#RSS Headquarters Nagpur

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आरएसएस मुख्यालय नागपुर में दशहरे के अवसर पर संघ प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ने की शस्त्र पूजा, उठाया जनसंख्या असंतुलन का मुद्दा

आरएसएस मुख्यालय नागपुर में दशहरे के अवसर पर संघ प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ने की शस्त्र पूजा, उठाया जनसंख्या असंतुलन का मुद्दा

NAGPUR : महाराष्ट्र स्थित राष्ट्रीय स्वयं सेवक संघ के मुख्यालय नागपुर में दशहरे पर शस्त्र पूजा की गई। इस दौरान संघ प्रमुख मोहन भागवत ने दुनिया के उदाहरण पेश करते हुए जनसंख्या असंतुलन का मुद्दा उठाया। उन्होंने कहा, जनसंख्या को संसाधन की जरूरत होती है। अगर यह संसाधन को बढ़ाए बगैर बढ़ेगी, तो बोझ हो जाएगी। किसी भी देश में 57 करोड़ युवाओं की संख्या नहीं है।जनसंख्या नियंत्रण के साथ-साथ धार्मिक आधार पर…

[tfgadgets]

Rahul Gandhi's Thali, Chawal, Dal, Sabji Attack On RSS In US

Rahul Gandhi says BJP doesn’t understand that this country is of everyone. Virginia: Congress leader and Leader of Opposition in Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, took a jibe at the Bharatiya Janata Party with a veiled reference to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) stating that the ruling party doesn’t understand that the country is for everyone, whereas for them whose headquarters are in Nagpur,…

[mybharatguru]

Central govt should ensure welfare of Hindus in Bangladesh… RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat

RSS National President Mohan Bhagwat has asserted that Hindus are facing violence in Bangladesh and the central government should ensure their welfare. National President Mohan Bhagwat hoisted the national flag at the RSS headquarters in Nagpur, Maharashtra. Speaking on the occasion, he said that the future generation has a duty to protect freedom. He said that there are always people who want…

[trustednewstribune]

Blog Post: Akali Dal’s Internal Strife: Blaming BJP and RSS Amidst Party Turmoil

The Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD) is embroiled in a heated internal conflict following its poor performance in the recent Lok Sabha elections in Punjab. The party, led by Sukhbir Singh Badal, is facing criticism from within, with factions accusing each other of conspiring with the BJP and RSS to undermine the party.

Divided Loyalties and Allegations

The SAD, traditionally a dominant force in Punjab politics, is now witnessing a fracture within its ranks. The party's internal rebellion has led to a complex situation where accusations of ties with the BJP and RSS are being hurled between factions.

The SAD’s leadership has pointed fingers at the rebel group, known as "Sudhar Lehar," alleging that their actions are part of a larger conspiracy orchestrated in Nagpur, the headquarters of the RSS. Balwinder Singh Bhunder, chairman of the SAD’s disciplinary committee, accused the rebels of conspiring with the BJP and RSS, aiming to weaken the party from within.

On June 30, the SAD expelled eight rebel leaders, including notable figures like Sukhdev Singh Dhindsa and Bibi Jagir Kaur, who had been critical of Sukhbir Singh Badal’s leadership. These leaders had called for a change in the party’s top brass, citing dissatisfaction with the current leadership.

Rebels’ Counterarguments

In response, the Sudhar Lehar faction dismissed these accusations, arguing that the SAD’s leadership is using the BJP and RSS as scapegoats to avoid addressing their internal issues. Charanjit Singh Brar, one of the expelled leaders, contended that both factions have had interactions with the BJP over the years and questioned why the current allegations are being used to distract from the party’s internal problems.

The Sudhar Lehar faction noted that discussions about alliances with the BJP had been ongoing but were disrupted by the farmers’ protests, which began in February.

BJP’s Response

The state BJP has criticized the SAD for its inability to address its internal issues. BJP vice-president Subhash Verma accused the Sukhbir-led SAD of trying to divert attention from its failures by blaming others. According to Verma, the SAD’s attempts to deflect responsibility for its shortcomings are both absurd and ineffective.

Looking Ahead

As the SAD grapples with its internal strife, the blame game involving the BJP and RSS is unlikely to resolve the underlying issues within the party. With both factions continuing to clash, the future of the SAD remains uncertain as it struggles to regain its footing in Punjab politics.

