#Majority mark in Rajya Sabha

[nidhirajoura]

One Nation One Election Bills Introduced in Lok Sabha

In a major move, the Indian government has brought the One Nation One Election Bill in Lok Sabha. This proposal marks a significant shift in India regarding how elections are conducted. Under this initiative, elections for the Lok Sabha (lower house of Parliament) and state assemblies would be held together. While the move aims to streamline governance and the democratic process, some critics argue it might divert attention from pressing issues such as criminal reforms in politics. This initiative has ignited nationwide debates, with many wondering how it will impact governance, authority, and the overall political system.

Why is One Nation One Election Important?

The introduction of the One Nation One Election Bills has several key benefits:

Cost -effectiveness: Elections in India are costly. Conducting elections separately for various states and the central government is an expensive exercise. Conducting them simultaneously means that the government will save a huge amount on resources like manpower, security and logistics.

Minimize Disruption: Regular and frequent elections often bring a lot of distractions in daily life related to political campaigning, security arrangements, and distractions from daily governance. Government can concentrate more on development work and governance with less elections.

Better Governance: Multiple elections lead to burden on the administration, geting over with multiple elections saves time, resources and energy.| This may result in even greater stability, and thus better decision-making, from central and state governments.

Strengthening Democracy: Some argue that synchronized elections create a more cohesive approach to governance as parties will deal with national issue and local issue together as opposed to independently.

How Will It Affect Political Parties?

The One Nation One Election Bills will consequently also alter how political parties operate their campaigns and strategize. In India, political parties mostly highlight state-specific issues during the state elections and national issues for the Lok Sabha elections. Rather than focusing on the state alone, in the case of simultaneous elections, they would have to cover all state and national issues, which will also alter the campaign dynamics.

Parties might also need to offer a more cohesive vision that resonates with voters nationwide, for example. They may lack the means or energy to make state-specific promises; in reaction, we might see a shift toward national policy-making. But it may end up to be a tougher competition for regional parties where national parties might come acclimate to the political scenario.

Challenges of One Nation One Election

While the proposal has its benefits, it also comes with challenges:

Amendment of the Constitution: The Indian Constitution will have to provide for simultaneous elections. This is a complex process and demands clearance from the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha (upper house of Parliament).

Lack of Political Consensus: There is no consensus among political parties on One Nation One Election. According to some, it will only lead to concentrating power in the hands of national parties and disrupting the federal structure of the country. State-specific issues may get less attention, and smaller parties may find it difficult to compete.

Logistics Of Election: Logistics of organizing elections for both the central and state governments simultaneously is a mammoth task. The Election Commission will has to ensure all the voting materials, polling stations and security arrangements are in place.

Dissolution of Assemblies: The proper functioning of this system would require the sync of the terms of state assemblies with that of the Lok Sabha elections. Some state assemblies, therefore, must be dissolved prematurely, creating political uncertainty.

What Happens If the Bills Are Approved?

The One Nation One Election Bills have been introduced in Parliament; if both of them pass, this will usher in a historic change in the election system in India. The government will need to come out with a concrete plan to ensure that simultaneous elections can be held seamlessly. Such things include logistical preparations, constitutional amendments, and political conversations with state administrations.

The shift may result in a more seamlessly handled electoral process with less interference and more cost-effective delivery. However, It will take careful planning and some co-operation between political parties and other stakeholders to make sure the benefits can be secured without impacting democratic norms but it can be done.

Conclusion

Introduction of the One Nation One Election Bills in the Lok Sabha is a historic step towards electoral reforms in India. It offers many advantages, including cost savings and less disruption, but there are challenges that must be overcome. Whether or not this proposal will succeed, however, will fundamentally be dependent on how the Government manages the maze of constitutional amendments, political negotiations and logistical arrangements that come with such a big change. The reform is a topic in dispute, still unfolding today the future of Indian democracy.

[acquisory]

Model GST Law – A Tax Law Transformation

The much awaited reform Goods and Service Tax Act 2016 will change the fundamental of Indian Taxation. The state wise VAT, the central excise, the service tax, all will be integrated into one legislation, known as Goods and Service Tax Act, 2016 (‘GST Act 2016’). The GST Act 2016 has been for the first time made public in June 2016 by the Indian Government. The government is planning to introduce the Act w.e.f. 1st April, 2017 and proposes to pass the 122nd Constitutional Amendment bill, 2014 in the upcoming monsoon session of the parliament. By amalgamating a large number of Central and State taxes into a single tax, it would mitigate cascading or double taxation in a major way and pave the way for a common national market.

The framework of GST is characterized by a marked shift from the present origin based taxation to that of consumption based. It is proposed to be levied on a wide base of goods and services and is likely to subsume a majority of existing taxes — excise duty, service tax, VAT, Central Sales Tax (CST), purchase tax, octroy, local body tax etc. Only few services of public importance are kept outside the purview of GST. The regime is expected to have an equally conducive regulatory effect on Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), allowing foreign manufacturing companies to also be able to reap benefits and thereby, steadily build confidence in investing in India. The transition to GST may change the way business is done in India and is widely expected to boost the country’s economy.

Background

The Constitution (122nd Amendment) bill, 2014 was introduced in Lok Sabha on December 19, 2014 and was passed in the House on May 6, 2015. Further, it was referred to a Select Committee of Rajya Sabha on May 14, 2015. The Bill amends the Constitution to enable Parliament and State legislatures to frame laws on the imposition of the Goods and Service Tax (GST). Consequently, the GST subsumes various central indirect taxes including the Central Excise Duty, Countervailing Duty, Service Tax, etc. It also subsumes state value added tax, octroi and entry tax, luxury tax etc.

The idea behind GST is to subsume all existing central and state indirect taxes under one value added tax, which will be levied on all goods and services. No good or service is exempt, and there is no differentiation between a good or service, whether as an input or as finished product. Under GST, tax paid on inputs is deducted from the tax payable on the output produced. This input credit set off operates through the manufacturing and distribution stage of production. The tax is collected only at the place of consumption. This design addresses cascading of taxes.

“Implementation of GST in India will integrate the existing line of taxes like Central Excise, Service Tax, Sales Tax, Value Added Tax etc. into one tax i.e. GST. Thus it will help to reduce or eliminate the multiple taxes currently being levied on products and services.”

Key Features

GST will create a single, unified Indian market to make the economy stronger. The basic aim of GST is to benefit the consumers as well as the Government, thus creating a win win situation for both. Some of the important features are-

The GST shall have two components: one levied by the Centre (Central Goods and Service Tax) and other levied by States (State Goods and Service Tax). Rates for Central GST and Sate GST would be prescribed appropriately, reflecting revenue considerations and acceptability. This dual GST model would be implemented through multiple statutes. However, the basis features of law such as chargeability, definition of taxable event and taxable person, measure of levy including valuation provisions, basis of classification etc. would be uniform across these statutes as far as practicable.

Ending of Multiple Layer of taxes — Implementation of GST in India will integrate the existing line of taxes like Central Excise, Service Tax, Sales Tax, Value Added Tax etc. into one tax i.e. GST. This will help in avoiding multiple taxes currently being levied on products and services.

Alleviation of Cascading taxation — Under the GST regime, the final tax would be paid by the consumer of the goods/services but there would be an input tax credit system in place to ensure that there is no cascading of taxes. GST would be levied only on the value added at every stage, unlike the present scenario wherein tax is also required to be paid on Tax in a few cases i.e. VAT is payable on Excise Duty.

Development of National Economy — With the introduction of a uniform taxation law across states and different sectors in respect to indirect taxes under GST, would make it easier to supply goods and services hassle-free across the country. This will not only help in removing economic distortions, promote exports and bring about development of a common national market but will also enhance tax — to — gross domestic product ratio and thus help in promoting economic efficiency and sustainable long term economic growth.

