#NIBR

[avengineers]

IBR,NIBR and PNG Piping installations and erection In India

We have an extensive experience of executing underground and aboveground Piping projects involving Fabrication and Erection of IBR/ NIBR Pipelines in CS & SS, Process Piping for Chemical, Power, Cement, Mining, Pharmaceuticals and Steel Industry, including fabrication of Piperacks.

For more details please visit our website-

https://avengineersefp.com/service/piping-erection/

[hihoneyimdead]

fujcking shoot me

[haveyoulistenedtothisalbum-poll]

Tracklist:

El Chupa Nibre • Sofa King • The Mask • Perfect Hair • Benzie Box • Old School • A.T.H.F. • Basket Case • No Names • Crosshairs • Mince Meat • Vats of Urine • Space Ho's • Bada Bing

Spotify ♪ Bandcamp ♪ YouTube

[izzidane]

DANGER DOOM - The Mouse and the Mask [2005]

Hip-Hop ; 39:51

El Chupa Nibre

Sofa King

The Mask (Feat. Ghostface Killah)

Perfect Hair

Benzie Box (Feat. Cee Lo Green)

Old School (Feat. Talib Kweli)

A.T.H.F.

Basket Case

No Names

Crosshairs

Mince Meat

Vats of Urine

Space Ho's

Bada Bing

[mariacallous]

Since announcing his presidential bid, Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis has made being “tough-on-crime” a cornerstone of his campaign. As purported proof of his track-record on public safety, he’s claimed that Florida “leads the nation” in crime reduction and is experiencing 50-year crime lows.

At the same time, he’s criticized “big progressive cities,” like Chicago, Philadelphia and Portland, Or. and blamed their justice reform policies for crime, while arguing that Florida’s pro-law enforcement stance is responsible for its relative safety.

The problem with these claims is that they are not only factually inaccurate, they also show just how little the presidential hopeful knows about crime in his own state—let alone the nation’s. DeSantis’ arguments deserve further investigation because they rely on inaccurate data that don’t (and can’t) paint the full picture of crime in Florida, obscures place-based variations and upticks in certain forms of crime across Florida, and contradicts the evidence on the relationship between criminal justice reform and crime.

Florida’s crime data are too flawed to claim 50-year lows

DeSantis can’t be sure that Florida has achieved 50-year crime rate lows because the state itself doesn’t know what its crime trends are, due to flawed data.

This is because, in 2021, the Florida Department of Law Enforcement (FDLE) was in the process of shifting from its traditional data collection system—the Summary Reporting System, which reports monthly crime counts and documents only the most serious offense in an incident—to align with new national FBI reporting standards, the National Incident Based Reporting System (NIBRS), which includes a greater number of crimes and allows for the reporting multiple offenses within one incident. While the NIBRS system will be an important transition in the long-term for more accurate crime reporting nationwide, some state agencies, including FDLE, did not meet the FBI’s 2021 reporting deadline and were excluded from national crime statistics.

In the place of accurate FBI data, DeSantis is basing his claims about Florida’s crime rates on FDLE’s 2021 annual crime report. This report is methodologically flawed since a total of 239 agencies (covering about half the state’s population) reported their crime trends using the old Summary Reporting System methodology. Others submitted with the new NIBRS methodology, others did a mix of both, and some—including Hillsborough County, where Tampa is—didn’t enter data whatsoever, meaning they were excluded from the 2021 statewide crime trends that DeSantis regularly cites.

These methodological clashes in Florida’s crime reporting create gaps in information that make it difficult to definitively claim any statewide crime trends—let alone that the state has reached “50-year-crime rate lows.”

Florida cities lagged behind more “progressive” cities in crime reduction

DeSantis’ “tough-on-crime” rhetoric relies on state-level “total crime” data to argue that Florida outperforms more progressive places (particularly cities) in crime reduction. Even if Florida’s state-level data was accurate, this comparison wouldn’t make sense for two reasons.

First, it compares Florida’s state-level data with cities, while ignoring place-based patterns of crime concentration within Florida itself. Meaning, DeSantis’ claims don’t acknowledge the “neutralizing” effect that state data can have on crime trends, if some Florida cities experienced sharp upticks in crime while others saw declines.

Second, DeSantis’ claims rely on statewide “total crime” rates, which can also be misleading if certain minor crimes (like shoplifting or drug possession) went down across the state, while more serious crimes (like murder or rape) went up.

To help determine whether Florida cities have truly made progress in reducing serious crimes—and to see how they stand up to “more progressive” peers—we analyzed local police department data from the state’s four largest cities’ and compared their crime reduction rates with four other cities (Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and Richmond, California) that are relatively “progressive” on criminal justice, many of which have shouldered their share of criticisms from DeSantis.

