#Jobs in railway new delhi 2018
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satloading933 · 3 years ago
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Badhaai Ho Watch
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2 hr 3 min 2018 Comedy Hindi. The unexpected 'good news' of his parents being pregnant, turns into an embarrassment for.
Enjoy the videos and music you love, upload original content, and share it all with friends, family, and the world on YouTube. Badhaai Ho Badhaai. Watch the full movie, online. 4 / 5 stars 42%. 2002 180 min NR (Not Rated) Drama Feature Film SD. 4 / 5 stars 42%. 2002 180 min NR (Not. Download Badhaai Ho 2018 Hindi. Badhaai Ho is a 2018 Bollywood happening to the-age parody dramatization, helmed by Amit Ravindernath Sharma. Best FHD Download Badhaai Ho Complete. The celebrities Ayushmann Khurrana, Sanya Malhotra, Gajraj Rao, and Neena Gupta in lead jobs. The film portrays the tale of a youngster named Nakul Kaushik, who. Watch Badhaai Ho Movie WEB-DL This is a file losslessly rippedfrom astreaming serBadhaai Ho, such as Netflix, Amazon Video, Hulu, Crunchyroll,DiscoveryGO, BBC iPlayer, etc. This is also a movie.
IMDB Rating: 8.2/10 Directed: Amit Ravindernath Sharma Released Date: 19 October 2018 Types: Comedy ,Drama Film Stars: Ayushmann Khurrana, Sanya Malhotra, Neena Gupta Movie Quality: 720p HDRip File Size: 930MB
Plot: A man faces embarrassment in the society when he finds out his mother is pregnant
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Badhaai Ho full movie, online
yubraj says:
December 16th, 2018 at 3:27 am (#)
i love this site very much but now day i cant find most of upload with eng sub like stree ,blood steel , first man etc n badhai ho also i want choose anoother site so plese upload with all with eng sub
Subhajit says:
December 16th, 2018 at 6:14 am (#)
Please add 720p hevc…thanks
Tulsidaas Khan says:
December 16th, 2018 at 7:27 am (#)
Please upload “Heart attack 3 (Lucky)”
Kk says:
December 16th, 2018 at 10:50 am (#)
Txs a lot
RITIK jain says:
December 24th, 2018 at 4:50 pm (#)
Nice movie
Pratik Kadam says:
December 24th, 2018 at 7:33 pm (#)
Plz send the link
Vishal kumar says:
January 2nd, 2019 at 3:42 am (#)
Movie link chahiye
 You may also like
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Badhaai Ho Watch Online Einthusan
Synopsis
A middle income Railway Ticket Collector lives in New Delhi with his spouse, two grown up children and his mother. News breaks out that his wife is pregnant which comes like a shock to the entire family. To top it they also have to deal with social embarrassment – friends, relatives, neighbors, everyone’s gaze is now turned towards the Kaushik household. It is the elder son, Nakul, in particular wasn’t really looking forward to this new addition to the family. What follows is a phase of resentment and emotional confusion for Nakul as he also goes through ups-and-downs in his relationship with his upper-class girlfriend, Renee. Torn between public embarrassment and love for his family, especially his mother, Nakul tries to come to terms with the idea of his parents’ active sex life and the idea of family itself.
IMDb Rating8.2 7,017 votes
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DownloadQualityLanguageSizeClicksAddedUserDownload1080Hindi1.72 GB2922 yearsSkyNet
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deepakverma123 · 4 years ago
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Indian Sportsman Bajrang Punia
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Born in Haryana, Bajrang Punia is a freestyle wrestler from India. This 20-year old promising Indian sports person started wrestling at the age of seven. Punia was trained at the regional center of Sports Authority of India (SAI) located in Sonepat. He participates in the 65 kg wrestling category and is the winner of three medals at the World Wrestling Championship.  Bajrang's first international victory was in 2013 when he won the bronze at the Asian Wrestling Championship after which he won many medals at the Commonwealth Games, the Asian Games, and several other tournaments.
Childhood Days
Hailing from a small village in the Jhajjar district of Haryana, Punia was encouraged by his father to venture into the avenue of sports. Not having enough money to receive training in sports like cricket or tennis, he started to take part in free sports like wrestling and Kabaddi. Initially having the hope of playing Kabaddi for Haryana Punia eventually became more adept at the game of wrestling.
A professional Indian Wrestler, Bajrang's father, Balvant Singh Punia, began his son's training at a local mud wrestling school. Soon his family shifted to Sonepat so that he could receive better training at SAI. From his early childhood days, Punia would follow the moves and techniques of famous wrestlers and work on his strength and agility. Growing up in a poor family, these wrestling stalwarts were his superheroes, his only inspirations.
Punia was greatly inspired by the famous Indian sports personality, Yogeshwar Dutt, who is an Olympic medalist in wrestling. His path to glory began on a prosperous note as he won the bronze in 2013 at the World Championship, Budapest. He continued to win yet another bronze at the Asian Championship 2013, and a silver at the Glasgow Commonwealth Games, 2014. In 2015, Punia was honored with the Arjuna Award for his contribution to the game of wrestling. Currently, this young sports talent also works for the Indian Railway to provide support to his family.
