#Nigeria Immigration Service Government Jobs June 2017

[mainafelix2007-blog]

Recruitment at Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) 2017

Recruitment at Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) 2017

http://www.nisrecruitment.org.ng – Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) recruitment June 2017

Current Employment at Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) 2017

Nigeria Immigration Service (NIS) Latest Careers 2017

The Nigeria Immigration Service (http://www.nisrecruitment.org.ng), under the Federal Ministry of Interior, hereby invites applications from suitably qualified persons for full-time…

[thisdaynews]

Xenophobia: Finally, Buhari raises diplomatic hell

New Post has been published on https://thebiafrastar.com/xenophobia-finally-buhari-raises-diplomatic-hell/

Xenophobia: Finally, Buhari raises diplomatic hell

Buhari: WHEN Mrs Obianuju Ndubuisi-Chukwu, deputy director-general of the Chartered Insurance Institute of Nigeria, CIIN, was strangled on June 13, in her hotel room in South Africa, I raised a poser here: “Who will save Nigerians from South African murderers?” The 53-year-old mother of two was attending the African Insurance Organisation, AIO, conference in Johannesburg. It was one killing too many.

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I was particularly miffed that despite an autopsy report signed by the Director-General of the Department of Health, Republic of South Africa, on June 27, which stated categorically that the woman died of “unnatural causes consistent with strangulation”, there was hardly any investigation by the authorities.

In fact, the management of Emperors Palace Hotel where the murder took place refused to hand over the CCTV footage to the South African police notorious for their lethargy in investigating crimes, including murder, against Nigerians. I also worried over the seeming indifference of the Nigerian government to the fate of its nationals in foreign countries.

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“Any self-respecting country whose citizens are routinely killed as Nigerians are killed in South Africa will raise diplomatic hell. Yet, the so-called giant of Africa has become so clay-footed that other countries treat her nationals with the utmost disdain,” I lamented in that article. President Cyril Ramaphosa’s attempt to heap the blame for the persistent killings on the doorsteps of faceless “criminals” incensed me.

His claim, in the face of contradicting evidence, that South Africans do not have any form of negative disposition or hatred towards Nigerians in his country was even more preposterous. For too long and no just cause, Nigerians have become South Africans’ bête noire. And my conclusion was that the killings will not abate if we do nothing to hold the country to account. “It does not matter who carried out this crime.

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Whether Uju’s brutal murder is as a result of a xenophobic attack or an act of criminality by mentally deranged hoodlums as President Ramaphosa would want us to believe, Nigerians deserve a coherent explanation of what happened. “The least that South Africa should do is to ensure that this crime is transparently, clinically and expeditiously investigated and those found guilty brought to book. And the least that Nigeria must do is to ensure that South Africa does just that.

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If we don’t hold them to account on this case, it will happen again, and again, and again. The joke will be on Nigeria, not the former apartheid enclave, whose citizens are rewarding our benevolence with contemptible nastiness.” Buhari Of course, nothing happened. The remains of the hapless woman were brought back to Nigeria and interred on July 25. We moved on. South Africans with a smirk also moved on to plot their next crime. As predicted, on Sunday, they upped their xenophobic ante, levying deadly attacks on foreign-owned stores, most of them owned by Nigerians, in Johannesburg and the political capital Pretoria.

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Again, President Ramaphosa is mouthing his platitude. “We face a huge challenge. A number of people (are) taking the law into their own hands,” he said in Cape Town on Wednesday. “Taking action against people of other countries is not right. South Africa is home for all. We are not the only country that has become home for people fleeing.” While it is true that South Africa is not the only sanctuary for people fleeing their home countries, it has shamefully acquired a xenophobic reputation. In 2008, xenophobic violence left 62 dead, while in 2015, seven people were killed in attacks in Johannesburg and Durban.

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South Africans are complaining that jobs are being taken away from them by immigrants. Their men are complaining that their women are being snatched away by foreigners, especially Nigerians? Isn’t that ridiculous? Are there no South African businesses in Nigeria? Two of the biggest and most profitable multinationals in Nigeria – MTN, the mobile telecommunications giant, and Multichoice, which operates the Digital Satellite television, DStv, a major satellite TV service provider in Sub-Saharan Africa – are South African firms.

