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denimbex1986 · 1 year ago

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'The Christopher Nolan biopic Oppenheimer has stirred memories of people who had occasion to meet and work with the “father of the atomic bomb”. Jacob Kuriyan is one such person. A former scientist and currently a healthcare researcher in New Mexico, the site for Oppenheimer’s Los Alamos lab, Kuriyan was recruited by the man himself to work in his institute at Princeton, the Institute for Advanced Study (IAS), in 1966. But Kuriyan would rather remember Julius Robert Oppenheimer (1904-1967) as the “father of quantum physics in the US” rather than the “father of the atomic bomb”.

A PhD from Syracuse University, Kuriyan obtained a Master’s degree from Madras University. He joined Oppenheimer when he was just 25. “In fact, I was one of the last two appointments made by Oppenheimer to the physics group,” said Kuriyan.

Oppenheimer, then 62, was afflicted with throat cancer and was undergoing treatment. “He was a chain smoker and his cancer was probably because of that. There were people at Los Alamos who developed cancer because of the radioactive material they were handling. Oppenheimer got his cancer 10-15 years after the Manhattan Project.”

IAS in Princeton, which is separate from Princeton University, is a research institute, at that time headed by Oppenheimer. It was home to Albert Einstein and John Von Neumann, the father of modern computers. Kuriyan was a junior member there.

“It was one of those places where nothing was expected of you. I was continuing my research in the branch of particle physics and had published a paper before my PhD, which was rare and that was probably why I was selected to be in the institute,” said Kuriyan over an hour-long trans-Atlantic call.

Kuriyan was assigned an office right below Oppenheimer’s office. “I did not have many interactions with him. At that time he was travelling to New York for his cancer treatment. He used to go by train. I used to see him around and one day made an appointment to meet him. He very graciously made time for me. As I knocked on the door to his private office, he opened the door, welcomed me, and walked me to the chair and pulled it out, so that I could get seated — and then went to the other side of the table and sat in his chair. I still remember that. How gracious! Many others have appreciated that about him. We spent a good hour talking about physics.”

Talking about Oppenheimer and the times then, Kuriyan said: “There was a huge number of people on staff who had dealt with Professor Oppenheimer — and so I was steeped in that environment. There was a lot of concern at that time about the atomic bomb and what it would do in the western world. People were saying Russia had the bomb, and when would China have it. They never talked of India having it, though. The excitement at that time centred on Group Theory and SU(3) (mathematical concepts involving symmetries and used to describe interactions between subatomic particles), topics that another famous American physicist, Murray Gell-Mann, made famous. Murray joined the institute the following year and I had many discussions with him.”

After Einstein, Oppenheimer was the most important figure in physics at that time. “True, he didn’t win the Nobel. But I have no doubt in my mind that he would have won it had he not been in the Manhattan Project. He had done very important work in quantum physics including the correct identification of the ‘anti electron’ in the Dirac equation, as well as speculation on the black hole, and he could have easily qualified for Physics Nobel,” said Kuriyan.

About Christopher Nolan’s eponymous film, Kuriyan said: “I haven’t watched it yet. I plan to do so. But there seems to be many misstatements including the one that he spoke five different languages, one of which was Sanskrit. But Sanskrit is a dead language. Oppenheimer had learned Sanskrit and had read the Hindu scriptures, especially the Gita.”

“I heard that Indians were offended by the scene in the movie of Oppie reading the Bhagavad Gita while he was in bed with his mistress. That is Hollywood at its gratuitous worst. We should not be distracted and instead focus on understanding what made him ‘tick’,” Kuriyan said.

Oppenheimer’s role as an academic and the builder of the American school of quantum physics is not being discussed. “It is his role as the father of the atomic bomb that is being stressed a lot. But, even more important, he was the father of quantum physics in America, at a time when American physics was at a low point. Between 1905 and 1930, other than Subrahmanyan Chandrasekhar (the distinguished Indian Nobel physicist) who had migrated from the UK, I can’t think of anyone comparable in the US. It was Oppenheimer who learnt quantum physics in Europe and started to train students in the United States that played a critical role in building the rich physics community in the US that made it possible for the Manhattan Project to succeed,” pointed out Kurian.

Oppenheimer, born to Jewish parents, graduated from Harvard in three years with a summa cum laude (signifying a degree that was earned with the highest distinction). He then travelled to Europe and completed his PhD in two years. “He was a smart person, quick to decipher complex issues. He completed his PhD in Germany and came back to teach at Berkeley (University of California) and CalTech in Southern California. He was chosen by Lt General Leslie Groves of the United States Army Corps of Engineers to direct the Manhattan Project because he was so good at explaining things. Oppenheimer was able to attract the brightest of minds and manage them at Los Alamos. We should remember that, at that time, the outstanding physicists were in Europe. The splitting of uranium was accomplished in Germany. Werner Heisenberg, who developed quantum mechanics, was in Germany, and suspected to head the bomb construction project for the Nazis. Compared to them, the US had young inexperienced scientists. It was like building a championship team from raw recruits. That’sOppenheimer’s accomplishment at Los Alamos,” he said.