Increase in voluntary compliance — Under the GST regime, the process will be simple and articulate with a lessor scope for errors. As all the information will flow through the common GST network, it would make tax payment and compliances a regular norm with lessor scope for mistakes. It will only be upon the payment of tax, that the consumer will get credit for the taxes they pay on inputs. This will generate an automatic audit trail of value addition and income across the production chain, creating a unified base of tax…

Read More: https://www.acquisory.com/ArticleDetails/17/Model-GST-Law-%E2%80%93-A-Tax-Law-Transformation

[livewellnews]

Today in Politics: All Eyes on Modi Govt 3.0’s First Budget Against a Changed Political Backdrop

The political landscape is buzzing with anticipation as Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman presents the Union Budget for 2024–25. This marks the first budget under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s third term, a term characterized by a notable shift in political dynamics.

The Political Shift

Unlike Modi’s previous terms, the BJP no longer holds a majority on its own and relies heavily on its NDA allies, particularly the TDP led by N Chandrababu Naidu and the JD(U) led by Nitish Kumar. This dependency adds an intriguing layer to this year’s budget, as both allies have outlined specific demands, including special category status (SCS) and special projects for their states, Andhra Pradesh and Bihar.

Anticipated Debates and Strategies

The three-week-long Budget session, which kicked off on Monday, promises to be contentious. This was evident during the customary all-party meeting on Sunday, where coalition politics took center stage. Allies and opposition parties alike have presented various demands, urging the government to adopt a new approach in Parliament.

Key discussions will focus on ministries of railways, education, health, MSME, and food processing in the Lok Sabha, with a 20-hour debate on the budget expected. The Rajya Sabha will have an eight-hour discussion on the Appropriation and Finance Bills and four-hour debates on four yet-to-be-identified ministries.

Opposition’s Strategy

The INDIA bloc, comprising Congress and other opposition parties, held a strategy meeting to outline their approach for the session. They plan to raise significant issues, including the NEET-UG paper leak case, the Agniveer scheme, and violence in Manipur. Congress leaders, including Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi, emphasized the importance of addressing issues connected with the people during their discussions.

Telangana Assembly’s Budget Session

Meanwhile, the Telangana Assembly’s Budget session begins on Tuesday, with key issues such as crop loan waivers, unemployment, and political defections expected to dominate discussions. The Congress government, led by A Revanth Reddy, is set to present its first full budget after assuming power last December.

Supreme Court Hearing on NEET

In a related development, the Supreme Court has ordered IIT Delhi to investigate a contentious question from the NEET-UG 2024 exam, following allegations of a paper leak. The court is set to continue hearing multiple petitions on Tuesday, focusing on the extent of the alleged malpractice and its impact on the examination’s integrity.

Stay tuned as we follow these critical political developments and their implications for the country’s future.

[bollywoodirect]

Tributes to #KhemchandPrakash, one of the greatest Hindi film music directors, on his 116th birth anniversary (12/12/1907).

Khemchand Prakash, born on December 12, 1907, in Jaipur and hailing from Sujangarh in Rajputana Agency, British India (now Rajasthan), was a beacon of musical innovation in the Hindi film industry. His journey from the royal courts of Bikaner and Nepal to the bustling city of Kolkata, where he joined the legendary New Theaters, set the stage for his illustrious career. As an assistant to composer Timir Baran in the 1935 film ‘Devdas’ and a performer of a comedic song in ‘Street Singer’ (1938), Prakash’s talents began to shine.

In 1939, destiny took him to Mumbai, marking his debut as a music director with Supreme Pictures’ films ‘Meri Aankhein’ and ‘Gazi Salauddin’. His association with Ranjit Movietone Film Studio produced memorable films like ‘Diwali’, ‘Holi’, ‘Pardesi’, and ‘Fariyaad’. Khursheed, his leading singer, and Prakash together delivered numerous hits in the early ’40s. Their crowning achievement was the 1943 film ‘Tansen’, featuring hit songs that are remembered to this day.

The late ’40s saw Prakash’s career peak with films like ‘Ziddi’ from Bombay Talkies in 1948, where he gave Kishore Kumar his first major break and featured Lata Mangeshkar’s enchanting song “Chanda re ja re ja re”. But it was the 1949 film ‘Mahal’ that truly cemented Lata Mangeshkar’s fame. The record for the song “Aayega Aanewala” initially credited only the character name, Kamini. Such was the song’s popularity that All India Radio was inundated with calls inquiring about the singer, leading to the first public announcement of Lata Mangeshkar’s name.

Khemchand Prakash’s legacy extends beyond his compositions. Famous composer Anil Biswas credited him for adhering to historical accuracy in musical traditions, notably in making K.L. Saigal sing ‘Sapt Suran Teen Gram’ in the Dhrupad style for ‘Tansen’, a genre authentic to Tansen’s era, instead of the more modern Khayal genre.

Tragically, Prakash passed away at Harikisondas Hospital two months before the release of ‘Mahal’. His masterpiece ‘Aayega Aanewala’ became a sensation posthumously. The poignant tale of his second wife, Shreedevi, struggling in her later years, and the achievements of his daughter, Chandrakala Khemchand Prakash, a Kathak dancer married to Padmashree awardee Ram Gopal Bajaj, adds a personal dimension to his story. Javed Akhtar, in his maiden speech in the Rajya Sabha on May 17, 2012, highlighted Prakash’s significant yet often overlooked contribution to Indian music and cinema, ensuring his legacy lives on.

[kadapatdp]

N Chandrababu Naidu: A Pioneer in Indian Politics and Development

N Chandrababu Naidu is a prominent Indian politician and the former Chief Minister of the state of Andhra Pradesh. He is known for his contributions to the development of the state and his efforts to modernize its infrastructure. He is also recognized as a tech-savvy leader who has been instrumental in promoting the growth of the IT industry in India.

Early Life and Education:

N Chandrababu Naidu was born on April 20, 1950, in Naravaripalle, a small village in Andhra Pradesh. He completed his schooling in his hometown before moving to the city of Tirupati for his higher education. He obtained a Bachelor of Arts degree from Sri Venkateswara Arts College in 1972 and a Bachelor of Law degree from Andhra University in 1974.

Political Career:

N Chandrababu Naidu's political career began in 1978 when he was elected to the Andhra Pradesh Legislative Assembly from the Chandragiri constituency. He was later appointed Minister of Technical Education in the state government led by N.T. Rama Rao. In 1995, he became the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh, a position he held for two terms until 2004.

As Chief Minister, N Chandrababu Naidu was known for his focus on development and modernization. He initiated a number of infrastructure projects, including the construction of flyovers, highways, and bridges, and was instrumental in attracting foreign investment to the state. N Chandrababu Naidu also introduced a number of reforms in the education and healthcare sectors and promoted the growth of the IT industry in Andhra Pradesh. For information on TDP Developments and Achievements of TDP visit TDPs official website.

After losing the 2004 state elections, N Chandrababu Naidu continued to play an active role in Indian politics. He served as a member of the Rajya Sabha, the upper house of the Indian Parliament, from 1998 to 2004 and again from 2016 to 2019. He was also a member of the National Democratic Alliance, a coalition of political parties that formed the government at the center from 1998 to 2004.

In 2014, N Chandrababu Naidu played a key role in forming a new state, Telangana, out of the former state of Andhra Pradesh. He supported the division of the state, which was opposed by many in Andhra Pradesh, in exchange for special status for the residual state. However, the special status promised to Andhra Pradesh was never granted by the central government, leading to widespread protests in the state. Look through TDP official website for Local News and for the TDP live updates.

Recent Developments:

In 2014, N Chandrababu Naidu returned to power in Andhra Pradesh as the Chief Minister after the bifurcation of the state. He continued his focus on development and modernization, initiating a number of infrastructure projects and attracting investment to the state. However, his tenure was also marked by controversy, including allegations of corruption and criticism of his handling of the state's finances.