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The two multinationals, perhaps, make more money in Nigeria than all the Nigerian businesses in South Africa put together. And they repatriate almost all their profits to the home country even as they pay insignificant taxes here. As at March 2017, Multichoice disclosed that it had 11 million subscribers across Africa, with Nigeria leading with 4.4 million DStv and GoTV subscribers or 40 per cent. The total subscriber base has since risen to 13.5 million as at February 2019 when Multichoice revealed plans to list on the Johannesburg Stock Exchange, JSE, thus making it one of the fastest growing pay-TV operators globally.

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Nigeria still leads the pack. As of 2018, MTN, active in 21 countries, had surpassed 232.6 million subscriber base, making it the eighth largest mobile network operator in the world, and the largest in Africa. With over 58.197 million subscribers in Nigeria, one-third of the company’s revenue comes from here, where it holds about 35 per cent market share. The multinational has only 31.191 million subscribers in South Africa. These companies, including Shoprite, operate freely in Nigeria without any inhibitions. So, what are we talking about? South Africans have acted with impunity, treating Nigerians disdainfully all these years with the active connivance of their government because they had come to the conclusion that there will be no repercussions either from Nigerians themselves or the government. But how wrong they are this time.

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With reactions to the ongoing xenophobic attacks, it will become apparent to them that Nigeria has what it takes to fight back and Nigerians themselves can bite. South African businesses in Nigeria are as vulnerable as they have made Nigerian businesses in their country. South Africans can also be as vulnerable on Nigerian streets as they have made Nigerians be on their own streets.

It is good that the Nigerian government ( Buhari) has woken up from its diplomatic slumber. Unless and until South Africans come to the realisation that there are consequences for their actions, this madness will not stop. While Nigerians are protesting on the streets, it is heartwarming that Buhari, for once, is squeezing South Africa diplomatically and demanding explanations to the egregious acts of their citizens. On Tuesday, the country summoned the South African High Commissioner to Nigeria, Mr Bobby Moroe, even as President Muhammadu Buhari sent an envoy to convey his displeasure to Ramaphosa.

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On Wednesday, Nigeria boycotted the 2019 World Economic Forum, WEF, on Africa taking place in Cape Town. It is good that other African countries – Rwanda, Malawi and DR Congo – also pulled out. That Ambassador Kabiru Bala, our High Commissioner to South Africa, has been recalled for consultations is also positive. Nigeria must demand full compensation for the victims of the attacks as the foreign minister, Geoffrey Onyeama, hinted on Tuesday at a joint press conference with Mr Moroe when he insisted that “we must address the issue of compensation”.

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There has to be accountability. South Africans must be diplomatically squeezed to take full responsibility for compensating Nigerians that have suffered losses in this senseless xenophobic attacks. That is what sovereign states do when their nationals are abused in foreign countries as South Africans have abused us. For once, President Buhari is getting it right on foreign policy. South Africa must know that there are consequences for bad behaviour.

[aare-babatunde]

*Shock Therapy: A calculated plan to free Yorubaland from the minority Fulani and the criminally minded Ibo:*

Many years ago as an undergrad student, I read the speech of Awolowo delivered in April of 1967 as the Yoruba leader of thoughts. In that speech, Awolowo made four major demands for the Yoruba nation to stay on as a part of Nigeria.

The demands were as follows:

1. The retraction of the suspension of the parliamentary system based on the regional government.

2. The decentralisation of the military along the regional regimental armed forces and the personnel to be drawn from the ethnic group in the region.

3. The decentralisation of the police along the regional police command under the control of the region and the personnel to be drawn from the ethnic group in the region.

4. The refusal of the Yoruba nation to be responsible for the repayment of any loan received from the World Bank and or the IMF by the Federal Government if the projects for such a loan are sited outside Yorubaland.

None of the above demands were acceptable to the minority Fulani led Federal Government and their Ibo ally. They wanted the continuation of the unitary system they had foisted on the Yoruba nation against the agreed regional system of government.