In the Spotlight
Inspired by Yogeshwar Dutt who later became one of his mentors, Bajrang Punia has laid a flourishing career in wrestling. In the 2013 Asian Wrestling championships held in New Delhi, Punia represented India for the first time. Even though he lost the game, in the same year the freestyle wrestler bagged the bronze at the World Wrestling Championships.
In the next year, Bajrang's unmatched skills and technique in the game fetched him the Silver medal at the Glasgow Commonwealth Games, 2014. Punia's career in sports has seen an upward rise ever since as he kept winning medals for the nation. Punia next won a Gold medal at the 2016 Commonwealth Championship in Singapore.
In the 2017 India Asian Wrestling Championship held in New Delhi, this famous Indian sportsperson won the gold medal earning accolades for himself. The next year, in the 2018 Commonwealth Games held in Gold Coast, Australia he won the gold medal by competing in the under 65kg freestyle wrestling category. 2018 won him yet another gold at the Asian Games, where he defeated Takatani Daichi.
Success Story
Not being born in a prosperous family, Bajrang's climb to success was filled with hardships indeed. However, he always had the strength and support of his family to walk on the path of his ambitions. Bajrang Punia with his flourishing accomplishments has become the role model for youngsters in the nation. Not only does he have to devote long hours to the practice of his game, but Punia also dutifully does his job at the Indian Railway.
After winning the bronze in 2013, Punia has put in even more dedication to his practice, determined to win all the other tournaments that he eventually took part in, and performed incredibly too. Throughout his victories and achievements, Punia is known to have been a humble man and has always strived towards improvement, an inherent trait of every true winner.
In the Pro Wrestling League that was spread across six cities, Bajrang fetched at Rs. 29.5 lakh, and the wrestler was picked by the JSW owned Bangalore franchise. On 18th January 2020, Bajrang emerged victorious over Jordan Oliver in the 65kg freestyle category of the Rome Ranking Series and became one of the great contemporary sports personalities of India, in the game of wrestling.
The Future
In 2019 Bajrang once again won a bronze at the World Championships, for a second time. This led to his much-deserved selection for the Tokyo Olympics, 2020 in the 65kg freestyle wrestling event. But as circumstances continue to pose threat because of the COVID 19 pandemic, we are yet to witness Punia's feat in the event. The sports icon has also donated his six month's salary to Haryana's COVID relief fund.
However, Punia is in constant touch with his Georgian coach, who instructs him online. Thus this famous sports personality of India is keeping himself physically and psychologically fit to pick up where he left off, once the game commences for him.
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jaisaisachingawade · 4 years ago
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Info of King of masala..MDH
Mahashay Dharampal Gulati, the chairman and subject of many of MDH's marketing campaigns, died on Thursday at 97, from a cardiac arrest.Photo courtesy: MDHIndia’s spice king is no more.Mahashay Dharampal Gulati, the nonagenarian chairman of spice maker MDH Spices, who for long enthralled millions of Indians with his rather unique marketing campaigns, and even became the subject of many memes, passed away after a cardiac arrest on Thursday. He was 97. Gulati, often sporting a turban, hook moustache and spectacles, had been the group’s brand ambassador, appearing on every pack of masala sold by the company, and on television commercials for long. His smiling face, perhaps was also key in giving millions of Indians a much-needed assurance to buy the company’s range of products, making it the country’s second biggest company in the packaged spice market, after the Everest Group.Today, MDH sells through some 1,000 stockists and over four lakh retailers across the world.“He was three things rolled into one: Brand mascot, brand icon and brand ambassador,” says Harish Bijoor, who runs his eponymous brand consulting firm. “An icon who led from the front through every age. He stepped into the shoes of being a brand ambassador in an era when the phrase was yet to be coined and minted.”MDH, short for Mahashian Di Hatti, offers 62 different spice products, ranging from turmeric powder to black pepper and biryani masalas, according to the company, and exports to countries, including the US, Canada, the UK, and regions like Europe among others. In 2017, with Rs21 crore as salary, he was also the country’s highest-paid CEO in the FMCG sector.“He ended up being one of the most endearing and likeable brand ambassadors,” Jagdeep Kapoor, founder of Samsika Marketing Consultants says. “What worked for him? His ethnic wear, welcoming smile, family feeling and serving style as an excellent host. His face spiced up the life of the joint Indian families then, and later on lingered when the concept of nuclear families started gaining steam. He worked on one priceless insight about the Indian tradition: Grandfatherly figures are respected and loved by seniors, adults and children. This helped build the MDH brand strongly, and turned out to be a unique differentiator among other competing brands. One keeps remembering his face every time you see the ad and feel like saying MDH, MDH.”But long before he became an icon, particularly in kitchens across the world, Gulati was also a victim of the bloodied Partition in 1947.