Most physicists were uniformly on Oppenheimer’s side during and after the security clearance hearings. In hindsight, it is easy to understand Oppenheimer’s hesitancy to rush and create “super” — a hydrogen bomb. After all, his work had contributed to the deaths of over 200,000 people.

“At the same, we can understand the disappointment in Edward Teller, a member of his Los Alamos project, who was promoting the ‘super’. Oppenheimer became a ‘barrier’ to the development of the ‘super’. Is it any wonder that Edward Teller, aided, I am certain, by the yet-to-be-named ‘military industrial complex’, colluded to keep Oppenheimer out,” felt Kuriyan.

“Teller did whatever to try and minimise Oppenheimer’s influence. Sadly, it went too far — suggesting he was not a patriotic American and possibly a Soviet spy. Of course, it was all nonsense. They punished him by denying him security clearance — access to ‘Top Secret’ documents. I feel his vilification and revoking of security clearance was a result of the red-baiting politicians and the military-industrial complex nexus, with vested interests in military investments,” said Kuriyan.

But didn’t Oppenheimer start it all by helping build the atom bomb? Kuriyan was quick to defend him.

“When approached to build the atomic bomb, he did it out of a conviction that it would end the World War, which it did. The prevailing thought was Japan was ‘defeated’ but to make them surrender, a land invasion would be necessary and could have resulted in the deaths of hundreds of thousands of Americans. One proposal was to have a ‘demonstration’ of the devastation the bomb could bring but, in hindsight, even after a hundred thousand deaths, the Emperor refused to surrender — and a second bomb was necessary to make them surrender. There were no good choices and we see it even today,” said Kuriyan.

Oppenheimer was a popular physicist, and without doubt he enjoyed the adulation, said Kuriyan. Famous physicists frequently chose to visit and spend a year at his institute. “At seminars he would summarise conclusions succinctly and his praise would advance their careers.”

While a debate is raging over Oppenheimer quoting the Gita after the Trinity explosion, Kuriyan said: “It is significant to me that Oppenheimer would choose to quote from the Gita rather than Greek or Roman texts.”

“It is the implications of his embrace of the universalism of Hindu philosophy — the reason why he learned Sanskrit. I am not saying he was an expert or anything like that. It is wonderful that someone in charge of such a destructive weapon development was cultured and sensitive — aware of humanity. I am not also suggesting that India can take credit for Oppenheimer’s humane approach to this most evil of topics. But Hinduism did contribute. That is the kind of a leader we needed when we entered the new world of the atom. Contrast that with what we have now as ‘thought leaders’, as we tackle the threat of artificial intelligence and how it might destroy societies,” Kuriyan concluded.'

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zonduo · 11 months ago

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onlineassignmentservice02 · 1 year ago

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cimagecollegepatna · 1 year ago

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itesucation · 1 year ago

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sieora · 2 years ago

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Which is the best designing task places in Chennai?

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schoolofeconomicsblog · 2 years ago

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What To Expect When Studying Economics?

The study of economics is a popular choice among international students. A growing number of students are searching for top Economics research institutes in Pune and around India because of its popularity.

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Perhaps you imagine yourself engaging in the stock market or devising a plan to prevent a global financial collapse. Even though you may cover some aspects of them, economics is a vast subject, so you shouldn't be bored.

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studyhelpapp · 3 years ago

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steadyteachingovercollege · 4 years ago

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texilaamericauniversity · 3 years ago

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Dr Ebenezer Obi Daniel: A Committed Journey In Public Health

Dr. Ebenezer Obi Daniel is a top public health expert who serves a multilateral organization with a singular goal of building a sustainable health care ecosystem, which is presently shaken by the pandemic.

Dr Daniel, who is a Health System Development Specialist with the World Health Organization (WHO) in Seychelles, is confident that strong public organizations will help the world find its feet and fight back the virus that is receding in global hotspots.

South Sudan and Nigeria are the milestones in Dr. Daniel’s global career that began with his earnestness to take up research in public health.

With “near zero” knowledge in public health, Dr. Daniel’s “inherent interest” in the field nudged him into joining Texila American University, where he completed both his master’s degree and PhD in public health.

“Texila is a one-of-its-kind institution that combines quality education with affordability,” said Dr. Daniel, who worked with WHO in Nigeria between 2019 and 2020 as a public health consultant. He was in charge of both routine and supplementary immunization activities, including the integration of primary health services wherever possible.

“Young students struggle to balance education and work and, in my case, Texila recognized my passion for this study, accommodated my difficulty, and helped me complete my studies through their scholarship programs for deserving candidates and a flexible mode of study.”

After all, education must suit our pockets, said Dr. Daniel, who served Doctors with Africa (CUAMM) in South Sudan, between 2015 and 2019, during which he played a key role in improving access to essential health services among vulnerable populations in South Sudan.

“This is a goal I achieved with both formal and informal commendations,” says the public health specialist, who coordinated multiple public health humanitarian responses in war-torn states in his capacity as Technical Advisor and Project Manager.