For more updates on the SAD’s internal conflict and its implications for Punjab politics, stay tuned to our blog.

[morningmantra]

Nagpur : RSS Headquarters in Nagpur Declared 'No Drone' Zone

The police in Nagpur, Maharashtra, have designated the RSS headquarters a 'no drone' zone from January 29 to March 28 due to security concerns. Joint Commissioner of Police Aswati Dorje warned of legal repercussions for violators.

The police in Nagpur, Maharashtra, have declared the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) headquarters a ‘no drone’ zone for security reasons. From January 29 to March 28, taking photos, recording videos, and flying drones in this area is prohibited. The headquarters of RSS is located in Mahal area of Nagpur. It is always crowded with hotels, lodges, and coaching centers around it. Joint…

[rnewspost]

Unidentified caller threatens to blow up RSS HQ in Nagpur, security beefed up: Police

Unidentified caller threatens to blow up RSS HQ in Nagpur, security beefed up: Police

Security has been beefed up at the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) headquarters at Nagpur in Maharashtra on Saturday after an unidentified caller threatened to blow it up with a bomb, police said. Nagpur,UPDATED: Dec 31, 2022 19:42 IST Patrolling has been intensified at the RSS headquarters in Nagpur. (Representative photo) By Yogesh Pandey: Security has been beefed up at the Rashtriya…

[znewstech]

Why APJ Abdul Kalam Skipped Addressing RSS Event In 2014

Why APJ Abdul Kalam Skipped Addressing RSS Event In 2014

The flip-flop on the visit “annoyed the RSS leadership”, the book claims. New Delhi: Former president APJ Abdul Kalam had once cancelled his visit to the RSS headquarters in Nagpur for an event after friends warned him that he would be labelled as an “RSS sympathiser”, claims a new book “Kalam: The Untold Story”. The book, written by Mr Kalam’s private secretary RK Prasad, claimed that the…

[indizombie]

Nagpur was rattled by Bhima-Koregaon and the directive from the RSS headquarters to Delhi was to destroy the roots before they spread out. Prakash Ambedkar was below the radar because to the RSS, he was above ground, played by the rules of the game, could be engaged and more importantly, could be “co-opted” into the mainstream. Like the BSP chief Mayawati, who was thrice lured into doing an alliance with the BJP. Teltumbde, and Chandrashekhar Azad Ravana (in jail at UP’s Saharanpur under NSA) represent a new brand of Dalit politics that the RSS is coming to terms with. The midnight crackdown in Mumbai, Panaji, Ranchi and Delhi was welcomed by the Sangh, but it said that unless “far more tougher” measures were taken, the prairie fire lit up in Bhima-Koregaon would spread. This from an outfit that was itself thrice outlawed by Congress governments.

Radhika Ramaseshan, 'Sangh wants to arrest Dalits’ drift away from Hinduism', Bangalore Mirror  

[sareideas]

Terrorist Attack Alert: संघ कार्यालय पर हमले की फिराक में जैश-ए-मुहम्मद, पुलिस ने बढ़ाई सुरक्षा - news 2022

Terrorist Attack Alert: संघ कार्यालय पर हमले की फिराक में जैश-ए-मुहम्मद, पुलिस ने बढ़ाई सुरक्षा – news 2022

{“_id”:”61d841b60aabf9540b1a6418″,”slug”:”terrorist-attack-alert-on-rss-headquarters-in-nagpur-jaish-e-mohammed-terrorists-conducted-a-recce”,”type”:”story”,”status”:”publish”,”title_hn”:”Terrorist Attack Alert: संघ कार्यालय पर हमले की फिराक में जैश-ए-मुहम्मद, पुलिस ने बढ़ाई सुरक्षा”,”category”:{“title”:”India News”,”title_hn”:”देश”,”slug”:”india-news”}} न्यूज डेस्क, अमर उजाला, मुंबई Published…

[ddtvnews]

राम मंदिर: नागपुर के RSS मुख्यालय की मिट्टी से होगा भूमिपूजन, स्पीडपोस्ट से भेजी गई अयोध्या