Soon after the demise of Awolowo and many members of his generation, my parents' generation continued with the same demands for a return to the regional government, the decentralization of the police and the military. But rather than for the minority Fulani led Federal Government and their Ibo ally to take the demands of the Yoruba, they instead killed the Yoruba's children, women and men, particularly during the June 12 struggle between 1993 and 1998. It was in this degradation that my generation was raised throughout Yorubaland.

Whilst I was still befuddled about the attitudes of the minority Fulani and their Ibo ally over their refusal to accept a simple return to the regional government and the decentralization of the security agencies, I attended a lecture in economics as an undergraduate student where the lecturer tutored us on the topic of "Shock Therapy".

In economics, the lecturer says that shock therapy means the sudden, and dramatic changes in national economic policy that can turn a state-controlled economy into a free-market economic system. And that shock therapy is intended to cure economic maladies—such as hyperinflation, shortages, and other effects of market controls—to jump-start economic production, reduce unemployment, and improve living standards.

He further stated that in medicine, shock therapy is a medical treatment most commonly employed in patients with severe major depression or bipolar disorder that has not responded to other treatments. Here, he says that shock therapy involves a brief electrical stimulus of the brain while the patient is under anaesthesia.

He went along with his explanations of the shock therapy using the military. He states that shock therapy, in military terms, means a false flag operation, especially a covert political or a military operation carried out to appear as if it was undertaken by another party.

As an undergraduate at the university and having read about the killing of 14,528 Yoruba children, women and men between 1962 and 1964 during the protest against the imprisonment of Awolowo by the coalition government of the minority Fulani and their Ibo ally and having personally observed the treatment of my parents' generation during the June 12 struggle in which more than 16,000 Yoruba children, women and men were killed by the minority Fulani and their Ibo ally between 1993 and 1998, shortly after the annulment of the 1993 presidential election won by Abiola, a Yoruba citizen, I became interested in how the "Shock Therapy" could be used in the political process to bring about dramatic changes in Nigeria and in favour of the Yoruba nation.

Soon after I had left the university and started working, first in the oil and gas (Conoil Plc), then in the wholesale banking (Standard Chartered Bank) and later in the investment banking (Financial Derivatives Company Ltd), all in Yorubaland, I was exposed to how the minority Fulani and the criminally minded Ibo have conquered Yorubaland through the machination of the unitary system, a political system they imposed on the Yoruba nation in 1966 after they had suspended the regional government.

I started to notice that in Yorubaland, the minority Fulani and their Ibo ally have priority when it comes to the Federal Government jobs in Yorubaland than the Yoruba and that these two people are in total control of all the wealth and resources of the Yoruba people from our waterways to our theatre.

They are also in full control of the production and consumption of goods and services, the trade, the law and the government throughout Yorubaland.

They are in charge of our mineral and natural resources, airports, seaports, customs, prisons, police, military, revenue from taxation, immigration, borders, economy and judicial system. And as a matter of fact, they controlled our political economic system.

However, they are foreigners in Yorubaland. They have their own respective areas of North-West and South-East, but the Yoruba people are not in charge of anything in their regions.

It was during this period that I reasoned out that without the shock therapy, the Yoruba nation will never be free. Our people will remain poor and wretched.

And then, when we established our movement, the Young Yoruba for Freedom (YYF), we adopted the use of organized violence as a means to defend the Yoruba's civilization.

In 2017, YYF met with some conservative Yoruba leaders in London and discussed extensively on the function of shock therapy as a means to get the Odùduwà Republic, the presidency of Nigeria and or at the very least a return to the regional government.

And while the minority Fulani led Federal Government stationed military men at the Lagos International Airport, the Lagos Stock Exchange, the Apapa Wharf, and the Tin Can Port Complex, we adopted the shock therapy in other areas first targeted at the crazy Yoruba Liberals who have constantly supported the minority Fulani and the criminally minded Ibo.