From Pakistan to IndiaGulati was born in 1923 in Sialkot, then part of undivided India.His father, Mahashay Chunnilal, ran a small spice shop in the city, named Mahashian Di Hatti, popularly known as Deggi Mirch Wale. By 1933, aged 10, Gulati dropped out of school to try his luck in business that included selling mirrors, manufacturing soaps, and doing odd jobs, including carpentry, cloth merchant, hardware business and rice trading before finally deciding to join his father’s business.“I expanded the business to Lahore,” Gulati says in the book, Divided by Partition: United by Resilience, written by Mallika Ahluwalia and published by Rupa publications. “From Lahore, we expanded to Sheikhupura and after that to Nankana Sahib, then to Lyallpur and then till Multan.” Over time, business grew rapidly with the Gulatis clocking between Rs 500 and Rs 800 per day.By 1947, as business thrived, India was to be divided and the family had to leave Sialkot to take refuge in India. With Rs1,500 in his pocket, the 24-year-old Gulati landed in Delhi, despite numerous hardship along the way, that even included his uncle being hit by a truck as the family slept near railway tracks in Amritsar. In Delhi, Gulati joined his sister, whose husband was a government employee and registered himself as a refugee before moving into an abandoned house.  Soon enough, he bought a Tonga, a horse-driven carriage for Rs650 and drove it from New Delhi Railway Station to Qutab Road and Karol Bagh for two annas.“I was wondering what I should do… One day, while roaming around, I reached Chandni Chowk. People were selling tangas (horse carriages) there,” Gulati told Rupa publication. “I asked them how much they were selling for. I bargained a little bit and finally got a tanga for Rs 650. I used to wait near the railway station and say “two annas sawari, two annas”. I would observe the other tangawallahs and then shout out neighbourhood names, like “Karol Bagh, two annas, Karol Bagh, two annas”.But, Gulati wanted more.With his reserves, Gulati bought a small wooden shop in the Karol Bagh area of New Delhi in 1948 to restart his family’s business, and set up Mahashian Di Hatti of Sialkot.He also put out an advertisement in the popular Hindi newspaper, Pratap, which helped rake in customers.By 1953, he also set up another shop in the Chandni Chowk area of New Delhi, before deciding to start large-scale manufacturing in 1959.“Several decades ago housewives used to grind their spices manually at home and made their own blends for use in their cooking,” the company said in its annual report for 2018. “To make this process easier to the housewives, Mahashian Di Hatti (MDH) visualized the concept of ready to use ground spices. It has set up state-of-the-art plants for meeting the ever growing demand. The company procures the raw material directly from the centres of produce to maintain uniform taste and quality. The raw material is first cleaned, dried and tested with the help of special machines.”MDH was formally incorporated in 1965. “With his vision, perseverance and devoted honesty in business, Mahashayji led the venture to the heights, which have inspired others to follow,” a profile of Gulati reads on his company’s website. “Very few people know the success and hard work of Mahashayji behind the success of the super brand MDH. Mahashayji doesn’t have any secret formula behind his grand success. He just follows a traditionally established principle of honouring the commitments and serving his customers through pure and quality products.”  Today, the company has 18 manufacturing facilities, the first of which was set up in 1959 in Kirti Nagar, an area known for its furniture market. In 2018, for which the company has filed its returns with India’s ministry of corporate affairs, the company’s revenue’s stood at Rs 1095 crore, as against Rs 978 crore in the year ago period. Profits meanwhile, stood at Rs 315 crore, compared to Rs 247 crore in the year ago period.“Now cement is a brand, so is wire, and switches and whatever you can think of,” says Ashita Aggarwal, marketing professor at SP Jain Institute of Management and Research. “But decades back, who would have thought of making a brand out of masala? He did it. He was one of the first to realise the importance of a brand. People buy commodities but they love brands. People shift commodities but they stick to loved brands. One doesn’t need to have a marketing degree to come up with such insight. The MDH man had the foresight as well as audacity to think way ahead of times.”   Meanwhile, despite being a school dropout, Gulati set up some 20 schools, including the MDH International School, Mahashay Chunnilal Saraswati Shishu Mandir, Mata Leela Wati Kanya Vidhayala, Mahashay Dharmpal Vidhya Mandir and a 200-bed hospital that treats the poor for free. Last year, the government bestowed upon him, India’s third highest civilian award, the Padma Bhushan.“Dharampal Gulatiji represented an idea,” adds Bijoor. “An idea whose time had come well before brand-ambassadorship as an idea in itself was recognised. In many ways he was the brand himself. The category of spices was a commodity in itself and the company actually made a commodity and packaged it for the masses. Gulatiji recognised there was something missing, and he added the brand zing with his persona. Gulatiji in many ways was the brand masala in the generic commodity. A man much before his time for sure.”Today, Gulati’s son and six daughters look after his empire, worth some Rs 2,000 crore.  “We ourselves are responsible for our victory or defeat, so rather than blaming fate, we should focus on cultivating our strengths and reducing our weaknesses so that this God-given mind and body can be put to full use, so that we know that all our talents and energies are doing some good in the world,” Gulati wrote his in autobiography.Clearly, he lived his life to the fullest.(With inputs from Rajiv Singh)
https://youtu.be/yg_Xq8utLIc
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roshniraturi-blog · 7 years ago
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tathakatha-blog · 5 years ago
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Titans Of Time
Dreams, happiness, sorrow, laughter, failures and tears - just a few words and yet they make up my entire world. Is it true for you too? well, that is for you to consider and consider you will...once you read about my recent experience with 2 ‘real’ characters. So, why wait? Let me start!