Some of the areas where Dr. Daniel operated, included Reproductive, Maternal, Newborn, and Child Health (RMNCH), Expanded Program on Immunization (EPI), Nutrition Therapy Program, Procurement, Disease Control, and Epidemiology.

Texila American University stood out in many crucial aspects, some of them are beyond academics, says Dr. Daniel.

“The university’s well-structured modules were highly successful in simplifying complicated concepts, and the assignments were infused creativity in large doses.”

“Access to a well-stocked e-library, the rich content of the program coupled with the academic approach set us thinking, we could also help us relate to the ground reality,” Dr. Daniel says.

He said studying in Texila also meant reading widely a lot of material followed by tests and assignments, however, the path to earning the degree or doctorate was smooth for any student who was interested in the pursuit, thanks to a highly qualified and committed faculty.

“Life at Texila was memorable with every little interest of the students looked into by student coordinators through weekly meetings,” Dr. Daniel said.

The university’s multicultural environment facilitated an exchange of ideas and opportunities and helped in making lasting friendships with people from across the African region and beyond, said Dr. Daniel.

“Students from Zambia, Sudan, South Africa, Nigeria, Cameroon, Guyana, Canada, and India were a big part of the student community at Texila, and it nourished our thoughts, attitude towards diversity.”

It is possible to learn after classes, too, at Texila – reports, papers, analysis, and research activities about infectious and non-communicable diseases, and epidemics and pandemics, according to Dr. Daniel.

“It helped us to better understand the urgency in addressing diseases prevalent in the African region – like Ebola and malaria,” said Dr. Daniel.

Start a life-changing career

If you’re looking for a career that could change your life, enroll in the PhD in Public Health with Texila American University. This engaging course will give you the skills to become a Professional public health officer.

#phdinpublichealth #phdinpublichealthdegree #phdinpublichealthcourse

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itesucation · 1 year ago

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Data science with python training in pune

Why choose IEC to learn data science and python in Pune?

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earaercircular · 3 years ago

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Solutex, the most sustainable omega 3 is extracted with CO2 in Aragon

Omega 3 Fatty Acid Bottles. Solutex

One of the world leaders in fatty acids exports to 20 countries from the Zaragoza municipality of Mallén. The company is a benchmark in green chemistry due to its strong commitment to the circular economy.

It has offices in Winston-Salem (United States), Quebec (Canada), Bombay (India) and Seoul (South Korea), but its engine room, a modern factory with a capacity of over 4,000 metric tons , is located in the Aragonese town of Mallén.[1]

There, the Solutex team produces the high concentrates of omega 3 fatty acids that have made the company a reference in the so-called green chemistry, which is characterized by the sustainable management of resources and the non-generation of waste. "The circular economy is fundamental for us," says its CEO, Fernando Moreno Egea.

It has been, he says, since Solutex was founded in 2004. That year, Moreno Egea and his wife, Verónica Olaya Lavigne, decided to invest all their savings to found a company from scratch. "It was an aspiration that came from long ago and, after two decades of professional life working for third parties, we saw the opportunity to set up this project of common life," says Moreno Egea.

The company was thought of with an international dimension from the beginning, he explains. So the first business trip they made was to Japan. "The next mission was to open a commercial office in Chicago, with the help of Icex[2]," he recalls.

The following year, and once the technological model had been developed, it was time to implement its industrial pilot. It is then that they decide to incorporate Antonio Rodríguez Palmero [3]and Sepides[4], an arm of the Sociedad de Participaciones Industriales (SEPI) into their shareholding, which took 19% and 25% of the capital, respectively, with a financial contribution.

This allowed them "a rapid international expansion that currently encompasses more than 20 countries and that accounts for practically 85% of their turnover," he points out. Since then, the company “has only grown to be one of the most relevant global players in advanced nutritional lipids, with an expected consolidated turnover for 2021 of 25 million euros and an ebitda (profit before tax) of 5 , 2 million euros ”, says the CEO.

Innovations

The initial objective of Solutex was to obtain ingredients for food use through clean and sustainable technology of extraction and purification with CO2 in a supercritical state. "From a technological point of view, CO2 is a material that at certain conditions of pressure and temperature has both the diffusion and dissolution properties of liquids, which makes it a unique and determining solvent", Moreno Egea points out.

This technology, to which "high vacuum distillations and other sustainable techniques would soon be incorporated", gave rise in 2007, indicates the CEO, "to the first disruptive innovation of the company, which was the separation of the fatty acids EPA and DHA from omega 3 oil matrices ”, allowing the elaboration of differential ingredients and tailor-made for the pharmaceutical, nutritional and cosmetic industries.

Solutex's second breakthrough innovation came in 2014 in the field of immunonutrition, with the identification, production and subsequent commercialization of lipid mediators, molecules that are key in the body's inflammation processes. As a consequence of the research process that led to this advance, the company “has a portfolio of more than 100 patents”, affirms Fernando Moreno Egea.