Our actions paid off. The crazy Yoruba liberals who have constantly rejected the idea of the decentralization of the security agencies in Nigeria, eventually embraced the Amotekun Security Network as the Yoruba Police Service. They became the most vocal for the Amotekun having witnessed the Fulani herdsmen assaults and the Ibo criminality across Yorubaland. Organized violence was needed to wake up the stupid Yoruba liberals to think Yoruba first.

The shock therapy birthed the Amotekun Security Network and the ban on Okada in Lagos was a shock therapy targeted at the minority Fulani. Without organized chaos, nothing gets executed in Nigeria.

Going forward, the Ibo as the number one enemy of the Yoruba nation has never voted for the Yoruba and they have taken over more than 45% of the entire land mass of Yorubaland. In due course, and without coordinating plans of actions, the Yoruba will become a minority in their own homeland within the following 20 years with the continuous massive influx of the Ibo to Yorubaland.

In view of the above and with the knowledge of what happened to the Yoruba nation in the 60s during the coalition government of Balewa and Zik, in which the Ibo appropriated all the Federal Government jobs in Yorubaland; did the same thing during the coalition government of Shagari and Ekwueme in the 80s; and even demanded for the deputy governorship seat in Lagos during the administration of Jonathan between 2010 and 2015, the recent controlled explosions in the Ibo dominated areas of Lagos were a form of shock therapy on the criminally minded Ibo.

The controlled explosion in the Akure area of Ondo State is also a sort of shock therapy.

The crazy Yoruba liberals will go along to support the minority Fulani and the criminally minded Ibo without shock therapy.

The Ibo in Yorubaland and in Iboland will continue to vote for the minority Fulani without the shock therapy on them in Yorubaland.

The minority Fulani will never give up the power at the centre without the shock therapy over Lagos.

The fight for the 2023 presidential election has begun. It will require the use of more shock therapy treatment.

We are going to crash the stock market and the property market in Lagos, Yorubaland and force the Federal Government to adopt quantitative easing as a policy in order to increase money supply and promote lending and investment to the advantage of the Yoruba first and foremost.

We are not unaware of the minority Fulani readiness to go with the English Establishment to protect the infrastructures in Lagos, Yorubaland. However, they try, Apapa Wharf, the Tin Can Port Complex, the Lagos Stock Exchange and the Ibo dominated areas and markets across Yorubaland are fair play.

The Yoruba cannot be the majority in Nigeria as well as the economic backbone of the country, yet being led by the minority Fulani and the criminally minded Ibo. Lagos is the battleground and it will go down for the Odùduwà Republic to rise.

Adeyinka Grandson

President of the YYF.

[wionews]

Opinion: Post Brexit, Indian subcontinent can be vital role for the UK

By Syed Muntasir Mamun &  Yashasvi Nain* 

Ahead of Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting (CHOGM), scheduled to take place in London in April, old debates have come alive over the relevance and importance of the Commonwealth of Nations and its involvement in world affairs. As alternative to the European Union post Brexit, the United Kingdom sees the Commonwealth as a global trading and international affairs network. In the absence of China, the organization provides a platform to demonstrate the credibility of aspiring global leaders like India.

A visit by Prince Charles in November 2017 to invite Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the summit to discuss India’s role in the organization shows the importance Britain bestows upon India’s strategic ambit. Subsequent visits from Tim Hitchens, chief executive of the Commonwealth Summit Unit, and Patricia Scotland, the Commonwealth secretary general, further reinforced this position.

Trade statistics from 2016 show that the UK imports from the Indian subcontinent, which encompasses India, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka, totalled £15.2 ($21) billion, and exports £7.7 ($10) billion. Within the rest of the Commonwealth there is a marked propensity for an Indo-centric focus in trade. For instance, trade between India and South Africa now stands at around $20 billion, and between India and Nigeria at around $10 billion. Adding up trading configurations between other African and South Asian countries would definitely prove what is more obviously felt than said — that the trading heart of the old empire is still evolving.