Less than a week ago, while driving to office, with my wife sitting beside me she told me about a person who works in her office (let’s call him Character 1).
Character 1 background: came from the east Indian state of Bengal. His father saw him through his high school education and then there was no more money to support character 1′s further study. Character 1 meanwhile was keen to pick-up some more pearls of wisdom at collage. But again, life always has other plans, no?
So, Character 1 found himself standing in the haze of New Delhi railway station just about a year ago i.e. in 2018. National Capital Region (of India), just like any other MEGA CITY of this wide world, holds testimony to many dreams and an unexhaustive list of emotions that any one of us will ever experience over a lifetime. 
Character 1 (through his father’s acquaintances in NCR), soon entered a Gurugram based office. He was responsible to serve brewages and carry office papers all around the private firm housed on 4th floor of a huge multistoried building. He was glad to find a place for himself at the heart of this mega city.
My wife spoke highly about Character 1. According to her, he knew his job and was always cheerful. His confidence reflected that he was a man with a plan.
Character 1 was moving around in the office, making new acquaintances while serving the perfect tea (and for my wife he used to get the occasional coffee). 
Last Monday Character 1 was seen entering the office with a square box. With twinkling eyes he unveiled the newly earned possession - a Dell Laptop! The young chap had paid close to 60,000 Rupees (835 USD) for the device. 
Character 1 dreams to learn web designing. A kind soul at the firm agreed to teach him for free. Character 1 has taken a risky gambit. But you know what, I have this very strong hunch that he is on the right track to make a life and of course a respectable living. Character 1 is my first Titan of Time.
Ok. Its time that I quickly introduce Character 2. A young security guard at the gated community where I live. The other day, I heard him speak over his mobile phone. He was sharing his long cherished dream of owning an iPhone. He was enquiring about the cheapest model of the iconic Apple iPhone.
Well, nothing wrong in having dreams, right? But I have a problem with this one particular dream. Character 2 is almost always busy talking away on his phone. He does take note of the visitors, simply by putting an entry on his register. Meanwhile, I have never seen him coming ahead to assist any elderly resident. I think he is stuck within the boundaries of his ‘duty’ as a security guard. More importantly, he is limited by his disposition and has accepted his place or position in life. 
Character 2 is my second Titan of Time. Like Character 1 he too has dreams and I am sure he will make his dream come true. But can you tell me if he is on the right track to make a life and a respectable living?
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Best Franchises to invest in 2021
We all know how COVID 19 has created a job crisis in the country and impacted our health and economy as well. Let's not sugar coat and let's accept the fact that covid-19 has disturbed all businesses  as whole. Many became jobless because maximum companies reduced their workforce and many startups failed due to lack of support. In pandemics there is less demand and supply which resulted in failure of many business ideas because COVID 19 came out of syllabus. No one was prepared for this pandemic and the result we all have seen.
COVID 19 has affected the franchise industry as well and there is no doubt in it. The experts predicted good  growth rate of franchise business in 2019 and 2020.International franchise Association in Feb 2020 also predicted that there will be decent growth in franchise business and it will create more job opportunities .But suddenly COVID 19 came and it altered the prediction. Some franchise models were about to close like preschools, saloon. food outlets, Retail shops.
Now when it comes to setting up a new business ,options are many but they come with their own risks and one such way of starting a new business with lowest risk and highest returns is franchise business. Today there are a lot of good Franchise opportunities in India. Let's go through some of them.
Top three sectors where you must invest in this pandemic:
Edtech sector
Generic Pharmacy sector
Delivery and logistics sector
Edtech sector : While some sectors  were fighting for survival in pandemic ,Edtech was growing in pandemic .In Fact edtech collected around 2 Billion funding in pandemic, average CAGR is around 64% and supported by 10 million users  and it is expected to be around 30 billion in  market size by 2030. Due to the increase in cases of Covid in India, the government imposed a lockdown as a result all colleges, coaching's and schools were closed and it contributed to the growth of online learning. The future of Edtech looks bright because people  are adapting to the change .
Top franchise opportunities under Edtech sector:
1.Virohan : It is one of the largest and fastest growing edtech health care organizations .It provides progressive career in the health care sector. The company aims to create India’s largest healthcare training company. In healthcare sector there is demand of 65 lakh skilled workers but currently there are only 4.5 lakh skilled workers ,so company is trying to maintain equilibrium by training youths
Courses it offers :
MLT
OTT
HA
Radiology etc.