Our analysis finds that place matters when talking about crime trends, and the story DeSantis is telling about the state of Florida versus “big progressive cities” in other states is much more complex than he makes it seem.

Looking at changes in violent crime rates between 2019 (the year DeSantis took office) and 2021 (the most recent year data were available), we found that three of Florida’s largest cities—Jacksonville, Tampa, and Orlando—had significant upticks in violent crime. Tampa led the bunch with a 37% spike, then Jacksonville at 21%, and Orlando at 19%. Miami, on the other hand, saw its violent crime rate decrease by 8%.

Looking at other cities deemed “progressive” on criminal justice—Chicago, New York, Philadelphia, and Richmond, Ca.—all made more progress on reducing violent crime rates than Tampa, Jacksonville, and Orlando.

For instance, Richmond— which has embraced public health and community violence intervention approaches to reducing crime—reduced its violent crime rate by 20% during this period (during which violent crimes were spiking nationwide).

And New York City—one of DeSantis’ favorite targets and a city that has, for decades, championed safety through environmental design (such as cleaning up public spaces and train stations)—had the lowest violent crime rate of any in the sample in 2021 at 439 violent crimes per 100,000 people compared to Orlando’s 832 violent crimes per 100,000 people.

Our analysis makes it clear that there is no one “statewide” story that can be told about crime—and that many of Florida’s largest cities are not achieving the violent crime reductions that DeSantis claims.

“Progressive” criminal justice reform policies do not cause crime

DeSantis’ “tough-on-crime” message hinges on blaming progressive criminal justice reforms, like ending cash bail or electing a progressive prosecutor, for rising crime rates.

But the evidence on the relationship between criminal justice reform and crime rates do not support his claims. New York’s 2019 bail reform legislation, for instance, was found to have a negligible effect on crime rates. Progressive prosecution practices in cities like Philadelphia, too, have not led to crime increases. In fact, some cities like Boston and Baltimore, have actually reduced violent crime by stopping the prosecution of lower-level offenses, like nonviolent misdemeanors, which often make it hard for individuals to obtain a job or a loan due to criminal records, and can increase their likelihood of further criminal justice system involvement.

Importantly, the non-Florida cities in our sample have made significant strides in reducing violent crime through the kinds of “progressive” non-punitive approaches that DeSantis would call “soft-on-crime.” In Philadelphia, for instance, efforts to transform and clean vacant lots in high-poverty neighborhoods were associated with a 29% reduction in gun violence. Similar strategies are working in Chicago. And all four have “violence interrupter” programs, which have been associated with a 63% decrease in gun violence in the Bronx, and a 43% reduction in Richmond.

On the other hand, many of the “tough-on-crime” policies that DeSantis proposed in his criminal justice package—including permit-less carry and stronger penalties for drug crimes—are associated with higher violent crime rates and lasting reductions in social mobility for communities of color. So, when DeSantis argues that reducing crime requires punitive approaches over root-cause ones, it may be time to ask him what his tough-on-crime stance has done for Tampa, where violent crime rates are up nearly 40%.

When DeSantis compares “crime-ridden” cities like New York, Chicago, and Philadelphia to his “safe” state of Florida, it is important to remember there is much more context, nuance, and evidence underlying the picture he’s painting. DeSantis’ flawed statements on crime and safety matter—not just for winning campaigns—but for ensuring the safety and well-being of all Florida residents.

[loiswasadevil]

lois!!! you should listen to MF DOOM, he makes really good music and references a lot of cartoons

I have, I was listening to the mouse and the mask yesterday, Because it was one of Calebs favorite albums, I love the cartoon samples theres even a lois Griffin sample in the song El Chupa Nibre And thats what convinced me.

[locked-keye]

This paragraph in my Criminal Law casebook caught my eye, so I took a closer look. What follows is one of the most cynical examples I've found of how to lie with citations. Come, walk with me.

Shopping While Black cites a few studies for its claims about shoplifting, first and most notably the 2016 National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) data. Noting that "whites comprise nearly 73% of the shoplifting arrests," it emphasizes that "contrary to racial stereotypes, at least with these incomplete data, Blacks do not represent the group most likely to shoplift

This is, ah, a fascinating way of looking at the data. I went ahead and broke the same numbers out to examine per capita rates, which show the same clear trend as is apparent from the unadjusted numbers: there are clear differential shoplifting rates by race.