In 2019, N Chandrababu Naidu's party, the Telugu Desam Party, suffered a major defeat in the state elections, losing power to the YSR Congress Party led by Y.S. Jaganmohan Reddy. N Chandrababu N Chandrababu Naidu subsequently resigned as the Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh and as the president of the Telugu Desam Party. 

Legacy:

N Chandrababu Naidu's legacy as a politician and leader is marked by his focus on development and modernization. He is credited with transforming Andhra Pradesh into a modern state with a thriving IT industry and world-class infrastructure. His efforts to promote the growth of the IT industry in India have also been widely recognized, and he has been honored with numerous awards for his contributions to the sector.

However, N Chandrababu Naidu's legacy has also been marred by controversies, including allegations of corruption and criticism of his handling of the state's finances. Despite these criticisms, he remains a prominent figure in Indian politics.

[gsscore]

Current Affairs for UPSC CSE 2023 – Sources & Preparation Strategy

The role of Current Affairs has been vital in competitive Examination like Banking, SSC, State PCS and various other Examinations. In UPSC CSE, the Current Affairs Plays important role in all stages of Examination whether it being Preliminary, Mains & Interview.

If someone has opted optional as Political Science, Public Administration then better Preparation of Current Affairs can help them in fetching better marks in optional as well.

Time Management & Time allocation for Current Affairs:

Daily Current Affairs:

It would be better if someone allocates some time exclusively for Current Affairs on a daily basis or Today’s Current Affairs. Now Question will come in Mind, how much time should I allocate for it?

Here is the Answer.

The time may vary from one student to other depending upon their reading skills, their optional subjects and some other factors.

If someone has opted optional like Pub Ad, Pol. Science then allocating 2 Hrs. on a daily basis for Current Affairs will not be a bad idea.

However, for Students who have opted Engineering Subjects, Mathematics etc. then they may allocate less than 2 Hrs.

So, one may Plan for Daily Current Affairs followed by weekly & monthly revision. Monthly revisions of the current Affairs can be done by Current Affairs Magazines.

Weekly Current Affairs

Any issue in News continues for 3-4 days for Example Prime Minister of India visiting any Foreign Country. All the major Memorandum of Understanding signed between the two countries that are of mutual interest and of national interest is important for IAS Exams. These important MOUs are not signed in a day. There is some Process, several rounds of meetings are held before signing such deals. So, if someone go through the weekly news then all these important events are covered

Sources for Current Affairs:

News Paper:

CSE Aspirants prefer to read HINDU , INDIAN EXPRESS in their early stage of Preparations  ( during Prelims & Mains ). However, for Interview they may read the above-mentioned News Paper or some other Newspaper lime Times of India or other general Newspaper.

Magazines:

Today there are a lot of IAS Coaching Institutes in Delhi which Provides Coaching for UPSC CSE. Majority of them have their own Current Affairs Magazine. Select any one Coaching Institute’s Magazines and consistently be specific to it. Someone has rightly said ‘Read one Book twice rather than two Books once.’ Magazines of Vision IAS, Vajiram, GS Score , Next IAS , Sriram IAS and others. Refer these Magazines and select any one which suits you. It is important to understand the Current Affairs issues and important News for Civil Services Examination. Perhaps Magazine of GS Score has Questions Pertaining to Prelims & mains as well in their Magazines. One may Practice it from Exam point of view.

Some other Sources that may help CSE Aspirants in strengthening their Preparation includes AIR News, SPOTLIGHT, Rajya Sabha TV and others.

[breakingnewsworld]

Party’s performance in the Uttar Pradesh Assembly poll next year will be key.

[creative-pens]

Biography of J. Jayalalithaa

Jayalalithaa Jayaram ( born 24 February 1948 ), commonly referred to as J. Jayalalitha, is the former Chief Minister and current leader of the opposition of the Government of Tamil Nadu, India. She is the incumbent General Secretary of All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam ( AIADMK ), a Dravidian party in the state.

J. Jayalalithaa is called Amma ( English : Mother ) by her supporters and Puratchi Thalaivi ( English : Revolutionary Leader ) by her followers. She was a popular film star in Tamil and Telugu cinema before entering politics.

J. Jayalalithaa EarlyLife

J. Jayalalithaa was born Komalavalli in Melukote in Pandavapura taluk of Mandya district, Karnataka,  in a Tamil Iyengar family, native of Srirangam, Trichy. She was initially educated at the Bishop Cotton Girls’ High School in Bangalore but later moved to Madras State ( now Tamil Nadu ) along with her mother Sandhya, who ventured as an actress into Tamil cinema.

J. Jayalalithaa was then schooled at Sacred Heart Matriculation School ( popularly known as Church Park Presentation Convent ) in Chennai ( then, Madras ). She excelled in academics and has claimed that she was offered a scholarship for higher studies from the Government of India but with guidance from her mother, young Jayalalitha moved into film industry.

J. Jayalalithaa started acting most of her well known hits when she was 15. She had an older brother, Jayakumar, who died in the early 90’s. He was married to Vijaya and has two children.

J. Jayalalithaa Film Career

Prior to her venture into politics, she had a successful career in the Tamil film industry as an actress. She acted in the English language movie Epistle released in 1961 and produced by Shankar Giri, son of former president of India Dr. V. V. Giri. Chinnada Gombe, her first film in Kannada, was a major hit.

J. Jayalalithaa first Telugu film Manushulu Mamathalu made her famous. In 1972, she was honored by the Tamil Nadu State Government with the Kalaimamani award. She has acted opposite Dharmendra in the Hindi Movie Izzat. Her last film was Nadhiyai Thedi Vandha Kadal in 1980.

J. Jayalalithaa Political Career

In 1981, she joined the AIADMK and was nominated to the Rajya Sabha in 1988, marking her entry into the Parliament of India. Her association with politics grew from her friendship with the Late M. G. Ramachandran ( popularly known as M.G.R ), a movie star and former Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu, and her position as MGR’s concubine helped her become his political heir.

On M.G.R’s death, she was alienated by a faction of the party who, instead, chose to support M.G.R’s wife, Janaki Ramachandran. Drawing on her massive popularity and her image as the “wronged woman”, in 1989, she won the elections to the Tamil Nadu legislative assembly, incidentally, becoming the first woman to be elected Leader of the Opposition.

In 1991, following the assassination of Rajiv Gandhi, just days before the elections, her alliance with the Indian National Congress paid off as a sympathy wave propelled the coalition to a massive victory.

J. Jayalalithaa was re – elected to the legislative assembly and became the first elected woman chief minister of Tamil Nadu, serving the full tenure ( 24 June 1991 – 12 May 1996 ) ( Janaki Ramachandran technically became the first woman chief minister following her husband’s death, but she was unelected and presided over a transitional ‘caretaker’ government ).

Due to an anti – incumbency wave, and several allegations of corruption and malfeasance against her and her ministers, she lost power to the D.M.K in 1996, in a landslide defeat. All the ministers in her erstwhile cabinet, including her, were defeated in the elections and six of them even lost their deposits, meaning that they did not even secure the minimum number of votes expected of them.

She returned to power with a huge majority in the 2001 elections, having mustered a bigger coalition and defying many pre – poll predictions. In the last assembly elections held in 2006, her party had to relinquish power to the DMK government. Read More on..