Why is Virohan the best franchise opportunity ?
Presence of 60+ centers in more than 5 states
Tie Ups with Wipro Gen Elc, Siemens and IMA
Placement network of 650 hospitals and diagnostics centers.
Low Investment and a recession proof business
High ROI
Exclusive partnerships with major healthcare sector influencers
Training and support.
Investment -
2.upGrad : It is an online education platform providing industry related programs. The programs are designed and delivered in collaboration with world class faculty and industry .
Courses it offers:
BBA,MBA
Data science
Business Analytics
Machine learning
Software and technology etc
Why is upGrad the best franchise opportunity ?
Brand recognition
Investment - Rs 50,000 to 2 Lakh
Attractive earning
Proven Business model
Extensive support
Brand Leverage
3.Adda247 : It is an online learning platform for aspiring students. It helps students in preparation for govt jobs .
Courses it offers:
Banking
SSC
Railways
Why is Adda247  the best franchise opportunity ?
300+ coaching centres
Brand recognition
Training and support
Investment - Rs 50,000-1 lakh
Tested business model
Delivery and logistics sector -There is no doubt that this pandemic has disturbed the various industries in India .But we all know every recession comes with an opportunity. Here also same thing happened .In pandemic almost every business changed their business model. India imposed lockdown to reduce the crowd in medical shops,malls ,shops and restaurants. And this lockdown  boosted the demand of  courier,logistics and delivery franchise in India. The Indian courier market is growing with the growth rate of 25% and it is creating a new opportunity for entrepreneurs and other peoples.
Top franchise opportunities under delivery and logistic sector :
1.Amazon delivery service partner/Amazon courier franchise: When it comes to start a courier or delivery franchise there is no doubt Amazon is the first choice of every investor. The name recognition of amazon is so high that everyone wants to join with that name. The investment required for taking this franchise is around 2 lakh to 6 lakh. And set up cost is also less in this franchise.
What makes Amazon an ideal courier and delivery franchise opportunity?
No extra expenses required in Amazon’s franchise model.
It has the best franchise model.
Innovative technical support from Amazon.
Brand recognition.
Amazon is the largest e-commerce company in India and has expanded all over India which means you are going to get lots of delivery opportunities.
2.Ekart Logistic Franchise : Flipkart pvt. ltd is one of India's largest e-commerce companies launched Ekart logistic in 2009 and soon Ekart made its own identity in the market as the premium courier and logistic company.
What makes Ekart an ideal courier and logistics franchise opportunity?
It has more than 4000 serviceable pin codes in India.
Support of Flipkart is enough for its growth.
Expanded almost all over India
Most demanded courier and logistic franchise business after Amazon
Investment is around Rs 50000- Rs 1lakh
3. Delhivery: This company was started in 2011 and became a leading supply chain services company .The company is growing very fast and marked its presence in 2300 cities in India. Recently the company launched 3 mega trucking terminals in Delhi, Mumbai, and Bengaluru.
What makes Delivery an ideal courier and logistic opportunity?
It has tie ups with Flipkart, Amazon and Volvo.
Over 7500 businesses have already partnered with Delivery.
Low investment required for its franchise model.( Rs 50,000- 2 lakh )
Generic pharmacy sector : We all know India is the largest producer of generic medicine .The best part about generic medicine is that it breaks the affordability barrier and easily is affordable and this is the reason many doctors suggest generic medicine in India. You will be surprised to know that generic drugs contribute 71% market share in pharmaceutical industry. Strong drug manufacturing and strong domestic demand are the growth drivers. One can open either a store or start an online pharmacy franchise.
Top franchise opportunities under generic pharmacy sector :
1.Genmart Generic Pvt Ltd : It is one of the fastest growing pharmacies for healthcare and wellness  requirements. The company was started in 2018 and started franchising from 2019.It has around 8+ franchise unit .The investment required is around 20 lakhs and royalty fees is around Rs 5 lakh
Why Genmart Generic Pvt Ltd as a pharmacy franchise opportunity?
8+ franchise unit
Low investment
Name recognition
Training and support
2.Generic Adhar : It is one of the fastest growing generic pharmacies .The company was started in 2018 by Arjun Deshpande at Mumbai .The Investment required is around 4 lakh.
Why Genmart Generic Pvt Ltd as a  pharmacy franchise opportunity?
Earn 40% profit
Tech enabled stores
Accept online orders
Training and support
Low Investment
You don’t need to be a pharmacist to take franchise
3.Emedix: It is a online pharmacy which delivers both prescription and non-prescription medicines at your door step. It was started in 2016 and started franchising from 2018.It has around 20 units all across India. The investment required for this franchise is around Rs 5 lakhs. Royalty fees is around 1%.
Why Emedix as a pharmacy franchise opportunity?