The CEO adds that Solutex invests about 10% of its sales in R&D. "For this, we have a wide network of collaborators and experts, in addition to maintaining important agreements with different universities such as Harvard, Wayne, Granada and, particularly, with the University of Zaragoza, where we developed the Solutex Chair in Sustainable Chemistry" , highlights.

Put in value

The company, whose corporate headquarters are in Madrid, employs close to one hundred people, including ten PhDs in their specialties and more than thirty superior graduate degrees. In 2016 it entered the pharmaceutical group Ferrer[5], which acquired 10% of the shares, with the aim of reinforcing its capital and expanding the research and possible application of lipid mediators in other fields, such as pharmacy.

Currently, Solutex "explores different opportunities for growth and new projects, for which it studies different financial alternatives," says its chief executive. He adds that the company expects to have financing from European funds assigned to Spain, to expand its factory in Mallén, a work valued at 4 million euros.

Looking back and evaluating the journey of these 15 years, Moreno Egea feels a “great satisfaction”, when verifying how the fundamental pillars of Solutex - “internationalization, sustainability, technology, a very cohesive professional team, the capacity of the shareholders to envision the company and move it forward, and advanced, differential products ”- have supported the framework of the company.

To conclude, the CEO once again emphasizes the circular economy practiced by the company and the organization's commitment to the environment, which is embodied in the responsible management of natural resources and in the effort to leave behind a footprint. of very low carbon: "On the one hand, we value the sustainability certification of the raw materials we buy, and, on the other, we use clean technologies that do not generate waste and that allow us to revalue the materials resulting from the processes."

Source

Alexandro Gonzales Luna: Solutex, el omega 3 mas sostenible se extrae von CO2 en Aragon, El País, 2-9-2021, https://cincodias.elpais.com/cincodias/2021/09/01/companias/1630490620_532774.html

[1] https://solutexcorp.com/about/ Solutex is a leading global manufacturer and supplier of highly concentrated omega-3 EPA/DHA fatty acids for pharmaceutical, nutritional and cosmetic industries. 18 million euros, 85% of the company's turnover in 2020, came from exports to more than 20 countries. The company has commercial offices in countries such as India, the United States, Canada and South Korea. The growing international expansion will allow Solutex to increase its turnover, despite the effects of the pandemic, from the 21 million registered last year to 25 million euros and close the 2021 financial year with an EBITDA of 5.2 million. [2] https://www.icex.es/icex/es/index.html ICEX España Exportación e Inversiones (Spain Export and Investments) is a Spanish national business public entity whose mission is to promote the internationalization of Spanish companies and the promotion of foreign investment [3] Rodriguez Palmero Rodriguez De Liebana Antonio, [4] SEPI Desarrollo Empresarial, S.A., S.M.E. (SEPIDES) is a company integrated in the Sociedad de Participaciones Industriales (SEPI), a public body dependent on the Spanish Ministry of Finance. https://www.sepides.es/empresa/sepides/sepides/ [5] https://www.ferrer.com/en/we-are-ferrer/global-presence/ferrer-spain Founded in 1959, Ferrer is a Spanish multinational privately-held pharmaceutical company headquartered in Barcelona with a presence in over 90 countries. They operate in the pharmaceutical, health, fine chemicals (API), and food sectors. The company has expertise in the fields of cardiology, central nervous system, dermatology, gastroenterology, metabolism, oncology, musculoskeletal system, paediatrics, pain management, and respiratory.

#green chemistry #circular economy

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thedatasciencehyderabad · 3 years ago

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classyfoxdestiny · 3 years ago

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Shanthie Mariet D’Souza on how India was ‘ill-prepared’ for the dramatic Taliban takeover

The Taliban are in charge in Afghanistan. The rapid overthrow of the Afghan government that many expected would take another few months ended last week, as the Taliban entered Kabul, prompting President Ashraf Ghani to flee the country. This sudden development has major ramifications for every nation in the South Asian region, not least India – which benefited greatly from the US presence in Afghanistan and may now have to see Pakistan once again playing a dominant role in the country.

What can New Delhi do? How is it to deal with the fallout? Shanthi Mariet D’Souza is the founder of research outfit Mantraya, founding professor at the Kautilya School of Public Policy and an Afghanistan expert who has worked on the country for years, including as adviser, Independent Directorate of Local Governance to the Afghanistan government in 2015-16. She has also edited Afghanistan in Transition: Beyond 2014?

I spoke to D’Souza over e-mail about what the Taliban takeover means for New Delhi, whether the question of engaging with the Taliban is any different from the last time they were in power in the 1990s, and what this means for India’s relations with other major powers.

For some background to the conversation, read our interview with Avinash Paliwal, back in May, when India was still debating the question of whether to engage with the Taliban.

For the reader, could you tell us a little bit about how you got into studying Afghanistan and your background with the country? I am a scholar, researcher and founding professor with specialisation in International Relations with more than a decade-long experience of working in think tanks, universities, governmental and non-governmental sectors, as a consultant, adviser and board director for think tanks, governments and international organisations in Afghanistan and South Asia, as an associate editor and editorial board member for international peer reviewed journals, and as a subject matter expert and trainer designing modules on regional and international security, governance, economic development, gender and non-traditional security challenges in Asia for diplomats and security personnel. I have also conducted field studies in Pakistan, China, Africa, Canada, United States, Australia, Jammu and Kashmir and India’s North East.