[laksh34]

Land identified for developing Film City, 100-seater Cinema halls in all districts soon: LG

Addressing the gathering after inaugurating the first multiplex cinema at Shivpora area of city, the LG said that cinema lovers are everywhere in Kashmir and cinemas have a great history in the Valley. “There used to be a time when people in large numbers would come to watch movies along with friends and families. Cinemas would provide them opportunities to think big and dream big besides entertaining them,” the LG said. He said Kashmiri people remained entertainment starved for the past three decades and today, the first multiplex will provide the people of Valley a chance to relax and entertain themselves. “In Pulwama and Shopian districts, two multi-purpose cinema halls are coming up shortly. We are planning to set up 100-seater Cinema halls in every district of J&K,” the LG said. He said Srinagar was a hub of entertainment once as the district had almost eight big Cinemas functional- Palladium, Regal, Sheeraz, Neelam, Khayam, Broadway, Naaz and Firdous. “Today, we are trying to bring back the lost era again. Today, the opening of the Cinema reflects the changing picture of J&K,” he added. He said in 1965, a Bollywood blockbuster of yesteryears, ‘Janwar’, starring famous Bollywood actor Shami Kapoor was screened at Broadway cinema. “Such was the love of Kapoor for Kashmir that he had asked his family members to perform his last rites in Dal lake,” the LG said. The LG said that August, 5, 2019 was a historic day when a massive decision was taken by the Indian Parliament. “The Government at Delhi is not trying to buy peace in J&K, but to establish it permanently,” he said. About the new film policy, the J&K LG said that a lot of movies were shot in Kashmir recently and more are in the pipeline. “Film city will also be set up soon as we are at it,” he said. “We will give a lot of incentives to young filmmakers under the new film policy so that local employment is generated.” The LG said that those who ruled J&K for years, used to fly outside J&K and even foreign countries for their own entertainment while all means of entertainment remained choked here. Congratulating the people, Vijay Dhar and INOX Group on the occasion, Sinha said that a major Socio-economic revolution is sweeping through J&K in the last 3 years and it is reflection of a new dawn of hope, dreams, confidence and aspirations of people. The LG observed that the opening of multipurpose Cinema Halls in Shopian, Pulwama and the first-ever Multiplex Cinema Hall in Srinagar today marks the revival of cinema culture in the Kashmir valley after three decades. “The new cinema halls and ongoing film shootings will renew the beautiful bond between Jammu Kashmir and the Indian Film Industry,” he added. “We are in talks with various stakeholders and have identified the land for developing Film City in the UT and the facility will come-up in the UT soon,” he announced. “Under the guidance of PM Narendra Modi we have accelerated the pace of implementation of numerous developmental initiatives. After August 2019, a new social order has been established in J&K which promotes inclusive development, social harmony and equitable access to resources for all citizens without any discrimination. J&K UT is today stronger and more self-confident than ever before,” the LG said. Subhash Chandra, former Member Parliament, Rajya Sabha and Chairman Essel Group, congratulated the J&K Government and everyone associated with the newly inaugurated multiplex on the occasion. He also lauded the UT Administration for the transformation taking place in Kashmir, through opening of cinema halls, which has a great legacy of film-making and a massive film loving population. Rajat Sharma, Editor-in-Chief and Chairman, India TV, said that the Cinema is the perfect medium to unite people. He appreciated the efforts of the Lt Governor and the UT administration for creating facilities to cater the needs of the Indian Film-Industry and reviving a new-era of cinema in Kashmir. Siddharth Jain, Executive Director, INOX Group, while speaking on the occasion, said that the launch of the new multiplex theatre in Kashmir will make the region be a part of country’s creative economy and contribute to strengthening the soft power of the country. “With ‘MYOUN INOX, MYOUN Cinema’, we are also looking to win the hearts of cinema lovers of Kashmir by offering them a world-class cinema-viewing experience, amalgamation of top-notch technology, great hospitality, best of cinema comforts, a blend of local designs, Dolby Atmos audio technology, latest 3D and projection technology and a professionally trained team. We are also looking forward to taking our artistic learning from Kashmir to the world,” he said. Vijay Dhar, Chairman DPS and owner of Broadway theatre expressed gratitude to the LG and the INOX group for bringing back the joy of movie-viewing in cinema halls to Kashmir. He also threw light on the golden era of cinema and film-shooting in Jammu Kashmir. To Know More Visit- dailyexcelsior

[classyfoxdestiny]

Has the first-past-the-post system polarised Indian politics?

Has the first-past-the-post system polarised Indian politics?

Politicising social divides and failings of the parliamentary system have led to this situation

India’s parliamentary democracy is going through a phase of intense confrontation between the dominant ruling party and a weakened but belligerent Opposition. Is this situation a consequence of the first-past-the-post (FPTP) system, where a party with the the highest votes gets the seat even if it doesn’t win a majority? Suhas Palshikar and E. Sridharan address this question in a discussion moderated by Srinivasan Ramani. Edited excerpts:

Prof. Palshikar, you had written recently about the emergence of a second dominant party system with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) becoming the central pole of Indian politics ever since it came to power at the Centre in 2014. Even if the BJP has now lost ground, with its vote share reducing in various State elections, it did retain its highest average cumulative vote share for election cycles. That said, what similarities and dissimilarities do you see with the hegemonic period of the Congress of the 1950s and ’60s?

Suhas Palshikar: The similarity is in the vote share numbers garnered by the dominant party and in its capacity to fragment the Opposition. In terms of numbers, a dominant party gets a disproportionately larger share in seats in legislatures compared to its vote share. The other similarity is in its ability to remain dominant by fragmenting the Opposition and so we see the recent discussions on Opposition unity.

  The dissimilarities are evident in the roots of the dominance and the journeys towards it. The Congress emerged as a dominant party as a result of its contribution to the freedom struggle; the roles that Gandhi, Jawaharlal Nehru and others played then. It converted that legitimacy into electoral dominance. The BJP emerged in 2014 as electorally dominant and has since been trying to establish its hegemony. That is why I have argued that its hegemony is still in the making while it has become dominant electorally.

Dr. Sridharan, the hegemony enjoyed by the Congress in the 1950s and ’60s gave way to trends in Indian politics such as federalisation and regionalisation. So, even if we had the FPTP system, there was a certain degree of diversification that allowed for newer forces to emerge organically. Since 2019, the fact that the BJP has garnered a disproportionate seat share relative to its vote share has revived the critique of the FPTP. Your view?

E. Sridharan: The BJP’s dominance in both 2014 and 2019 was based on a plurality of votes (31% and 37%) converting into a majority of seats and is similar to the Congress’s dominance from 1952 to 1984 which was also based on vote share pluralities converting to seat majorities (sometimes two-thirds to three-fourths majority). The FPTP system tends to magnify the seat share of the party with the largest vote share, while parties receiving a lower vote share tend to get a much lower seat share. There are exceptions such as the Karnataka Assembly elections of 2008 and the Madhya Pradesh elections of 2018 where the party which got a slightly higher vote share got a lower seat share.

The BJP is today not as hegemonic as the Congress of the past. Forty-two of the 303 seats that it won in 2019 were in three States — Maharashtra, Punjab and Bihar — and were at least partially due to vote transfer from allies; seat shares have not reached two-thirds majority; and the party’s spread across States is less than the Congress’s in its heyday.

Also read | What is Proportional Representation?

As for the FPTP system, I would like to introduce Duverger’s law to your readers. [Maurice] Duverger, a French political scientist, argued that the FPTP system tends to bring about a two-party system at the constituency level. In countries like India, this translated into the establishment of a two-party system at the State level which happened between 1967 and 1989. Post-1990, this produced three kinds of bipolarity: Congress versus BJP in a number of States, Congress versus the Left in three States, and Congress versus regional parties in other States. This was an outcome of Duverger’s law operating at the State level.

At the national level, 2014 marked the end of a 25-year period of a coalition/minority government. And post-2014, there was the emergence of a second dominant party system. I don’t think that FPTP necessarily produces polarisation. If you look at the proportional representation (PR) system in Europe and elsewhere, where seats are allocated roughly in accordance with the vote share, that also produces distinct polarisations. Look at the 1978 Sri Lankan Constitution which instituted the PR system. Since then, there has been ethnic polarisation despite the small parties getting seat shares higher than what they would have received in a FPTP system. Similarly in Israel, which also enjoys a thoroughgoing PR system, there is severe polarisation in ethnic, religious and political terms.

  The FPTP system can’t be blamed for polarisation. Polarisation is linked to the politicisation of certain social cleavages. These cleavages are sometimes dormant in society and can become active or can be activated through mobilisations. When certain social cleavages are activated, that is when they get magnified by the electoral system.