Good return on investment
Territorial rights for unit franchise
Low investment
Training and support
20+ stores in India
For any  franchise opportunities you can visit Franchisebazar (www.franchisebazar.com) and you can select from listed brands from the website as per your  investment plan. You can also clear your doubts from experts .
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sandlerresearch · 4 years ago
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Driving Simulator Market by Application (Training and Research & Testing), Vehicle Type(Car Simulator and Truck & Bus Simulator), Simulator Type(Training Simulator and Advanced Driving Simulator), Training Simulator Type(Compact Simulator and Full-Scale Simulator), End User, Region - Forecast to 2025 published on
https://www.sandlerresearch.org/driving-simulator-market-by-application-training-and-research-testing-vehicle-typecar-simulator-and-truck-bus-simulator-simulator-typetraining-simulator-and-advanced-driving-simulator-tra.html
Driving Simulator Market by Application (Training and Research & Testing), Vehicle Type(Car Simulator and Truck & Bus Simulator), Simulator Type(Training Simulator and Advanced Driving Simulator), Training Simulator Type(Compact Simulator and Full-Scale Simulator), End User, Region - Forecast to 2025
“The growth of the driving simulator market can be attributed to shortage of skilled drivers and increasing investment in autonomous vehicles.”
The global driving simulator market is projected to grow at a CAGR of 7.2% from USD 1.5 billion in 2020 to USD 2.1 billion by 2025. Increasing demand of skilled drivers due to high road accident rate, growing airtraffics, upcoming high speed train projects, and significant R&D investments in autonomous vehicles will be driving the demand for driving simulators.
The adoption of driving simulators and analysis technology has experienced an increase in the railways, aviation, marine, defense, and automotive sectors as it helps in testing and analyzing the designs of products in a virtual environment. Leading automotive companies, such as Toyota, General Motors, Ford, and Volkswagen, use different types of simulation software like FEA and CFD that help reduce the product design time, cost, and time-to-market. Airports of the European and Asian regions have incorporated airside driving simulators for handling ground operations. For example, Delhi International airport invested in Tecknotrove’s TecknoSIM airport driving simulators for training and testing its operators on the airside in 2019. Moreover, increasing stringency of safety and environmental regulations has compelled manufacturers and authorities to invest in driving simulators with innovate designs for training. Additionally, electrification of automotive components, advent of semi-autonomous and autonomous vehicles, and increasing influence of technology companies in the automotive industry are growth factors for the driving simulator market.
The demand for training and testing simulators depends on adoption of technologies in commercial vehicles, rails, airports; stringent safety regulations; encouragement by governments to install training simulators in driving schools; and released jobs for skilled drivers. The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on industries like automotive, aviation, and railways is expected to affect the global driving simulators market as well. Driving simulators market for professional training are backed by players like ECA Group, Cruden B.V, Corys, Transurb, Tecknotrove, SHRail, and Cassidian. These companies have also been undergoing production halts during lockdowns. For instance, in the context of the COVID-19 crisis, the ECA Group limited its manufacturing activities within its sites to preserve the health and safety of its employees. The company has undertaken the remote work policy for multiple projects to further maintain its revenue in the coming days.
“The truck & bus Simulator segment is expected to be the fastest segment in the forecast.”
Truck simulators are used in assisting drivers in enhancing driving skills and performing loading/unloading of materials accurately and within an optimum time limit. Truck simulators consist of a fully functional pneumatic driver seat with all typical controls—a seat belt, pedals, and a fully adjustable (height and tilt) steering column with integrated flashers and hand brake. Various truck models with diverse transmission configurations are provided in such simulators. In truck simulators, braking plays a significant role.
One of the most important modes of urban passenger transportation worldwide is buses. Mostly used for short and medium distances, buses are designed to have a capacity of as high as 300 passengers, making driver training essential. Bus simulators have training and testing applications. For instance, Tecknotrove’s bus driving simulator, TecknoSIM, is a replication of a real bus with vehicle controls like steering wheel, gear, brake, clutch, pedals, indicators, and switches. It is an advanced tool for testing and training drives for various types of buses like minibus, passenger bus, electric bus, mini coach, and school bus. TecknoSIM provides basic and advanced driving skills in emergency scenarios.
“Advanced driving simulator segment is expected to be the largest and the fastest-growing end user segment in the forecast period.”
Advanced simulators are the most immersive type of simulators. They encompass the entire structure of a real vehicle. These are manufactured in a dome shape and provide a 360° view for driving. The dome is assembled on a motion platform with a high degree of freedom—up to 9 degrees. Many OEMs like Ford, Daimler, Toyota, Honda, and BMW have installed advanced driving simulators for R&D purposes. For instance, in 2018, BMW announced an investment of EUR 100 million in a driving simulator center in Munich, Germany. The project is estimated to be completed by 2020. Urban driving is a major hurdle in the context of autonomous vehicles that can be tested with the help of advanced driving simulators.