Unsatisfied with this data, the report goes on to look at other studies. It finds a 1997 article with shoplifting records from more than 171 retail firms, providing the following data: Whites (40.81%), African Americans (28.78%), and Latinos (15.78%). The researcher, it says, "provided no explanation for the over representation of Blacks and Latinos."

Thus, lacking explanations that satisfy them from two large datasets that show clear racial trends, the report concludes that "the only real way to determine who really shoplifts is to observe shoplifters and determine if there are any concrete demographic patterns." Apparently, some researchers did this in an Atlanta drug store two decades ago, hiring observers to randomly select and monitor the behavior of shoppers. From this single study in one Atlanta drug store, we find, "contrary to what some believe, Black and Hispanic shoppers were not more likely to steal than Whites." I'll come back to that study in a follow-up, because I'm definitely not done with it. But let's review: the report found the official crime report sample, in which black people were overrepresented 2x and Hispanic people weren't tracked. Then it found a dataset of 171,000 shoplifting incidents, in which black people were overrepresented 2x and Hispanic people were overrepresented. Finally, it found one study from a single store that claimed no overrepresentation. From that extraordinary series of events, a casebook used by law students around the country draws the citation that "Black and Hispanic shoppers were not more likely to steal than Whites." Source: Aspen's "Criminal Law: Cases and Materials, Eighth Edition", whose authors would resign from the academy in disgrace if they had a shred of dignity left. With that out of the way, let's examine "Who Actually Steals?", the single 2004 paper in Justice Quarterly on which rests the entire assertion in law casebooks around the country that shoplifting rates do not differ by race. How did it work? First: they set up CCTV cameras at one Atlanta store visited by a racially diverse population. Then they got observers to follow every third shopper "dressed in a fashion that afforded the individual a reasonable opportunity to conceal merchandise," sorting out people who did not touch store merchandise or who wore tight-fitting clothes. From there, they noted who shoplifted and gathered data.

The demographics within 3 miles of the store: 79.8% white, 18.9% black, 2.3% Asian, 4.2% Hispanic. So: What were the demographics of shoplifters at the store? 49.7% were white, 33.8% were African American, 13.2% were Hispanic, 2.3% were Asian, and 1% were in another group. So far as I can tell, they discerned this visually from CCTV footage.

Not particularly equal numbers. So--how, precisely, did they get equality from this? They explain! "Disturbed by this racial inconsistency in the demographic profile of the shoppers across data sources, we again returned to the store to more precisely estimate the descriptive characteristics of those persons entering this particular store location. [...] On comparing these two data sets, we found the race of the shopper to be the only variable for which any proportional inconsistency was observed. [...] We adjusted for the undersampling of whites and the oversampling of blacks and Hispanics by weighting each person by the inverse of the probability that he or she would have been included in the sample." I'll simplify: because the sample of shoplifters they saw had more (visually identified) black and Hispanic people than it did white people, they manually weighted the sample to be proportionate by race.

Finally, here are their baseline findings: a simple uncontrolled analysis finds that a disproportionate number of shoplifters were "male, black, Hispanic, between the ages of 35 and 54, low or working class, displayed suspicious cues, failed to make a purchase, or shopped during the summer months." Unsatisfied with this, they ran a logistic regression that successfully adjusted out the findings that males are more likely to shoplift than females, black and Hispanic shoppers than whites, whites more than Asians, and young people than old people.

Those are the findings. That's it. Zoom all the way back out: From visual observation at one Atlanta store in which more black and Hispanic people shoplifted than white people (who in turn shoplifted more than Asians), more men shoplifted than women, and more young people than old, cancelled out by bizarre regression techniques until all these cues were blurred, Shopping While Black draws the line "Black and Hispanic shoppers were not more likely to steal from whites," in a section that mentions nationally representative data that tells the same story as the unadjusted data from their own study. From that, my casebook picked out that single line, pairing it with a mention that shoplifting data is hard to come by. And now every law student who reads Aspen casebooks gets to nod along as they learn that shoplifting data is hard to come by and doesn't show any racial disparities. To be clear, this is not stupidity. Nothing like this happens by accident. It is citational malpractice on a ludicrous scale, performed by people who care far more about politics than about truth. It is nothing short of naked propaganda.

(PDF) Who actually steals? A study of covertly observed shoplifters (researchgate.net)

[disease]

DANGERDOOM // EL CHUPA NIBRE [THE MOUSE AND THE MASK, 2005]

[frithwontdie]

[avengineers]

IBR,NIBR and PNG Piping installations and erection In India

We have an extensive experience of executing underground and aboveground Piping projects involving Fabrication and Erection of IBR/ NIBR Pipelines in CS & SS, Process Piping for Chemical, Power, Cement, Mining, Pharmaceuticals and Steel Industry, including fabrication of Piperacks.