Prof. Palshikar, today there is little dialogue between the ruling party and the Opposition. What explains this stasis?

Suhas Palshikar: I agree with Dr. Sridharan that it is not FPTP that is creating polarisation. One of the general reasons for the adversarial relations between the ruling party and the Opposition is the failure in institutionalising the parliamentary system, which presupposes a certain negotiation, a spirit of give and take and continuous deliberation between the ruling party and the Opposition.

We have failed in generating an institutional pattern for this tendency. I would locate the beginning of this as the time around the Emergency period when the spirit of dialogue dissipated. Since then, the dialogue process has been up and down. If you come to the current moment, I think it is the distrust between the ruling party and the Opposition that has produced this stasis. The problem is not about the institutional mechanisms that we adopt; it is in the processes that we implement those mechanisms. Those process-related issues can be located in social and other cleavages and how they play out in competitive politics. It is the extreme competitive nature of our polity and the frustrations that come with the presence of a dominant party in the system besides the arrogance that stems from electoral dominance that leads to an inability to engage with the Opposition.

  E. Sridharan: The confrontational situation in Parliament and other legislatures has heightened in the last couple of years. This is due to the sharpening of the ideological level in politics, which reflects the cleavages in the society, and to the suspicion that the fundamentals of the system are being sought to be changed.

The ruling BJP is not a similar hegemonic force as the Congress in the sense that it had in its manifesto issues such as the Citizenship Amendment Bill and the abrogation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir. In a way, the BJP has an agenda that is beyond the constitutional consensus that guides the policies of most political parties in India. Is this a reason for the current state of affairs too?

Suhas Palshikar: Just to supplement what Prof. Sridharan said, we witness today a new phase that is marked by a confrontation that is not merely one of political contestation in the ordinary sense of the term. Here is a party that wants to change the entire system fundamentally and other parties are still not sure how to respond to that. They instinctively oppose it but at the same time they understand that the difference is in the approach of the dominant party, that they have to adapt/adjust to that stance so that they garner enough votes in the next election. This confusion among the non-BJP parties produces not just distrust but lack of clarity on what ideological positions they must take during the ideological onslaught or the offensive of the BJP. The BJP has now changed the terms of how the political contestation will be held ideologically, and the inability of the non-BJP parties to appreciate and respond to this and to produce an alternative narrative has led to a frustration that is reflected in their various responses to the BJP.

E. Sridharan: There is a perception that the ruling party is pushing against the constitutional consensus, which is fairly strong in our system. There are about three and a half layers of protection to the basic structure of our Constitution. The government needs a two-thirds majority in both Houses subject to the presence of at least 50% of the House in attendance. The government has a clear but not a two-thirds majority in the Lok Sabha. It doesn’t have a majority in the Rajya Sabha. In order to make constitutional amendments, it must get the support of smaller parties, which it has been able to get so far.

  Then, it has to go through judicial review — the courts have so far not pronounced on some of the controversial issues that have come up in the last few years.

Finally, for some articles on Centre-State relations, it has to pass them through half the State Assemblies.

There are ideological shifts going on and new social cleavages that have been activated that have changed the political landscape.

Can it be said that federal issues are emerging as the area of contestation with the BJP on the one side and regional parties on the other?

Suhas Palshikar: In principle, the flashpoint in the next five years or so could be the federal relations between the Centre and the States on fiscal or other administrative and political matters. The various State parties are still not sufficiently aware of this possibility and therefore they are busy buying peace with the ruling party at the Centre, rather than confronting it. I don’t see any direct flashpoint emerging politically between the State parties and the BJP immediately, though.

  Also, the ability of the BJP or any Central government in the last three decades to directly transfer resources to local bodies in the States bypassing the State government besides controlling the administrations of the States has weakened the State parties’ ability to take on the Central government. Objectively, they are not in a position to do so and subjectively, they are not sure how to pitch the fight. Therefore, we have a fascinating period where there is all the making of a federal flashpoint, but at the same time, the actual flashpoints may be somewhere else in reality.

Do you see a mixture of postures — negotiation, confrontation and adjustment by various regional parties vis-à-vis the Centre? The Biju Janata Dal (BJD), YSR Congress Party (YSRCP), Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) using one ploy, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) and the Trinamool Congress (TMC) using another, and so on?

Suhas Palshikar: I would use the word ‘acquiescence’ to describe how the BJD, YSRCP and the TRS’s relations are with the Centre.

To bring the discussion back to the electoral system, is a FPTP system with a preference rule system to go along with it a better form of voting than the FPTP system?

E. Sridharan: The Australian electoral system is fairly similar to what you talk about, where the first choice party with the plurality vote share will receive second/third choices of the voter in a process of elimination from the bottom, till it reaches the 50% threshold to be declared the winner. I think such an alternative system should be assessed in terms of the ease of its use for the voters. It would not be easy to operate in India. Second, as regards the provision that a party must get 50% of the votes through preference voting, this would actually make it easier for the leading candidate to bridge the gap between, say, 40% to 50% as compared to someone else who gets 25% and could possibly contribute to the same kind of magnified majoritarianism that FPTP does in its own institutional way. So, it may not be that different.

Suhas Palshikar: To put an extra burden on the voter in the act of voting is unfair and that is why this is not to my liking. Second, the 50% mark, as Prof. Sridharan pointed out, is artificially achieved.

  We need to go back to the drawing board on what is the real issue with FPTP, which is the disproportionate number of seats accrued by a party despite a lower vote share. However, if the political system is adequately competitive, that aspect of the FPTP system gets politically neutralised and parties tend to get a share of seats which is roughly commensurate to their vote share also.

The other issue with the FPTP is that the threshold is so high that newer parties cannot enter the fray. Therefore, I suggest that rather than the alternative you are talking about, one can talk about a system that will supplement FPTP — let’s say have 10% of the seats in the legislature which are included based on the parties’ vote shares. This will ensure an entry point for smaller/ newer parties and keep the political system more competitive.

The larger point is if we artificially try to make the political system fairer, the natural competitiveness gets distorted and that is why I would generally prefer FPTP, both on the grounds of voters’ convenience and a natural competitiveness being allowed in the system.

E. Sridharan: I think there is sufficient diversity at the societal level. There is the theory that in a socially diverse country, the party system will be diverse — it will not be limited to a two-party system. India seems to support the effective production of multiple parties at the national level even if the FPTP system limits the competition to a bipolar system in the States because these are a multiplicity of bipolarities (for example, BJP-Congress, BJP-regional party, etc.) and not the same bipolarity.

E. Sridharan is Academic Director and Chief Executive at the University of Pennsylvania Institute for the Advanced Study of India, and Editor-in-Chief of India Review; Suhas Palshikar taught political science at Savitribai Phule Pune University, Pune, and is chief editor of Studies in Indian Politics

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[bbcbreakingnews]