राम मंदिर: नागपुर के RSS मुख्यालय की मिट्टी से होगा भूमिपूजन, स्पीडपोस्ट से भेजी गई अयोध्या

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Image Source : PTI (FILE) Ram Mandir

अयोध्या में राम मंदिर के भूमि के भूमि पूजन की तैयारियां जोर शोर से चल रही हैं। प्रधानमंत्री 5 अगस्त को अयोध्या में भव्य राम मंदिर की आधारशिला रखेंगे। इस बीच अयोध्या से 800 किमी. दूर नागपुर में भी हलचल तेज हैं। यहां के आरएसएस मुख्यालय की मिट्टी को अयोध्या भेजा गया हैं। यह मिट्टी राम मंदिरके भूमिपूजन में काम आएगी। आरएसएस मुख्यालय…

[morningmantra]

Nagpur : RSS Headquarters in Nagpur Declared 'No Drone' Zone

The police in Nagpur, Maharashtra, have prohibited drones, photography, and video recording around the RSS headquarters from January 29 to March 28 due to security concerns. Violators will face legal action under Section 188 of the IPC.

The police declared that drones are not allowed around the RSS headquarters in Nagpur. The police in Nagpur, Maharashtra, have declared the Rashtriya Swayam Sevak Sangh (RSS) headquarters a ‘no drone’ zone for security reasons. From January 29 to March 28, taking photos, recording videos, and flying drones in this area is prohibited. The headquarters of RSS is located in Mahal area of Nagpur.…

[squarwell-breakingnews]

India needs to be self-reliant: RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat | India News - Times of India

India needs to be self-reliant: RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat | India News – Times of India

NAGPUR: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat on Monday said India got freedom after a lot of struggle and it needs to be self-reliant. Addressing a gathering at the RSS headquarters in Maharashtra’s Nagpur city after hoisting the national flag on India’s 76th Independence Day, Bhagwat said the country will give the message of peace to the world. He also said people should think…

[znewstech]

RSS headquarters cover beefed up; not linked to PFI raids, say cops | India News - Times of India

RSS headquarters cover beefed up; not linked to PFI raids, say cops | India News – Times of India

NAGPUR: Police commissioner of Nagpur Amitesh Kumar on Tuesday said that security has been beefed up across all vital installations in the city, including the RSS headquarter at Mahal, “due to the ongoing festive season”, reports Soumitra Bose. The CP said this measure has no link with the nationwide crackdown on PFI and its workers. Kumar added that the RSS HQ being a ‘Class A’ vital…

[theechudar]

India needs to be self-reliant: RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat | India News

India needs to be self-reliant: RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat | India News

NAGPUR: Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) chief Mohan Bhagwat on Monday said India got freedom after a lot of struggle and it needs to be self-reliant. Addressing a gathering at the RSS headquarters in Maharashtra’s Nagpur city after hoisting the national flag on India’s 76th Independence Day, Bhagwat said the country will give the message of peace to the world. He also said people should think…

[todaynewsguru]

ATS gets custody of JeM terrorist who conducted recce of RSS headquarters

ATS gets custody of JeM terrorist who conducted recce of RSS headquarters

THE MAHARASHTRA Anti-Terrorism Squad (ATS) on Monday took the custody of an alleged Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM) terrorist from the Jammu and Kashmir Police for allegedly conducting a recce of the RSS headquarters in Nagpur last July. An officer said that Raees Shaikh (26) had allegedly conducted a partial recce of Hedgewar Smriti Bhavan in Nagpur’s Reshimbaug area and sent a video of the same to his…

[xtruss]

The World Ignored Russia’s Delusions. It Shouldn’t Make the Same Mistake With “Hindus’ Extremist and Terrorist India.”

“Extremist & Terrorist Hindu Nationalist Ideologues” in New Delhi are flirting with a dangerous revisionist history of South Asia.

— May 8, 2022 | By Sushant Singh, a senior fellow with the Centre for Policy Research in India | Foreign Policy

A bulldozer demolishes a structure during a joint anti-encroachment drive conducted by North Delhi Municipal Corporation in Jahangirpuri, India, on April 20. Naveen Sharma/Lightrocket Via Getty Images

Leaders have long relied on manufactured history to justify invasions. Russian President Vladimir Putin has denied the existence of an independent Ukrainian state in his bid to take over the country and restore Russia’s perceived greatness. Chinese President Xi Jinping argues that the state must recover what his party sees as historical territory to overcome its so-called century of humiliation. Neither leader seems to care that Russia and China were never previously politically contiguous states.