For more details please visit our website-

[stardew-shitposterino]

This reminds me of the Dangerdoom album in which Master Shake was constantly featured as well as the rest of the Aqua Teen Hunger Force lol. Maybe we can get another single/album but with the smiling friends in the future. Would be on theme ngl

happy smiling friends

[ga06ye]

Harika nibr danışmanlık

https://www.sualpdanismanlik.com.tr/services/iso-belgeleri-ve-fiyatlari/

[reasoningdaily]

*2021 was the first year that the annual hate crimes statistics were reported entirely through the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS). As a result of the shift to NIBRS-only data collection, law enforcement agency participation in submitting all crime statistics, including hate crimes, fell significantly from 2020 to 2021.

Case Examples

News

March 9, 2023

Mississippi Man Sentenced for Federal Hate Crime for Cross Burning

December 2, 2022

Mississippi Man Pleads Guilty to Federal Hate Crime for Cross Burning

September 23, 2022

Mississippi Man Charged with Federal Hate Crime for Cross Burning

December 6, 2021

Federal Officials Close Cold Case Re-Investigation of Murder of Emmett Till

September 30, 2021

FBI Launches Hate Crimes Awareness Campaign in Mississippi

November 5, 2019

Mississippi Man Sentenced to 36 Months for Crossburning

September 10, 2019

Mississippi Man Sentenced to 11 Years for Crossburning

August 6, 2019

Mississippi Man Pleads Guilty to Federal Hate Crime for Crossburning

April 12, 2019

Mississippi Man Pleads Guilty to Federal Hate Crime For Crossburning

November 26, 2018

U.S. Attorney Mike Hurst issued the following statement in response to nooses and hate signs found this morning outside the Mississippi State Capitol:

May 15, 2017

Mississippi Man Sentenced To 49 Years in Prison for Bias-Motivated Murder of Transgender Woman in Lucedale, Mississippi

[dankusner]

class materials

all UCR forms

handbook

sam letter

FBI NIBRS certificates

[ledenews]

Wheeling Police Department Releases 2023 Crime Statistics

The Wheeling Police Department released its annual crime statistics for 2023 today. Most major crime categories and overall calls for services declined last year. However, drug overdoses and overdose-related deaths increased after seeing a reduction over the last several years. Wheeling Police Chief Shawn Schwertfeger said the overall decrease in several crime categories is a positive for the city of Wheeling. “We are on a good downward trend in many aspects when talking about serious crimes. Wheeling is a safe city and that will continue under the watchful eye of the many hard-working police officers of this department.” Specific crime data is categorized into two main categories by the National Incident-Based Reporting System (NIBRS) – “Group A” offenses, which are more property crimes and crimes against persons, and “Group B” offenses, which involve more nuisance, quality of life and highway safety/traffic offenses. After seeing a rise in several “Group A” offenses in 2022, most went down in 2023 – including burglary, vandalism, drug offenses, motor vehicle theft and robbery. Categories of note that increased last year were assaults (7%) and fraud cases (10%). Arrests slightly decreased and “Group B” offenses were mostly unchanged from the prior year, with a slight increase of 2%. Total calls for service were down 6%. The overall number – 21,743 is more in line with an ‘average year’ after a rare increase in 2022. The reduction also is associated with continued efforts on officer-initiated activity, nightly foot patrols, community policing and multiple selective enforcement operations. “We were successful after seeing increases in 2022 by bringing several crime categories down to more reasonable numbers,” Chief Schwertfeger said. “We continue to experience several challenges like staffing, recidivism, and other causes that drive up specific issues in the city like property crimes. At the end of the day, most crime-related issues are driven by illegal drug usage.” When looking at drug overdoses, cases rose for the first time in several years. Overall overdoses went up by 11% with a yearly total of 182. A total of 26 overdose-related deaths were reported in 2023 after a major decline the prior year. The deaths are unfortunately related to the continued enhanced uses of fentanyl mixed with other types of opioids and newer drugs being used like xylazine (a.k.a. ‘Tranq’). Over the next year, the Chief said he hopes crime continues its downward trend and wants to enhance a focus on mental health. “We have seen many successes with our partners and approach to overdose and mobile crisis response. We will continue to do that and are looking to bring a full-time peer support specialist on board within the Wheeling Police Department to enhance current efforts. We also will continue to focus significant efforts into our geographic and problem-oriented policing approach related to illegal use and trafficking of narcotics.” Read the full article