End users for the advanced driving simulator include vehicle manufacturing companies that conduct testing for advanced vehicle dynamics like acceleration, braking, steering, and aerodynamics. Mostly researchers and engineers analyze high-tech vehicles, safety features, and studies of driver’s behavior in adverse conditions using advanced simulators.
In-depth interviews were conducted with CEOs, marketing directors, other innovation and technology directors, and executives from various key organizations operating in this market.
By Company Type:Tier I – 55%, Tier II – 13%, and OEMs – 32%
By Designation: CXOs – 23%, Director Level – 47%, and Others – 30%
By Region: North America – 31%, Europe – 33%, Asia Pacific – 28%, and RoW – 8%
The driving simulator market comprises major companies such as Cruden B.V. (Netherlands), Cassidian (Germany), ECA Group (France), Tecknotrove Simulator System Pvt. Ltd (India), and Adacel Technologies (Australia).
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The study covers the driving simulator market size and future growth potential across different segments such as by application, vehicle type, simulator type, training driving simulator type, end user, and region. The study also includes an in-depth competitive analysis of the key players in the market, along with their company profiles, key observations related to product and business offerings, recent developments, and key market strategies.
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itsfinancethings · 4 years ago
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New world news from Time: How the Pandemic Is Reshaping India
With a white handkerchief covering his mouth and nose, only Rajkumar Prajapati’s tired eyes were visible as he stood in line.
It was before sunrise on Aug. 5, but there were already hundreds of others waiting with him under fluorescent lights at the main railway station in Pune, an industrial city not far from Mumbai, where they had just disembarked from a train. Each person carried something: a cloth bundle, a backpack, a sack of grain. Every face was obscured by a mask, a towel or the edge of a sari. Like Prajapati, most in the line were workers returning to Pune from their families’ villages, where they had fled during the lockdown. Now, with mounting debts, they were back to look for work. When Prajapati got to the front of the line, officials took his details and stamped his hand with ink, signaling the need to self-isolate for seven days.
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Atul Loke for TIME
After Prime Minister Narendra Modi appeared on national television on March 24 to announce that India would go under lockdown to fight the coronavirus, Prajapati’s work as a plasterer for hire at construction sites around Pune quickly dried up. By June, his savings had run out and he, his wife and his brother left Pune for their village 942 miles away, where they could tend their family’s land to at least feed themselves. But by August, with their landlord asking for rent and the construction sites of Pune reopening, they had no option but to return to the city. “We might die from corona, but if there is nothing to eat we will die either way,” said Prajapati.
As the sun rose, he walked out of the station into Pune, the most infected city in the most infected state in all of India. As of Aug. 18, India has officially recorded more than 2.7 million cases of COVID-19, putting it third in the world behind the U.S. and Brazil. But India is on track to overtake them both. “I fully expect that at some point, unless things really change course, India will have more cases than any other place in the world,” says Dr. Ashish Jha, director of Harvard’s Global Health Institute. With a population of 1.3 billion, “there is a lot of room for exponential growth.”
Read More: India’s Coronavirus Death Toll Is Surging. Prime Minister Modi Is Easing Lockdown Anyway
The pandemic has already reshaped India beyond imagination. Its economy, which has grown every year for the past 40, was faltering even before the lockdown, and the International Monetary Fund now predicts it will shrink by 4.5% this year. Many of the hundreds of millions of people lifted out of extreme poverty by decades of growth are now at risk in more ways than one. Like Prajapati, large numbers had left their villages in recent years for new opportunities in India’s booming metropolises. But though their labor has propelled their nation to become the world’s fifth largest economy, many have been left destitute by the lockdown. Gaps in India’s welfare system meant millions of internal migrant workers couldn’t get government welfare payments or food. Hundreds died, and many more burned through the meager savings they had built up over years of work.
Now, with India’s economy reopening even as the virus shows no sign of slowing, economists are worried about how fast India can recover—and what happens to the poorest in the meantime. “The best-case scenario is two years of very deep economic decline,” says Jayati Ghosh, chair of the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi. “There are at least 100 million people just above the poverty line. All of them will fall below it.”
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Atul Loke for TIMERajkumar Prajapati, third from right, gives his family’s details to local officials at the train station in Pune on Aug. 5.
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Atul Loke for TIMEThe Tadiwala Chawl area of Pune emerged as a COVID-19 hotspot.
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Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers from the Pune Municipal Corporation spray disinfectant in the Tadiwala Chawl area.
In some ways Prajapati, 35, was a lucky man. He has lived and worked in Pune since the age of 16, though like many laborers, he regularly sends money home to his village and returns every year to help with the harvest. Over the years, his remittances have helped his father build a four-room house. When the lockdown began, he even sent his family half of the $132 he had in savings. The $66 Prajapati had left was still more than many had at all, and enough to survive for three weeks. His landlord let him defer his rent payments. Two weeks into the lockdown, when Modi asked citizens in a video message to turn off their lights and light candles for nine minutes at 9 p.m. in a show of national solidarity, Prajapati was enthusiastic, lighting small oil lamps and placing them at shrines in his room and outside his door. “We were very happy to do it,” he said. “We thought that perhaps this will help with corona.”