Protesting farmers brave rains ahead of talks with Centre: Top developments

NEW DELHI: As Delhi and surrounding areas experienced heavy rains since Saturday, the farmers protesting against the three central farm laws braved the inclement weather on Sunday to stay put at the national capital’s borders. While the seventh round of talks between the 41 farmers’ unions and the government is scheduled for Monday, the protestors have threatened to organise a tractor rally on Republic Day. Here are the top highlights of the day: 1. The farmers at Delhi borders had a difficult morning due to overnight rains which caused waterlogging tents, soaked firewood and blankets, and cold conditions. The continuous downpour led to waterlogging at agitation venues and waterproof tents did not help much, according to protesters. Farmer leader Abhimanyu Kohar, who is a member of the Sankyukt Kisan Morcha, said farmers have waterproof tents but they cannot protect them from biting cold and waterlogging. “The situation is very bad at protest sites due to rain which has caused waterlogging. There is so much cold after the rains, but the government is not able to see our misery,” he said. Gurwinder Singh, who is camping at the Singhu Border, said there is waterlogging at some places as civic facilities are not up to the mark but asserted that the weather will not dampen the spirit of farmers who have been protesting for over a month. “Despite facing several problems, we will not move from here until our demands are met,” he said. According to a MeT Department official, heavy rainfall was reported in areas across Delhi and minimum temperatures have increased due to clouding and easterly winds. 2. Hundreds of farmers from various regions of Maharashtra, joined by students and people from various walks of life left for Delhi from Nagpur to join cultivators who have been protesting at the borders of the national capital for over a month seeking the repeal of three agri laws, a Kisan Sabha leader said. He said widows of those farmers who had committed suicide over farm debt and related issues from east Maharashtra and Marathwada regions, have also joined this “Chalo Delhi” vehicle march. Earlier in the day, students, youngsters and people from various walks of life hailing from Kolhapur, Sangli, Satara, Nashik, Aurangabad, Ahmed Nagar and other districts gathered in Nagpur under the aegis of ‘Maharashtra Rajya Kisan Sabha’. They took out a march in the afternoon and a meeting was held at Sanvidhan chowk in evening. “These farmers and others have left for Delhi in 40-odd vehicles, including buses and four-wheelers,” Nagpur district secretary of Kisan Sabha, Arun Wankar, said. He said about 800 members of the Maharashtra Rajya Kisan Sabha are also going to Delhi to join the protesting farmers. “We want to support the farmers who are protesting in a peaceful manner against the three anti-farmer laws which were passed in a dictatorial manner by the Central government,” Wankar said. 3. The seventh round of talks between the farmers’ unions and the centre is scheduled for Monday. After the sixth round of formal negotiations on December 30, the government and farm unions reached some common ground to resolve protesting farmers’ concerns over rise in power tariff and penalties for stubble burning, but the two sides remained deadlocked over the main contentious issues of the repeal of three farm laws and a legal guarantee for minimum support price (MSP). Braving the cold, thousands of farmers, mainly from Punjab and Haryana, are protesting at various borders of the national capital for more than a month against these laws. The government has presented these laws as major agriculture sector reforms aimed at helping farmers and increasing their income, but the protesting unions fear that the new legislations will leave them at the mercy of big corporates by weakening the MSP and mandi systems. 4. In a scathing attack on the Centre over the farmers’ protests, congress interim president Sonia Gandhi said that for the first time since independence such an “arrogant” government had come to power that could not see the sufferings of ‘annadatas’, and demanded that the new farm laws be immediately withdrawn unconditionally. In a statement in Hindi, she said governments and their leaders who ignored public sentiments in a democracy could not govern for long and it is now quite clear that the protesting farmers would not bow in the face of the centre’s policy of “tire and pushover”. “There is still time, the Modi government should leave the arrogance of power and immediately withdraw the three black laws unconditionally to end the agitation of the farmers who are dying in the cold and rain. This is Rajdharma and a true tribute to the farmers who have lost their lives,” she said and added that the Modi government should remember that democracy meant protecting the interests of the people and the farmers-workers. “Along with the people of the country, I am also disturbed seeing the condition of the ‘annadatas’ who have been agitating for 39 days at the borders of Delhi in the bitter cold and rain in support of their demands,” Gandhi said. The Congress has been seeking the repeal of the three new farm laws, alleging that they would ruin farming and the farmers. Congress is also supporting the farmers’ agitation against the legislation. 5. Congress leader Rahul Gandhi compared the ongoing farmers’ protests against the three new central agriculture-related laws with the Champaran agitation during the British rule, and said every farmer-labourer part of the current movement is a ‘satyagrahi’ and they will take their rights back. “The country is going to face a Champaran-like tragedy. British were ‘company Bahadur’ back then and now Modi-friends are ‘company Bahadur’,” Gandhi alleged in a tweet in Hindi. “But, every farmer-labourer of the movement is a ‘satyagrahi’ who will take back their rights,” the former Congress chief said. The Champaran Satyagraha of 1917 was led by Mahatma Gandhi and is considered a historic event in India’s independence movement. It was a farmer’s uprising that took place in Champaran district of Bihar during the British colonial period when the farmers protested having to grow indigo with barely any payment for it.

source https://bbcbreakingnews.com/2021/01/03/protesting-farmers-brave-rains-ahead-of-talks-with-centre-top-developments/

[diaspora9ja]

Why India’s new Parliament building foretells a North-South tug-of-war

Welcome to The Political Repair by Rohan Venkataramakrishnan, a publication on Indian politics and coverage. To get it in your inbox each week, sign up here.

We don’t cost for this text, however if you need to assist us contemplate contributing to the Scroll Reporting Fund or, when you’re not in India, subscribing to Scroll+.

The Huge Story: Foundational problem

On December 10, Prime Minister Narendra Modi will lay the inspiration stone for a brand new Parliament constructing in Delhi.

It might sound odd for the Political Repair to give attention to what feels like a reasonably peculiar authorities photo-op on the identical week that Modi will face a Bharat Bandh, a nationwide strike, regardless of a number of rounds of talks with protesting farmer teams which have been demanding the repeal of agricultural legal guidelines handed two months in the past (see last Monday’s issue for more on this).

The protests – partially blockading the roads main into Delhi – have solely grown extra vital, as revealed by the federal government’s willingness to debate amendments to the regulation to handle the farmers’ considerations. The Indian Categorical studies that the federal government is even contemplating a special Parliament session to pass amendments, although the farmers have maintained their demand for a full repeal.

The federal government’s potential backtracking is harking back to its retreat from an try to change pro-business land acquisition legal guidelines in Modi’s first time period, a second broadly seen as a part of the federal government’s pivot in direction of a extra welfarist narrative that finally helped it win an enormous re-election in 2019.

Protesting farmers on the Delhi-Meerut freeway | Picture: Kamal Singh/PTI

It has but to decide to any modifications, however the truth that it’s even in talks with the farmer teams stands in stark distinction to the federal government’s perspective in direction of the protests towards the Citizenship Act amendments handed in 2019. A whole lot of hundreds took to the streets to protest the discriminatory regulation across the nation, solely to be deemed anti-national by the ruling Bharatiya Janata Social gathering, which unleashed police brutality towards protesters in lots of circumstances.

So why are we discussing the laying of a basis stone for a constructing as a substitute?

Due to what’s totally different concerning the new Parliament.

Go away apart questions of whether or not that is the best time for Modi’s amibitious and expensive Central Vista revamp, which goals to reconstruct the center of India’s authorities in New Delhi to mirror his time in energy. By no means thoughts additionally the allegations of impropriety in awarding the contract for a brand new Parliament to the Tata Group, which have been later withdrawn by a rival company home.

Full home

One key detail about the new building, as PTI reported: “Within the new constructing, the Lok Sabha chamber could have a seating capability for 888 members, whereas Rajya Sabha could have 384 seats for the higher home members…At current, Lok Sabha has a sanctioned power of 543 members and Rajya Sabha of 245.”

If the Lok Sabha solely has 543 members, why does its new chamber want 888 seats?

One reply, presumably, is the intention to permit the Lok Sabha to additionally host a full joint session, when members of each India’s higher and decrease homes of Parliament sit collectively. That is performed on particular events, both to mark a major date or within the case of an deal with by a visiting dignitary.

However joint sittings will also be known as when there’s a impasse by way of laws between the 2 homes, often permitting the get together or coalition with bigger assist within the Lok Sabha to cross a invoice – as has occurred on less than a handful of events prior to now.

The extra related cause for the Lok Sabha to have extra seats is just that there are more likely to be extra Lok Sabha members.

The Indian Structure permits a most of 552 Lok Sabha MPs. However the state-wise allocation of seats was speculated to be adjusted each 10 years based mostly on inhabitants modifications, in such a method that every Member of Parliament would characterize roughly an equal variety of folks, not counting Union Territories or notably small states.