My interest in Afghanistan sparked in the 1990s, when I embarked on my M Phil program at the American Studies division of the School of International Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), New Delhi. At that time, I found that there was scant academic and policy attention on Afghanistan, which was in India’s neighbourhood. It was a glaring gap in academia and policy research.

As I started my M Phil in the summer of 1999, the IC-814 hijacking brought attention to Afghanistan and the Taliban regime when the plane with Indian citizens was hijacked from Kathmandu and taken to Kandahar and the then Bharatiya Janata Party government was brought to its knees and had to swap passengers for terrorists. This was an important lesson for India not only in hostage negotiations, but also in lack of policy attention on Afghanistan since withdrawal from that country in the wake of the capture of power by the Taliban in the mid-1990s.

As I commenced my doctoral programme at SIS, JNU on the topic “United States and emergence and decline of the Taliban”, in the summer of 2001, the 9/11 terror attacks took place in the American homeland. That once again brought back the US and world attention to a country, which was largely forgotten and considered distant. While most analysts concluded that the US military intervention of October 2001 would result in the decimation of the Taliban, my hypothesis was to the contrary and proved correct in the years that followed.

The central argument of my PhD thesis and critique of the nature of the international intervention in 2001 was that the international community did not pay adequate attention and resources in institution building, shoring up the capabilities of the Afghan government (host nation) or addressing the issue of sanctuaries and external support that the Taliban received from their sponsors in Pakistan from where they regrouped, rearmed and carried out attacks in Afghanistan.

The reemergence of the Taliban was evident in 2005-06, when US President George W Bush diverted the limited resources and troops from the “the limited and quick” war in Afghanistan to Iraq. The aversion to nation building did not help build institutions that Afghanistan required to rebuild its security, political and economic sectors. Most of the international aid created parallel structures of governance rather than strengthening the Afghan government’s institutions for governance and revenue.

President Barack Obama refocused attention on the “just war” in Afghanistan from Iraq through his Af-Pak strategy, but announced exit by 2014 along with the troop surge which strengthened the battlefield and negotiating potential of the Taliban. The repeated calls for exit were based on the American political calendar under President Donald Trump and now President Joe Biden’s administration, and not on the needs of the Afghans or conditions on the ground. The Taliban bided their time. In the villages of southern Afghanistan where I visited, the Taliban would in a jocular vein say, “the Americans have the watches, we have the time”.

The international community needed to focus attention and resources for the long term stabilisation of Afghanistan, building key institutions of service delivery and strengthening the security, political and economic sectors to build the credibility of the Afghan government. Most of the quick impact projects of the international community did little to build the credibility and/or extend the writ of the Afghan government. The security sector needed to be built, trained and equipped to fight insurgency and not a conventional army, as Afghanistan is fighting an asymmetrical war.

The western notions of democracy and state building had limited utility in the long term stabilisation of Afghanistan and preventing its slide into present levels of chaos and violence. Afghanistan needed assistance to build its own security, political and economic institutions based on its needs and specificities rather than replicating foreign models.

I have, since the completion of my doctoral studies and Fulbright Fellowship, studied Afghanistan through various prisms – the security sector, political and peace building, sub national governance, and regional cooperation, to understand the challenges and prospects of long term stabilisation of Afghanistan, which the rest of the international community has not paid much attention to.

From my specialisation in American Studies, I have tried to make myself useful to academia, policy-makers, security and diplomatic personnel, media and international non governmental organisations, by focusing my attention and work on the internal and external dynamics of the Afghan conflict, India-Afghanistan relations, and prospects of regional cooperation in Afghanistan through various field studies, assignments and consultancy projects in various provinces of Afghanistan, rather than confining myself to Kabul, to provide a better understanding of the urban-rural divide and help bridge the disconnects.

As Team leader the for Local Planning and Budgeting–IDLG-UNDP-LOGO project, Kabul, Afghanistan (2020); Adviser, Independent Directorate of Local Governance (IDLG), Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2015-16); International Election Observer for the audit and recount of Afghanistan’s Presidential Runoff elections,( 2014); Senior Transition Consultant, United Nations Mine Action Service (2013), Kabul and External Reviewer for the country programme of Action Aid International, Afghanistan (2011), I have worked with governmental and non-governmental sectors for more than a decade in various provinces of Afghanistan.

US soldiers stand guard behind barbed wire at the airport in Kabul. Photo: Wakil Kohsar/AFP

Would you say that you take any particular approach, or fall into a specific school of thinking, when it comes to your analysis? I do not consider myself to be belonging strictly to any particular school of thought. However, broadly, I do see myself as aligned to the school of Constructivism, seeing the world as socially constructed and exploring the role of identities and interests. Constructivists believe agency and structure are mutually constituted, which implies that structures influence agency and vice versa.