Others around the world harbor similar irredentist dreams that are sometimes mocked by observers. We ignore these ambitions at our own peril. For decades, India’s Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS)—the Hindu nationalist organization with close links to the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)—has put forward the idea of Akhand Bharat or an “unbroken India.” The proposed entity stretches from Afghanistan on India’s western flank all the way to Myanmar to the east of India as well as encompassing all of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Tibet, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka, and the Maldives. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself has mentioned the idea: In a 2012 interview, when he was still the chief minister of Gujarat, he argued that Akhand Bharat referred to cultural unity.

Last month, RSS chief Mohan Bhagwat told a public gathering that India will become Akhand Bharat in 10 to 15 years, providing the first timeline for a Hindu nationalist pipe dream. Besides heading the RSS, Bhagwat is a very powerful figure in today’s India because of his personal relationship with Modi. The BJP is one of a few dozen institutions that comes under the direct control of the RSS, which now holds the most power since it was founded in 1925. Modi was a full-time RSS campaigner before it assigned him to the BJP, and he considers Bhagwat’s late father to be a mentor. Indian corporate leaders and foreign diplomats recognize Bhagwat’s clout, visiting him at RSS headquarters in Nagpur, India. His words must be engaged with seriously, not dismissed offhand as the fantasies of an old man.

The idea of Akhand Bharat is a core tenet of Hindutva ideology, a century-old doctrine of Hindu nationalism. Now, with its own map and nomenclature, it is being taught to students in RSS-run schools across the country. Modi’s government seems to assert that this political geography transcends present-day borders. Its proponents imply that achieving Akhand Bharat will come after India is refashioned as a de facto Hindu Rashtra or “Hindu nation”—even if it remains a constitutional republic. This does not bode well for India’s democratic values. Modi has often presented himself as a Hindu ruler, a shift accompanied by increased violence against Muslims in India.

Beyond India, this ideology could also be dangerous for the region: It is likely to breed further insecurity in nuclear-armed Pakistan and will weaken India’s position against China, its more powerful regional rival. Furthermore, although the notion of a Hindu Rashtra may seem far-fetched today, the same was said of Putin’s expansionist ambitions until recently. That’s why the very public desire of Hindu nationalists to change the map and create a new, “unbroken” India could have global ripple effects—and must be taken seriously.

A 1902 map from The Century Atlas of the World shows the expansive Indian subcontinent during the period of the British Raj before partition in 1947. The PrintCollector/Getty Images

Although often assumed to undo the British partition of India in 1947, the idea of Akhand Bharat actually invokes an Indian kingdom from more than 2,000 years ago. An RSS textbook teaches that India once included “Brahmadesh [Myanmar] and Bangladesh to the east, Pakistan and Afghanistan to the west, Tibet, Nepal and Bhutan to the north, and Sri Lanka to the south.” The text uses its own Sanskritized names for oceans and seas, ridding them of any perceived Islamic influence: The Bay of Bengal becomes the Ganga Sagar (sea of the Ganges), and the Indian Ocean becomes Hindu Mahasagar (an ocean of the Hindus). An RSS publishing house produces a map that refers to the “holy land” of India, in which Afghanistan, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, and Tibet are also given new names. This nomenclature dates at least to the 1960s, when the second RSS chief, M. S. Golwalkar, included it in his book. (When he visited RSS headquarters in 2015, journalist Mehdi Hasan noted that he was surprised by the Akhand Bharat map inside.)

Policies enacted by Modi’s government have increasingly reflected this desired political geography, which asserts that Hindutva goes beyond current borders. In 2019, India passed a Citizenship (Amendment) Act that selectively creates a path to citizenship for religious minorities—mainly Hindus—from Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan and excludes Muslims. Indian Home Minister Amit Shah then linked this criteria to a National Register of Citizens, raising fears among Muslims that they could be denied citizenship. The same year, Modi’s government stripped Jammu and Kashmir—India’s only majority-Muslim state—of its autonomy, bringing it under direct federal rule.