That represented an issue notably within the Seventies, when inhabitants management was an official goal of the Indian authorities. If seats have been re-allocated as per the set system, states the place the inhabitants grew sooner could be rewarded with extra Lok Sabha MPs, whereas states that have been efficiently implementing the state coverage of inhabitants management would successfully be penalised and lose seats.

‘Malapportionment’

To handle this, the variety of seats was frozen in 1976, with the purpose of revisiting the matter after the 2001 census. In 2002, the delimitation train – the time period used for re-evaluating constituencies – was once more pushed off to 2026, now quick approaching, although it might need to attend till after the 2031 census.

From a democratic standpoint, that is problematic, because it implies that each Member of Parliament from Tamil Nadu represents on common 1.8 million residents, whereas an MP From Uttar Pradesh represents 3 million – successfully rising or lowering the worth of a vote relying on the place you reside.

Aspect be aware: Fascinatingly, Milan Vaishnav and Jamie Hintston discovered that regardless of 1.2 million fewer residents on common per constituency in Tamil Nadu than Uttar Pradesh, the variety of registered voters have been about the identical. Much more remarkably, extra voters truly voted per constituency in Tamil Nadu than Uttar Pradesh.

Nonetheless, from a political financial system standpoint, this postponement of the issue for 50 years can be difficult as a result of, each time the numbers are adjusted they may result in a exceptional shift in energy – which broadly breaks down on a North/South axis.

This desk, from an analysis by Vaishnav and Hintston in 2019 reveals you simply how a lot issues would change.

Primarily based on 2011 census numbers, “4 north Indian states (Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh) would collectively achieve 22 seats, whereas 4 southern states (Andhra Pradesh, Kerala, Telangana, and Tamil Nadu) would lose 17 seats”, the evaluation concluded. “Primarily based on our inhabitants projections, these developments will solely intensify as time goes on. In 2026, as an example, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh alone stand to realize 21 seats whereas Kerala and Tamil Nadu would forfeit as many as 16.”

As we noticed within the debate over how the 15th Finance Commission ought to distribute taxes, South Indian states will vigorously struggle efforts to undercut their political or financial energy just because their fertility charges got here down during the last 50 years.

On the similar time, even when it displays a failure of their governments on an official coverage goal, ought to residents in North Indian states be penalised, politically and economically, as a result of their inhabitants development remained excessive?

As an alternative of taking away seats from some states and giving them to others to resolve the issue, academically known as “malapportionment”, one of many proposed options has been to easily observe what was performed within the Nineteen Fifties and Nineteen Sixties and enhance the full variety of seats, giving extra to the states with bigger populations.

Fuller Home

This may nonetheless result in a significant change in energy throughout the Lok Sabha, since North Indian states could have many extra seats than earlier than, however a minimum of no state must lose representatives. It could want a Constitutional Modification, since there’s a 550-seat upper-limit in the intervening time, however that could be a better activity to realize than taking away seats from a state.

Vaishnav and Hintston put collectively a map of what this would possibly appear to be, taking projected inhabitants figures in 2026 as the idea:

The consequence: A Lok Sabha of 848 seats, not removed from the 888 that the brand new Parliament constructing is making house for.

Narendra Modi’s massive Parliamentary majorities have given him the inspiration to change the form of the Indian Union – as with the unilateral stripping of autonomy of Jammu and Kashmir in 2019, or the introduction of the Items and Providers Tax earlier than that – in ways in which earlier prime ministers have been unwilling or unable to.

However his centralising tendencies and tendency to bulldoze insurance policies, as we’ve got famous over and over again on this newsletter, will make states particularly within the South deeply suspicious of any effort to change their place throughout the Indian Union.

In fact, the 2026 modifications would come after the subsequent Parliamentary elections, but when something the BJP has made it clear how it’s keen to embark on tasks which are decades in the making. With the probability – as mirrored by the brand new Parliament constructing – that Modi and the BJP plan to finally observe by means of on the redistribution of seats and the understanding that the delimitation query can’t be delay eternally, it’s crucial {that a} public dialogue about how finest to resolve this matter start in earnerst.

Or else it might play out simply as demonetisation or Article 370 did, with a celebration with majority on the Centre taking a massively vital transfer with out session with both the Opposition or the general public at massive.

As economist Ajit Ranade has argued:

“We might want “equality” of constituencies, however financial improvement and demographic patterns don’t develop uniformly throughout the nation. Some states have achieved zero inhabitants development whereas others nonetheless have very excessive fertility charges. This sample too has a north-south dimension. It’s as if the financial centre of gravity is shifting south and the political centre of gravity is shifting north…

It’s not too early to start addressing the problem of delimitation on the nationwide stage… Simply because the nation took greater than 12 years to return to a consensus on “one nation one tax” (i.e. the roll-out of the items and companies tax), a nationwide consensus train needs to be began to kind out points a lot earlier than 2026.”

Learn additionally:

The delimitation query was one of many causes I wrote firstly of the yr that the the states vs Centre battle will dominate India over the next decade.

We’ve additionally mentioned problems with federalism, centralisation and extra on a number of Friday Q&As:

Flotsam and Jetsam

Is it time so that you can surrender on India? In a much-read essay, Bloomberg’s Andy Mukherjee admitted that he’s dropping hope within the nation due to a disturbing arbitrariness in governance, the return of the “defeatist slogan of self-reliance” and the inept authoritarianism underneath Modi. V Anantha Nageswaran, a member of the Prime Minister’s Financial Advisory Council, thought Mukherjee was wrong.

The ruling Telangana Rashtra Samithi gained 55 out of 149 wards within the Better Hyderabad Municipal Council elections, simply barely forward of the Bharatiya Janata Social gathering’s 48, and the All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen’s 44, a sign of the BJP’s intentions of becoming the principal opposition within the state.

West Bengal, Delhi and Jharkhand have chosen to not signal on to the Centre’s rental housing scheme geared toward bringing migrants back to the cities.

India summoned the Canadian Excessive Commissioner to complain after Prime Minister Justin Trudeau spoke in assist of the protesting farmers. The Exterior Affairs Ministry mentioned Trudeau’s “feedback have inspired gatherings of extremist activities in entrance of our Excessive Fee and Consulates in Canada”.

After years of dithering, Tamil actor Rajinikanth introduced that he would launch a brand new political get together in 2021, that will promise to convey “spiritual politics” to the state the place elections are due subsequent yr.

Pfizer has requested emergency authorisation to make use of its Covid-19 vaccine in India. In the meantime, the producers of Covaxin, an indigenous vaccine nonetheless present process trials, needed to make clear that Haryana Well being Minister Anil Vij – who examined constructive for the virus after publicly taking a take a look at dose – had only received the first of two doses, with immunity solely more likely to develop two weeks after each injections.

Can’t make this up

A 12-member group with no assist from the Indian Chess Federation gained India’s first-ever gold medal within the FIDE On-line Chess Olympiad, incomes praises and congratulations from throughout together with the Prime Minister.

When the medals truly arrived in India, although, the group was requested to pay customs obligation on them. Customs officers “had opened up the package deal and requested me what was inside, and what it was product of”, the group’s vice captain said. “I needed to give them an official doc on the chemical composition.”

The medals are right here! Thanks @FIDE_chess. On the way in which to dispatch them to the remainder of the group now.

It wasn’t simple getting it! It reached from Russia to India in three days, however took greater than per week to succeed in from Bangalore to India, and needed to pay customs obligation! pic.twitter.com/vVGAbFQ8N5

— Srinath Narayanan (@nsrinath69) December 2, 2020

Thanks for studying the Political Repair. We’ll be again on Friday with a Q&A and hyperlinks. Ship suggestions to rohan@scroll.in.