In 2016, during the House of Commons debate, former Defense Minister Lord Archie Hamilton asserted that the limitations in the EU competence clause is the biggest obstacle in the UK-India trade, and that after Brexit its removal will boost bilateral trade between the two countries. India is seen as a preferred partner by the UK for obvious reasons. According to the joint statement released after the India-UK Summit in New Delhi in November 2016, India was the third largest investor in the UK and the second largest international job creator: Indian companies having created over 110,000 jobs in Britain. Furthermore, India is also considered a key target market, with recent forecasts by the London Chamber of Commerce suggesting that a deal could boost UK exports to the country by 50%. Furthermore, if one considers trade statistics, Brexit doesn’t appear to have much of an effect  on India-UK trade.

As per the House of Commons briefing paper on migration issued in October 2017, in 2015 43% people immigrating to the UK were nationals of other EU countries, while 44% came from outside the European Union. Around 17% of all migrants are from three countries alone: India, Pakistan and Bangladesh.

The Indian subcontinent is by far the most strategic region driving the dynamics of the Commonwealth. What happens here is more relevant to the future of both the United Kingdom and the Commonwealth as a whole.

COINCIDENCE OR GOOD TIMING?

Britain’s triggering of Article 50 of the Lisbon Treaty following the June 23, 2016, referendum came almost a year after the Malta CHOGM of 2015. The 2018 London CHOGM comes almost one year ahead of Britain’s final departure from the EU on March 29, 2019. In the absence of a clear government strategy, the EU referendum decidedly put the UK on a rough, and apparently unstable, path of destiny. But it does not have to be that way. While the immediate aftershock of the referendum was that of a freefalling pound, which remained at a historic 10% low against the US dollar and at 15% against the euro, it seems that the immediacy of the doomsday predictions were balanced with a steadier economic growth (1.8% in 2016), second only to Germany’s 1.9% in the G7. The UK economy has continued to grow at almost the same rate in 2017. Crucial negotiations centering around what Brexit would mean in reality are still in the making.

With this backdrop, CHOGM 2018 opens a window of opportunity for both the United Kingdom and its Commonwealth cousins to essentially rebuild the Commonwealth in such a manner as to transform both in ways hitherto unimagined. The Commonwealth, thanks to a combined economy of more than $10 trillion and an annual growth in excess of 4%, provides a perfect platform for achieving these aims and is probably one of the best alternatives to manage a post-Brexit scenario for Britain.

The UK, thanks to historic and institutionalized connections with its former colonies, is better positioned as a ring leader, capable of successfully integrating international trade — particularly the small and medium sized enterprises (SMEs) seeking new markets — into a global trade regime than most other countries, except maybe the United States. It would be wise to not forget that the Commonwealth can boast the fact that half of the top 20 global emerging cities are located within its jurisdiction and that average trade costs between Commonwealth countries will be lowered by 19%.

As a strategic recourse to the systemic uncertainties and instabilities caused by Brexit, the United Kingdom can now act strategically and utilize its position as the chair of the Commonwealth to create a system that will assist member states in integrating more fully into a fairer and more equitable global trading regime. Opening markets and by ensuring mobility of productive factors across a fair, value-based ecosystem will help UK SMEs and financial institutions to enter new markets and boost innovation, growth and job creation.

THE ROADMAP

There are talks going on to host a Commonwealth trade hub in India to promote commerce and investment across the organization. But it is high time that the Commonwealth leadership wakes up to the fact that the systems that govern the prospects of individual prosperity ought not to be only economic in nature. Rather, prosperity is the ability of the state system to enable the individual to live with pride and human dignity. Access to nutrition, shelter, health, education and an otherwise decent living is all part of the prosperity that we understand.

If the UK wants to make the Commonwealth more relevant under its leadership, it must focus on the following areas that will play an important role in making the idea of the Commonwealth work for the people of the Commonwealth. First on the list is employment. With the desire to be connected to the global networks of talent and productivity, everyone is both wary and eager for employment, not only in the service industry, but also as entrepreneurs. The Commonwealth could be a platform that gives structural support for building and connecting markets for both. For instance, more than half of the small nations within the Commonwealth (31 out of 52) are Small Island Developing States, where development is being adversely affected by their remote locations.