The idea of Akhand Bharat also shapes the current Indian government’s relationship with its neighbors. Within India, Modi refers to the country as a Vishwa Guru, or a teacher to the world; right-wing propaganda suggests that only he can restore the greatness of Hindu India. He has paid high-profile visits to temples in Bangladesh, Nepal, and elsewhere to suggest that those countries fall under Hindutva’s umbrella. The Indian government imposed a supply blockade on Nepal in 2015, when it wanted the Himalayan country to amend its new, secular constitution in favor of declaring Hindu Rashtra. Under Modi, India has also selectively raised diplomatic objections about the ill treatment of Hindus in neighboring countries; it pledged to fast-track visas for Hindus and Sikhs from Afghanistan after the Taliban took over last year.

“Modi Is Trying to Engineer a Hindu Majority in Kashmir Under the Smokescreen of Electoral Redistricting, New Delhi is Using Gerrymandering to Politically Neuter the Region’s Muslim Majority.”

Despite this narrative, most historians figure that present-day India never included Bhutan, Myanmar, Nepal, Tibet, or Sri Lanka, even in ancient times. The areas that did belong to India—Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Pakistan—never fell under the same direct leader, except while under British colonial rule. Even then, the government operated through numerous princely states with their own limited sovereignties. To treat India as a much older political entity is a powerful act of revisionism: The borders running off the edge of the Akhand Bharat map imply the sovereignty of a single Hindu republic where there was none. Instead, South Asia’s history is one of a multiplicity of kingdoms with rulers of various ethnicities who spoke different languages. Their states occupied parts of present-day India, Pakistan, and Bangladesh—often concurrently.

Furthermore, India’s past is not one of perpetual conflict along sharp religious lines. In the past, Hindu leaders employed Muslim generals to fight Muslim rulers and vice versa. But by describing India as having suffered under 1,200 years of Muslim rule, as Modi did after his 2014 election, RSS ideologues argue that India is a Hindu nation that must be restored to its supposed former glory. This idea of a linear path to glorious Hindu rule ended by Muslim invaders was, in fact, a British colonial construct intended to divide and rule the region; the RSS has lapped it up.

Hindu nationalists have deployed their distortion of history to support divisive policies and even violence against India’s more than 200 million Muslims. Abetted by the Indian state, this religious persecution has recently reached alarming levels. Hindu nationalist campaigns have targeted Muslim Friday prayers, BJP leaders have conflated Muslims with criminals in campaign speeches, and Muslim students have been barred from attending classes for wearing headscarves. Following communal violence targeting Muslim neighborhoods, authorities have bulldozed houses, shops, and religious structures—including in New Delhi and despite a Supreme Court order temporarily banning such demolitions. Modi has remained silent on the matter, instead using a recent speech to demonize a 17th-century Mughal emperor.

Bhagwat has expressed satisfaction with these recent events, without naming them explicitly. Having already declared India a Hindu Rashtra, he recently described the country’s trajectory: “Those who want to stop it will be either removed or finished, but India will not stop. Now, a vehicle is on the move, which has an accelerator but no brakes. No one should come in between. If you want to, come and sit with us or stay at the station.” In another speech, Bhagwat said if Hindus want to remain Hindus, then India must be “unbroken.”

Left: Hindu fundamentalists chant slogans demanding demolition of the Babri Masjid mosque in Ayodhya, India, on Dec. 6, 1992, shortly before the structure was destroyed by Vishva Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal, and Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh supporters. SONDEEP SHANKAR/GETTY IMAGES Right: Volunteers of the right-wing Hindu nationalist group Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh gather for a large-scale congregation in Meerut, India, on Feb. 25, 2018. Sajjad Hussain/AFP Via Getty Images

Akhand Bharat has long been a part of Hindu nationalist ideology, connected to the core RSS principles of sangathan (organized unity) and shuddhi (purification of race). Local RSS units observe Aug. 14—the day before India and Pakistan became independent countries in 1947—as Akhand Bharat Sankalp Diwas (or Pledge Day for an Unbroken India). In 1948, activist Mahatma Gandhi’s RSS-linked assassin, Nathuram Godse, told the jury during his trial that he killed Gandhi because he held him responsible for “the cursed vivisection of India.” Before he was hanged, Godse shouted, “Akhand Bharat amar rahe” or “Long live Unbroken India.”

