compared to 2014 is that the Congress does not seem poised to make a comeback. Taking the same stand, Jagan said that his party would support any government at the Centre if it delivers special status to the state. Such a stand is insipid given the fact that the BJP has already denied SCS and the Congress not only authored it but now promises to offer such a status to Andhra Pradesh. Thus, the politics of equidistance at the national level may not yield any additional dividend for the YSRCP. Early elections in Telangana, delinked from general and Andhra assembly polls due to the premature dissolution of the state assembly by KCR, comes in handy for Naidu to pre-test his electoral strategy in the neighbouring state, though the electoral terrain is completely different there. While Naidursquo;s TDP joins the opposition conglomeration to challenge KCR head on braving the accusation of being an Andhra party, Jagan decides to stay away from Telangana elections despite his father YS Rajasekhar Reddy enjoying huge sympathy in that state too. In fact, Jagan had toyed with the idea of keeping his party active in Telangana too. There were even reports that his sister, Sharmila, would be fielded in the state politics. However, nothing of that sort has happened and the YSRCP is almost extinct post-bifurcation despite winning one Lok Sabha and three Assembly seats here in 2014. As Jagan refrains from the dust and din of Telangana polls, Naidursquo;s TDP wants to benefit from the anti-TRS rhetoric even in his state. Any positive mandate for the opposition-led Mahakutami would further benefit Naidu in Andhra Pradesh too. On the contrary, Jagan is not only lukewarm towards the BJP but has not spoken against KCR even as the TRS and TDP engage in daily verbal conflicts. Thus, Chandrababu Naidu wants to benefit from his anti-TRS and anti-BJP tirade while Jagan Mohan Reddy seems to be unconcerned with the developments in Telangana or elsewhere in the country and confines himself to challenging Naidu in the state itself. Such a strategy did not help Jagan in 2014. Will it prove to be costlier this time or not depends on a host of factors that define the electoral mandate. nbsp;

[todaybharatnews]

via Today Bharat nbsp; According to estimates, around 30 lakh people from Andhra reside in Hyderabad, while the rest are scattered across the districts bordering Andhra Pradesh.ldquo;Telangana wale jago, Andhra wale bhagordquo; (People of Telangana, wake up; people of Andhra, run) - this was Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) chief K Chandrashekar Raorsquo;s war cry on November 9, 2009, just before he went on a fast unto death, demanding for a separate Telangana. These days, however, he is a lot mellower in his approach towards the people of Andhra Pradesh, who are settled in Telangana, as they form a sizable vote bank in the constituencies that make up Hyderabad. ldquo;I want to tell one thing to my Andhra friends: Claim yourselves as Telangaites, don't brand yourselves as Andhra people,rdquo; said KCR at a press meet at the TRS headquarters in October. He even lashed out at the media and Andhra Pradesh Chief Minister N Chandrababu Naidu for trying to differentiate the Telangana voters based on their nativity. So what inspired the caretaker Chief Minister to go soft on the Andhra settlers, right before the 2018 state elections? The answer could lie in how the Andhra settlers in Telangana voted in 2014 state assembly elections. nbsp; How TRS added 27 seats to its fold nbsp; When the 2014 state assembly results were announced, the TRS party had won 63 seats and the Telugu Desam Party (TDP), which opposed the state bifurcation, won just 15 seats. Two years later, in 2016, the TDP witnessed a shocker when their 15 MLAs defected to TRS. And by 2018, the number reduced to just two MLAs. The Congress, which had won 20 seats, would over the years lose seven MLAs, the Bahujan Samaj Party (BJP) would lose two MLAs and the YSR Congress Party three MLAs - all to the TRS. Thus, the TRS, over the years, managed to add a total of 27 seats to their fold, bringing up their assembly seat tally from 63 to 90. It's at these 27 assembly seats that TRS lost in the 2014 state elections. And according to political analysts, the incumbent party will face a test from voters, who had earlier backed TDP, Congress, YSRCP and the BSP. nbsp; Tracing Andhra voters in Telangana nbsp; ldquo;One just needs to look at the constituencies where TDP candidates won in the 2014 state elections to get an estimate on how many Andhra settlers reside in Telangana,rdquo; said a professor and political analyst, who did not wish to be named citing MCC violations. The Telangana government, in a 2014 letter to the 14th Finance Commission, estimated that out of the 3.5 crore population in the state, 67 lakh are settlers from other states, namely Andhra Pradesh. ldquo;A vast majority of people from Andhra Pradesh reside in Hyderabad, which is an estimated 30 lakh; the rest are scattered across the districts bordering Andhra Pradesh. There are only estimates and no exact counts,rdquo; he added. In Hyderabad region, the Andhra settlers are more influential as a vote bank in Kukatpally, Serilingampally, Rajendra Nagar, Malkajgiri and Quthbullapur, Jubilee Hills, Maheshwaram, Ibrahimpattanam and LB Nagar areas. Among districts, their influence can be witnessed mostly in those areas bordering Andhra Pradesh, say, analysts. nbsp; 2016 GHMC elections, a non-indicator nbsp; TRS has often projected the 2016 Greater Hyderabad Municipal Corporation (GHMC) election results as the Andhra settlersrsquo; acceptance of TRS rule. The party even gave 12 corporator tickets to Andhra Pradesh-origin people in an effort to reach out to the public. And, the TRS ended up winning 90 of the corporator seats in Hyderabad, while TDP won just one seat. Nimmagadda Sita, a former spokesperson for TDP, said, ldquo;No one expected that result for TDP then, but the loss was in the cards as Naidu was not interested in contesting the GHMC elections.rdquo; The former TDP member opines that the party would have fared better had they put up a good fight. She also notes that despite the earlier comments by KCR and other TRS leaders, the Andhra settlers could still vote for TRS as they did not face any problems from the party in the past four years and a half. ldquo;Before bifurcation, the Andhra settlers were often insulted and humiliated by TRS leaders,rdquo; points out Sita. ldquo;After bifurcation, though, the Andhra settlers did not face problems during the TRS rule. That is a positive sign for TRS,rdquo; she added. However, she adds, ldquo;The 2016 GHMC elections is not a good indicator to gauge if the Andhra settlers accept TRS. But it will be difficult to say how these voters swing as they are not a homogeneous class of voters. They are divided along the lines of caste, even though Telangana does not have a caste-based voting pattern,rdquo; pointed out the professor. nbsp; Civic issues vs caste equation nbsp; Political analysts are divided on caste being a deciding factor for Andhra settlers in Telangana. ldquo;The Kamma caste form traditional TDP voters, so are the Kapu caste. The Reddy caste will be divided as they would want to retain their power, so their votes could go for TRS or to their traditional voting preference, the Congress,rdquo; said the professor. However, Sita is of the view that the caste equation forms a telling factor in Andhra Pradesh elections and not for the elections in Telangana. ldquo;It exists but is significantly less. So one cannot say with surety that the Kamma caste would vote for a leader of their own caste. The elections in Telangana will be more issue-based as the Andhra settlers here are mostly urban class voters. The issues they are concerned about would be about roads, transport and scheme implementations,rdquo; she added. nbsp;