This leads to the second point, connectivity: People want to travel and connect. This is a rising vector of an inalienable right in the global consciousness. The Indian subcontinent is well connected to global networks, but attention is needed for upgrading the existing land-based transport infrastructure such as roads and railways, among the Commonwealth countries. It will not only affect social development but will also give much needed structures for an economic boost in the region. Also, post-Brexit, the UK will not be bound by the free movement of workers laws, and there is an opportunity to ease visa restrictions to fill the skill gap from the Commonwealth countries. At the very least, visas for students and professionals from the Commonwealth looking for job in the UK could be fast-tracked.

Third, power and energy: Both people and institutions are energy-hungry. At this moment, countries in the Indian subcontinent depend on a single source to provide more than 50% of total their individual electricity generation. Thus, India produces 67.9% of the region’s coal, Nepal nearly 100% of the subcontinent’s hydropower, Bangladesh provides 91.5% of its natural gas and Sri Lanka 50% of its oil. Sustainable, eco-friendly, affordable and accessible energy needs have to be met if systemic balances are to be achieved in the long run.

Fourth, technology: Any institution that wants to be relevant to the people and, consequently, draw mandates for representing them, ought to carry with itself a tangible promise of technology. This doesn’t mean the internet alone, but also applications and system support to develop ideas with solid financial underwriting.

Fifth, ecological sustainability: With 1.7 billion people, the Indian subcontinent has more people than the whole of Europe and both Americas combined. Unfortunately, that does not translate into wealth. More people are going hungry in South Asia than in Africa. There is substantial inequality in the region, especially when it comes to food supply. It is also vulnerable to the impact of global warming and climate change. Preventing the creation of more climate refugees should be a priority for the Commonwealth, with many of its small island nations particularly affected by rising sea levels. Hence, comprehensive measures and plans for the future need to be laid out, and Britain can lead the way with sustainable development and technological advancement to tackle the environmental crisis.

Sixth, a safer world and a safer Commonwealth: Attacks on civil liberties, free speech and restrictions on civil society are growing across the Indian subcontinent. Based on basic human freedoms, rights and the rule of law, a society free from fear and persecution should be a steady goal throughout the Commonwealth. The organization should work harder to enforce the practical realizations of the core values of human rights enshrined in its charter. The Commonwealth as an institution has been rather successful in setting democratic, legal and human rights standards for the world to follow. But it is time that the Commonwealth wakes up to the desires of the ambitious young minds of its member states and takes cognizance of the need to both contribute and belong.

BALL IN ST. JAMES’ COURT

It is impossible for the governments to do everything. There has to be a partnership between the private and the public sectors to optimize the resources and possibilities available at our disposal. Instilling a component of trust among the nations party to such a grand design is crucial in this regard. The Commonwealth leadership must demonstrate a determined and forward-looking approach to bringing peace and prosperity to the Indian subcontinent, which, despite its glorious past, remains the least integrated in the world. The Commonwealth Charter has already taken note of civil society. It is time that innovation — both as an idea and a platform — is taken as an operational pivot.

Brexit is looming ever larger. New negotiations and new priorities are being conceptualized. This is the best time for the United Kingdom to repackage the Commonwealth as an organization “for the members, by the members and of the members.” The seed of a plausible sense of ownership among member states — in particular for the imagination of the youth — needs to be sown, and it should not be perceived as if benefiting just the UK or a handful of prosperous countries. Existential issues central to the people of the Commonwealth need to be addressed. Learning from the Indian subcontinent and what is happening there, and reflecting the substance of that learning across the plethora of platforms and institutions that the Commonwealth provides, could help create a mechanism that can solve problems for the long term.

There was an ancient proverb, “You are, therefore, I am; and since I am, therefore, you are.” The best network is not a cartel of petrochemicals and weapons. Rather, it is the network of intelligent minds working together.

  * Yashasvi Nain is an international lawyer for humanitarian justice and inclusive development. 

This article is originally published in the Fair Observer

(Disclaimer: The opinions expressed above are the personal views of the author and do not reflect the views of ZMCL)  

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