Agency can be understood as the ability of someone to act, whereas structure refers to the international system that consists of material and ideational elements. I have increasingly witnessed that while studying Afghanistan and policy-making either in India or outside, there has been little understanding and application of the structure-agency debate and role of identities and interests. More importantly, there is very little anthropological study of the tribal dynamic and social networks, culture and religion in Afghanistan. Thus, Afghanistan remains a puzzle that many have not taken the time and effort to understand.

I charted my own path to tread into unknown terrain, taking many risks and moving out of my comfort zone with multiple field visits to Afghanistan from Singapore and India to get first-hand, primary, qualitative and ethnographic data, rather than relying on secondary sources and not contributing anything new or useful to the academic and policy debate.

I have muddied my hands to work on issues of governance (which is the key to stabilisation) and election observation, to understand Afghans and Afghanistan, and debunk many myths about the people and the country. I have used different approaches and prisms to understand the challenges and prospects of long-term stabilisation of Afghanistan. These include the social network approach, participant observation, ethnographic data, and first hand information collected through interviews and discussions with Afghans across a wide spectrum. I have travelled to various provinces in Afghanistan for collection of primary resource material for more than a decade. I have carried out interviews, discussions and “person on the street” narratives to gather qualitative data.

My field visits to Afghanistan and interactions with key policy-makers, interlocutors, scholars, security and media personnel, members of international organisations, non-governmental organisations, civil society organisations, women’s groups, youth groups, farmers’ associations, dairy associations, business groups and “person on the street” narratives have helped deepen my knowledge of the country and the need to adopt alternative approaches to bring in long term peace and stability.

I have conducted field-based research and consultancies with the governmental and non-governmental sectors in Afghanistan. As an Adviser on downward accountability with the Independent Directorate of Local Governance (DFID funded project), Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan (2015-2016), I have worked on issues of sub-national governance and strengthening downward accountability; developed guidelines and data collection instruments to enable provincial councillors improve service delivery in eight crucial sectors – education, agriculture, health, roads, electricity, water and sanitation, security and legal services.

I have contributed to the development and finalisation of the Provincial Council (PC) internal procedure and oversight regulatory authority; developed formal internal procedures for the channelling of PC reports to relevant line ministries at the Centre (through the IDLG) and provinces (through the governor); and revised the reporting template for the PCs informing councillors of their mandates, legal and policy frameworks, minimum service delivery standards and constraints to effective service delivery. I also provided organisational assistance in restructuring, strategic and annual plans, training materials and manuals for the conduct of consultative workshops and capacity building programmes for provincial councillors and awareness workshops for women provincial councillors.

As a Senior Transition Consultant, United Nations Mine Action Service, Afghanistan (September 2013), I conducted extensive field analysis, interviews and focused group discussions with Afghan government officials, key policy-makers, donors, non-governmental organisations, UN Mine Action personnel, de-miners, community elders and other key stakeholders to review the mine action programme in Afghanistan. Case studies considered for the project included Cambodia, Laos, Liberia, South Sudan, Mozambique, Bosnia, Kosovo, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Colombia, Lebanon, Western Sahara, Mali, Ivory Coast, DRC, and Yemen, which helped in learning from the best practices in actualising transition in the Afghan context.

At the end of the field study, I presented the findings at a workshop in Kabul and submitted a report identifying options to locate responsibility for the mine action mandate within the Afghan government and key stakeholders with a list of “pros and cons” for each option and the steps required for implementation in the transformation decade.

As an international Election Observer, Afghanistan with The Asia Foundation, for the audit of Afghanistan’s Presidential Runoff elections held in June 2014, I was involved in report writing, data entry and short-medium term observation of the audit and recount process.

I have been a Consultant and Reviewer for the country programme of Action Aid International Afghanistan, May-June 2011. I conducted programmes and organisational reviews of AAA’s programmes, project and functioning in Kabul and other provinces of Afghanistan using a Rights based approach and a participatory approach, like Participatory Rural Appraisal, to analyse, plan and monitor the development activities. I submitted a detailed report titled “Country Programme Review” with key learning gaps to inform the management on the state of the country programme as well as provided recommendations on future directions to guide the formulation of the next country strategy paper on developmental strategy and policy planning.

The speed of the Taliban takeover has taken everyone by surprise. You wrote recently that “there is an overwhelming sense of helplessness” in New Delhi “as its contributions and gains made in the last two decades wither away.” Why is that so? Do you think it will be some time before that sense is shaken off or is it likely to remain as long as the Taliban are in charge? India has pursued its soft-power approach in Afghanistan under a security umbrella provided by the US since 2001. It is the largest regional donor, having pledged more than $3 billion in various capacity building and infrastructure development projects. Its development assistance policy accrued a tremendous amount of goodwill for India. The challenge was to convert soft power gains into long term tangible outcomes when the tide turned. Even though there was a sense in India that the US would withdraw its forces in 2014 – the date of withdrawal announced by President Obama – India did not prepare for such a scenario and hoped for an outcome that would not put the Taliban in a dominant position.