Likewise, Bhagwat’s recent rhetoric around achieving the goal of Akhand Bharat is troubling. “We will talk about nonviolence, but we will walk with a stick. And that stick will be a heavy one,” he said in his April speech. Small countries in South Asia are already concerned about India’s hegemony; Bhagwat’s proclamations are bound to increase insecurity in the region, breeding anger and hatred against India. Recent events in Bangladesh could be a harbinger of what’s to come: Last year, Modi visited Dhaka during the 50th anniversary of the country’s independence and was met with violence and protests against his anti-Muslim policies, leaving at least 12 people dead.

The RSS has especially focused on Pakistan, with its leaders negating its status as a sovereign state and calling for undoing the reality of partition. Such rhetoric has contributed to the persistent animosity between the two neighbors, and it appears in Modi’s own embellished history. In 1999, then-Indian Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee visited the Minar-e-Pakistan monument in Lahore, Pakistan—where Pakistan declared independence. It was seen as a signal that the Hindutva ideologues had accepted Pakistan’s existence. But Modi has now diminished Vajpayee’s narrative: When he claims that nothing was achieved in the 70 years before his own premiership, Modi does not exclude the late BJP leader.

In any case, the idea that a nuclear-armed Pakistan would somehow become part of a unified India—because Bhagwat’s followers wield a heavy stick—is ridiculous. To include Tibet in the equation is even more so, given that Chinese soldiers have denied Indian patrols access to the disputed territory in nearby Ladakh for nearly two years. The relative difference in power between India and China has only widened under Modi’s watch; a demand that Tibet become part of Akhand Bharat would certainly provoke Beijing. Akhand Bharat propaganda could further weaken India’s position in the neighborhood, where China has successfully challenged India’s influence in countries such as Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka.

Scholars of the RSS say that as a secretive organization, it hasn’t publicized any official document related to Akhand Bharat. This allows it to define the idea fluidly and means that its contours must be gleaned from speeches, books, or interviews from the organization’s top leaders. Public communications from the RSS and the BJP also diverge on the issue: Akhand Bharat has, at times, been described as a cultural entity, a political group with a single military and a common president, a federation, or a political monolith. By speaking in different voices, RSS propaganda leaves enough wriggle room for these leaders to escape uncomfortable questions while camouflaging their actual idea.

But the devil lies in the details of RSS rhetoric. Last February, Bhagwat said tensions between Afghanistan and Pakistan had arisen because “they separated [India] from the energy of life,” adding that, “[w]e are open to treat them as our own as they were before.” Other RSS ideologues have explained that refers to the period before Islam came to South Asia—a crafty way of saying that India’s neighbors should accept their Hindu origins. It’s no coincidence that Modi’s government is now funding the archaeological study of the Maldives’ pre-Islamic past. At its core, the idea of Akhand Bharat is not a confederation of sovereign states where all citizens are equal; it rejects the Westphalian state system for a revanchist vision of an expansionist Hindu nation. That should be clear from the track record of the RSS, which treats India’s religious minorities poorly and appears hellbent on destroying India’s secular, democratic constitution.

No political leader would dare attempt to carry out the RSS idea of a Hindu Rashtra today, but those blinded by manufactured nostalgia and religious zeal will go to any extent to pursue what they see as a righteous cause. Sharing the stage with Bhagwat last week, a Hindu saint said, “Undivided India is the dream of all in the country, and this dream will certainly be realized during the tenure of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.” If the RSS did not control the levers of power in India, these ideas could be dismissed as fantasies. But Bhagwat’s yearning to change the map by creating a new India, unified as a Hindu nation, comes with a cost. Under Modi’s influence, India will suffer more bigotry and violence as its heritage and democratic values are squandered in the pursuit of Akhand Bharat. Instead of ignoring it, the world must recognize what the nature of this dangerous idea portends for India and beyond.

— Sushant Singh is a senior fellow with the Centre for Policy Research in India. He was previously a lecturer in political science at Yale University and the deputy editor of the Indian Express, reporting on strategic affairs, national security, and international affairs. He won a Ramnath Goenka Excellence in Journalism Award for his reporting in 2017 and 2018.