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from Diaspora9ja https://diaspora9ja.com/why-indias-new-parliament-building-foretells-a-north-south-tug-of-war/?utm_source=rss&utm_medium=rss&utm_campaign=why-indias-new-parliament-building-foretells-a-north-south-tug-of-war

[bigyack-com]

Madhya Pradesh floor test and what it means for Congress - india news

Madhya Pradesh chief minister Kamal Nath has said there is no need for trust vote as he enjoys a majority in the assembly after Governor Lalji Tandon on Monday issued a fresh deadline for a floor test.Tandon said he will consider chief minister Kamal Nath’s government to be in a minority if he failed to seek a trust vote by Tuesday.The new deadline came hours after Speaker NP Prajapati on Monday abruptly adjourned the assembly for the next 10 days citing health concerns over coronavirus. The assembly would reconvene on March 26, the day lawmakers in the state have to vote for the Rajya Sabha elections, Prajapati said.Bharatiya Janata Party leader Shivraj Singh Chouhan rushed to the Supreme Court along with nine other BJP legislators within minutes to petition the top court demanding an immediate floor test in Madhya Pradesh.The top court will hear the petition by BJP legislators on Tuesday. Here’s an explainer on a trust vote, floor test and no-confidence motion:What is a trust vote or floor test?A floor test is a constitutional mechanism used to determine if the incumbent government enjoys the support of the legislature.A confidence motion or a vote of confidence or a trust vote is sought by the government in power on the floor of the House.A trust vote or confidence motion has to be moved by an MLA or an MP, and the objective is to find out whether the chief minister has the ‘trust’ or ‘confidence’ of the House. If Kamal Nath wins the trust vote, he will continue to be the chief minister. In this case, there cannot be another trust vote for six more months. And if he loses, the ball goes to Governor Lalji Tandon’s court. The governor can invite the BJP to form the government. He can also choose to declare President’s rule, and the state will go to elections in six months. How does it take place?The voting takes place in the Legislative Assembly or the Lok Sabha at the central level.The chief minister has to prove they have the magic number—the total number of seats required to form a government or stay in power. It is the half-way mark, plus one. In case of a tie, the speaker casts the deciding vote.However, at times, a government’s majority can be questioned and the governor can ask the chief minister to prove his majority in the House. The leader of the party claiming the majority has to move a vote of confidence.In the absence of a clear majority, when there is more than one individual staking claim to form the government, the governor may call for a special session to see who has the majority to form the government.The voting process can happen orally, with electronic gadgets or a ballot process.In his letter to the chief minister ordering a trust vote last Saturday, the governor had directed that the division of votes during the floor test be conducted only by pressing the button or through the electronic voting system and by no other way.However, Tandon issued new directives on Sunday after a delegation of BJP leaders urged him to direct the speaker to conduct the floor test by raising of hands. They claimed that the electronic voting system is not in place in the assembly.Tandon issued new directives in his letter on Sunday, saying the voting during the trust vote should be taken up only through the raising of hands and that no other method should be adopted.Some legislators may be absent or choose not to vote and, in that case, the numbers are considered only on the basis of the MLAs were present to vote.If some MLAs remain absent or abstain from voting, the majority is counted on the basis of those present and voting. This effectively reduces the strength of the House and in turn, brings down the majority-mark.NumbersThe state plunged into a political crisis after Jyotiraditya Scindia, a senior Congress leader, resigned from the party last week to join the BJP. Scindia’s decision to leave the Congress was followed by the resignation of 22 party MLAs loyal to him.Madhya Pradesh Governor Lalji Tandon directed Kamal Nath to seek trust vote after the 22 legislators of the Congress party submitted their resignations last week. The BJP claims the Congress, which had 114 MLAs in the House with an effective strength of 228, has been reduced to a minority government following the resignation of 22 of its legislators.The opposition party has 107 legislators. There are two MLAs from the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), one from the Samajwadi Party (SP), and four Independents who support the Kamal Nath government.Speaker NP Prajapati had accepted the resignations of six ministers on Saturday. With this, the strength of the House has come down to 222 and the majority mark is now 112. The resignations of 16 other MLAs have not been accepted so far. Read the full article

[prithvirajkothari-blog1]

Here's how to check the purity of your gold jewellery

Majority of the gold that we buy in the form of jewellery is not certified for purity Gold jewellery has to be hallmarked to certify its purity, but how often do we take care of such details?

It's not uncommon to find people who realize their gold ornaments are not pure only when they go to sell them. The fact notwithstanding that Indians are the second biggest consumers of gold in the world, majority of the gold that we buy in the form of jewellery is not certified for purity. Gold jewellery has to be hallmarked to certify its purity, but how often do we take care of such details?

Well soon enough it may become the norm as the government is planning to make hallmarking of gold jewellery and artefacts compulsory from early next year. The government will issue a notification with regards to hallmarking of gold jewellery and artefacts on 15th January 2020, said Danve Raosaheb Dadarao, Minister of State for Consumer Affairs, Food and Public Distribution in a written reply in Rajya Sabha on 6th December.

“This move will benefit the consumers as hallmarking of jewellery will bring in transparency and bring in trust factor among the consumers as they can now be assured that the gold jewellery they are buying is certified for purity," siad Prithviraj Kothari, national president, India Bullion and Jeweller Association. Currently hallmarking of jewellery is voluntary and a very small percentage of jewellers sell hallmarked jewellery.

“Transparency is not there. A fair amount of impurities are being sold to the consumers right now. This move is in the right direction and was much needed," said Sandeep Kulhalli, senior vice president, retail and marketing, jewellery division, Titan Company Limited. According to Kothari, there are over three lakh jewellers and only around 30,000 are registered with the Bureau of Indian Standards. Bureau of Indian Standards (BIS) is the accreditation agency in India which certifies the assaying and hallmarking centers.

A jeweller needs to obtain a licence from BIS and after that it can get the jewellery hallmarked through any of the BIS recognised assaying and hallmarking centers. As on 31 Oct 2019, 877 assaying and hallmarking centres have been recognized by BIS.

How to check if your gold jewellery is pure

Many jewellers sell hallmarked jewellery. If you are holding a jewellery or planning to buy you can check beforehand if your jewellery is hallmark certified or not. Here's how.

First you need to understand that the purity of the yellow metal is measured in caratage. The gold in the purest form is of 24 carat, but it's not possible to make jewellery as 24 carat gold is too soft. Typically, jewellery is made from a gold whose purity ranges between 14K and 22K. Hallmarking of jewellery is done in three categories- 14k, 18k and 22K.

In percentage terms, 14k would mean 58.5 % purity (denoted by 585 ), 18k would mean 75% purity (denoted by 750) and 22k would mean 91.6% (denoted by 916) purity.

While buying a hallmarked jewellery, you need to look at four things-- BIS logo (a triangle), purity of gold (916 for 22carat gold), assaying or hallmarking center’s mark, and jeweller’s identification mark. This will usually be engraved in the ornament.

Hallmark is important to be assured of the purity and it's likely to become mandatory once the government comes up with a notification. So make it a habit to look for hallmark, after all you are buying some very expensive item that someday may become the family heirloom.

Credit: https://www.livemint.com/money/personal-finance/here-s-how-to-check-the-purity-of-your-gold-jewellery-11576034644400.html

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Shiv Sena says next Maharashtra CM will be from party, rules out NCP role

Shiv Sena leader Sanjay Raut on Tuesday said Maharashtra's next chief minister will be from his party, as the deadlock to form a new government in state continued after election results on October 28.

"The politics of Maharashtra is changing...in our fight for justice, we will win," said Raut, who is also a member of the Rajya Sabha.

"The decision on Maharashtra will be taken in Maharashtra, the chief minister will be from the Shiv Sena," Raut said in Mumbai, ruling out a role for Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) leader Sharad Pawar.

The Bharatiya Janata Party won 105 seats, its ally Shiv Sena 56, the NCP 54, and Congress 44 in the elections. The Shiv Sena has been demanding the chief minister’s post after elections gave the saffron alliance a combined seat strength of 161, way past the 145 majority mark in the 288-member House. Read More

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