However, all those calculations have changed quickly. The sense of shock and dismay from the fall of Kabul and the total capture of power by the Taliban is not unique to India. In the coming days, the entire world will be forced to internalise the dramatic changes that have taken place in Afghanistan and how those changes have made past policies redundant. India too will have to go through that phase of self-assessment and revisit its policies in the face of new realities.

Indian citizens aboard a military aircraft at the airport in Kabul on Tuesday. Photo: AFP

What are the immediate implications for India – both in terms of interests and policies – with the new Afghanistan situation, once the question of evacuating citizens and others is taken care of? India’s challenges are multiple and at various levels. These include:

Evacuation/safety of all Indians, friends of India in Afghanistan (Afghans who worked for India), and the willing members of the Hindu and Sikh communities;

Preservation of the gains made by India in the last two decades, i.e, the infrastructure projects and, also, the leverage within the political elite;

Dealing with the resurgence of Pakistani and Chinese influence;

Staying engaged in Afghanistan’s development sector to prevent a humanitarian crisis and continuing the existing level of trade and commerce; and

Developing working relations with the new political dispensation as stipulated in the Agreement of Strategic Partnership ( October 2011).

India has been ill-prepared for this scenario. Even evacuating its personnel was difficult. The Taliban set up roadblocks, making it difficult to reach the airport. More importantly, India could not evacuate Afghans who worked for its embassy and consulates, leaving them in great danger and discontent.

For India, which had pledged more than $3 billion dollars in development assistance since 2001 and accrued a huge amount of goodwill, Afghanistan is now a dramatically transformed terrain. New Delhi faces disruption to its intense engagement in the country’s development sector. Its gains of the past two decades, achieved through high-value and small-scale projects, face dangers of reversal.

India, a regional stakeholder and an unwavering supporter of an “Afghan-led, Afghan-owned and Afghan-controlled” peace and reconciliation process, has struggled to find a place in the numerous groupings that seek to decide the fate of the country. Its last-ditch efforts at opening a channel of communication with the Taliban, as part of its bid to engage with all stakeholders in the Afghan conflict, too has not yielded much result.

Is India likely to play a role in offering a home to Afghans – either refugees or, as it has in the past, some of the political elite? Yes. It will probably do so on a limited scale, given the declared prioritisation only for the Hindus and Sikhs. Some members of the political elite are already in India. A few others will be in India in the coming weeks. Similarly, the government will have to clarify its policies on the thousands of Afghans who are either on study or medical visa in the country. For obvious reasons, India can’t send them back to Afghanistan, where their lives will be at risk. India needs a coordination cell dealing with repatriation, refugee and IDP settlement and humanitarian assistance.

Does India’s presence as chair of the USNC alter the potential path in any significant way? Internationally, India needs to take a leadership role as the current UNSC chair in framing resolutions, providing relief, setting up humanitarian response teams and conflict mediation mechanisms. India cannot afford to abandon the people of Afghanistan once again without implications for its image as a reliable friend and a major power in the region. This is a unique opportunity to demonstrate its leadership role at the UNSC.

Given India’s history with them, would you expect questions about recognition of the Taliban government by New Delhi to go differently from the 1990s? New Delhi faces a stark choice of engaging the Taliban and recognising them, or opting to totally disengage from that country. The latter would imply a return to the 1990s, where a contact-vacuum facilitated events like the IC-814 hijacking and anti-India groups like LeT, JeM finding bases to operate from that country.

A realist’s approach would be to reach out to the Taliban in order to continue aid and development assistance, and a constructivist approach seeking to link aid with conditionalities that will help in mainstreaming and blunting the extremist worldviews particularly in dealing with women, minorities and children.

While the Taliban’s ascendancy is clearly a disruptor of India’s presence in Afghanistan, some opportunities for its continued engagement could also be available in the near-medium term. The Taliban leadership has made favourable statements asking India to continue with its developmental activities. The Taliban search for legitimacy may help India retain its foothold in the country, although it may not be as intense as it used to be. However, engagement should not be tantamount to granting recognition or legitimacy.

India needs to continue its aid policy for Afghanistan to prevent a humanitarian disaster and refugee crisis. It must establish some communication links in that country to moderate the extremist movements ideology and protect the rights of women and minorities.

Taliban fighters sit over a vehicle on a street in the Laghman province on Sunday. Photo: AFP

The Northern Alliance is nothing like what it was in the 1990s. Do you believe there is space for India to continue to court players in Afghanistan to counter the Taliban? Yes. The erstwhile Northern Alliance is a redundant force as most of the leaders have reached out to the Taliban, surrendered or fled the country. The call by the Vice President, Amrullah Saleh, to be a caretaker President to counter the Taliban and defend the territory could lead to a new resistance. To gather India’s support, Mr Saleh will have to establish his reach and unifying effort within the NA as a potent adversary to the Taliban.

You’ve written that India “missed the bus” on Afghanistan, and that “in strategic terms, India’s loss would be Pakistan and China’s gain”. Could you explain to the reader why you believe that is the case?The withdrawal of the US and resultant political change has created a huge strategic vacuum in Afghanistan. Pakistan, due to its locational and strategic advantages and links with the Taliban, and China, due to its proactive policy and links with Pakistan can hope to occupy much of this vacuum. India had twenty years to make up for its strategic and locational disadvantages.

However, it chose to rely on a policy, which looked impressive while at work, but had no long-term strategic thinking and planning built into it. One can understand the strategic competition with Pakistan which had nurtured the Taliban to regain strategic depth. But at one point of time, India was thinking of joint projects with China in Afghanistan as declared at the Wuhan informal summit. Did that fail because of China’s attitude or New Delhi’s own lackadaisical approach? This needs to be answered by policy-makers.

Do you think the current Indian administration has sufficient capacity and will to engage with all dimensions of the Afghanistan question? The MEA is understaffed and doesn’t have enough capability and skills to get feelers from the ground. As the situation was rapidly deteriorating, New Delhi continued with its “wait and watch” policy. This has led to systemic inertia, risk aversion, lack of long-term planning, and policy fuzziness. The MEA needs trained specialists who know the language, culture, ethnography and have contacts in the field for real time information flow and action.

Some fear that the Taliban’s return to Kabul will empower terrorists and militants, and that India may see fresh surges on the LoC. Others have said that the security implications for India may not be so direct or immediate. What do you make of these fears? The security threat is real if not immediate. Pakistan-based terror groups Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammad have a presence in Afghanistan and are known to have built checkpoints in certain areas with the help of the Taliban. While the US-Taliban peace agreement obligates the Taliban to stop using Afghan territory for terror attacks by the al Qaeda and the Islamic State against the US and its allies, no such guarantee insulates countries like India from the activities of Kashmir-specific groups such as the LeT and JeM, and even the AQ and Islamic State’s Khorasan Province.

Its assurance to not operate in Kashmir notwithstanding, the Taliban’s capacity to prevent self-activation of these groups against India is questionable. It will boost terrorist morale and ability. However, whether it will actually result in a dramatic rise in terror attacks in J&K remains to be seen. India has pursued militancy with a multi-dimensional approach, which includes neutralisation of hundreds of cadres, targeting their over-ground networks and their financial resources. Yet, the infrastructure and the factors that breed terrorism and militancy remain.

Just a month ago you wrote a number of policy prescriptions for India in Afghanistan over the next decade, but most of them were predicated on at least a prolonged period of civil war, and not such a quick Taliban takeover. What would your list look like today? My list had also included suggestions in the wake of a rapid take over by Taliban. My writings and suggestions were based on scenario-building, which included the rapid takeover of power by the Taliban as the worst-case scenario which the policy makers in New Delhi needed to pay heed to.

A pragmatic and astute policy would explore ways and means of engaging the Taliban to ensure continuation of its present development assistance for the Afghans to prevent a humanitarian crisis and preservation of the gains of the last two decades. The Taliban have sent such feelers for engagement for some time now that need to be carefully explored for the near and medium-term.

Such engagement could work in moderating their extremist ideology. Aid can be provided with conditionalities of preserving women, minorities and human rights. The engagement with the Taliban could be based on the Agreement on Strategic Partnership which India had signed with Afghanistan in 2011. India, having a seat at the UNSC, can take a leadership role in building international consensus of preventing the subversion of the democratic experiment in Afghanistan, ensuring that the linkages between Taliban and global terror groups are severed through monitoring by counter-terrorism committees, linking any international aid to the Taliban to protecting women and human rights and reaching out to the Afghan by the deployment of quick response teams to avoid a catastrophic humanitarian disaster and refugee crisis.

Finally, the last three questions we like to put to everyone: Are there misconceptions about Afghanistan or the India-Afghanistan relationship that you find yourself having to correct all the time, whether coming from scholars, journalists or lay people? Yes. There are a lot of preconceived notions and stereotypes about Afghans and Afghanistan that get fed into policy and public information through the media. Most academics and journalists write on Afghanistan without even going to the country. Others write and report from Kabul, which does not depict the reality or diversity evident in the provinces. No one has made a serious effort to understand urban-rural differences or to use ethnographic data to understand the tribal and local dynamics of that country.

Are there areas of research on Afghanistan that you wish the Indian government or those in the policy space put more resources into?

India’s aid and development assistance policy review & impact studies

India’s security and strategic planning including hostage negotiation, evacuation and crisis management

Anthropological, ethnographic and linguistic studies

Institution building in fragile states

A special cell on Afghanistan with external experts

What three books (or podcasts/papers/videos) would you recommend to those interested in the subject?

There are several. However, a few that stand out are:

Louis Dupree, Afghanistan

Ali A Jalali, A Military History of Afghanistan: From the Great Game to the Global War on Terror

Thomas J Barfield’s Afghanistan: A Cultural and Political History

Steve Coll’s Ghost Wars

Olivier Roy, Islam and Resistance in Afghanistan

Ahmed Rashid’s Descent into Chaos

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