Other migrant workers weren’t so enthusiastic. For those whose daily wages paid for their evening meals, the lockdown had an immediate and devastating effect. When factories and construction sites closed because of the pandemic, many bosses—who often provide their temporary employees with food and board—threw everyone out onto the streets. And because welfare is administered at a state level in India, migrant workers are ineligible for benefits like food rations anywhere other than in their home state. With no food or money, and with train and bus travel suspended, millions had no choice but to immediately set off on foot for their villages, some hundreds of miles away. By mid-May, 3,000 people had died from COVID-19, but at least 500 more had died from “distress deaths” including those due to hunger, road accidents and lack of access to medical facilities, according to a study by the Delhi-based Society for Social and Economic Research. “It was very clear there had been a complete lack of planning and thought to the implications of switching off the economy for the vast majority of Indian workers,” says Yamini Aiyar, president of the Centre for Policy Research, a Delhi think tank.
One migrant worker who decided to make the risky journey on foot was Tapos Mukhi, 25, who set off from Chiplun, a small town in the western state of Maharashtra, toward his village in the eastern state of Odisha, over 1,230 miles away. He had tried to work through the lockdown, but his boss held back his wages, saying he did not have money to pay him immediately. Mukhi took another job at a construction site in June, but after a month of lifting bricks and sacks of cement, a nail went through his foot, forcing him to take a day off. His supervisor called him lazy and told him to leave without the $140 he was owed. On Aug. 1, he walked for a day in the pouring monsoon rain with his wife and 3-year-old daughter, before a local activist arranged for a car to Pune. “We had traveled so far from our village to work,” said Mukhi, sitting on a bunk bed in a shelter in Pune, where activists from a Pune-based NGO had given him and his family train tickets. “But we didn’t get the money we were owed and we didn’t even get food. We have suffered a lot. Now we never want to leave the village again.”
Although Indian policymakers have long been aware of the extent to which the economy relies on informal migrant labor like Mukhi’s—there are an estimated 40 million people like him who regularly travel within the country for work—the lockdown brought this long invisible class of people into the national spotlight. “Something that caught everyone by surprise is how large our migrant labor force is, and how they fall between all the cracks in the social safety net,” says Arvind Subramanian, Modi’s former chief economic adviser, who left government in 2018. Modi was elected in 2014 after a campaign focused on solving India’s development problems, but under his watch economic growth slid from 8% in 2016 to 5% last year, while flagship projects, like making sure everyone in the country has a bank account, have hit roadblocks. “The truth is, India needs migration very badly,” Subramanian says. “It’s a source of dynamism and an escalator for lots of people to get out of poverty. But if you want to get that income improvement for the poor back, you need to make sure the social safety net works better for them.”
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Atul Loke for TIMEA doctor waits for a dose of remdesivir while a nurse attends to a newly admitted COVID-19 patient at Aundh District Hospital in Pune.
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Atul Loke for TIMEAfter her condition improved, a COVID-19 patient is helped into a wheelchair so she can be transferred from the intensive-care unit to an observation ward.
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Atul Loke for TIMEA young worker dressed in personal protective equipment sweeps the floor of the intensive-care unit.
The wide-scale economic disruption caused by the lockdown has disproportionately affected women. Because 95% of employed women work in India’s informal economy, many lost their jobs, even as the burden remained on them to take care of household responsibilities. Many signed up for India’s rural employment scheme, which guarantees a set number of hours of unskilled manual labor. Others sold jewelry or took on debts to pay for meals. “The COVID situation multiplied the burden on women both as economic earners and as caregivers,” says Ravi Verma of the Delhi-based International Center for Research on Women. “They are the frontline defenders of the family.”
But the rural employment guarantee does not extend to urban areas. In Dharavi, a sprawling slum in Mumbai, Rameela Parmar worked as domestic help in three households before the lockdown. But the families told her to stop coming and held back her pay for the last four months. To support her own family, she was forced to take daily wage work painting earthen pots, breathing fumes that make her feel sick. “People have suffered more because of the lockdown than [because of] corona,” Parmar says. “There is no food and no work—that has hurt people more.”
Girls were hit hard too. For Ashwini Pawar, a bright-eyed 12-year-old, the pandemic meant the end of her childhood. Before the lockdown, she was an eighth-grade student who enjoyed school and wanted to be a teacher someday. But her parents were pushed into debt by months of unemployment, forcing her to join them in looking for daily wage work. “My school is shut right now,” said Pawar, clutching the corner of her shawl under a bridge in Pune where temporary workers come to seek jobs. “But even when it reopens I don’t think I will be able to go back.” She and her 13-year-old sister now spend their days at construction sites lifting bags of sand and bricks. “It’s like we’ve gone back 10 years or more in terms of gender-equality achievements,” says Nitya Rao, a gender and development professor who advises the U.N. on girls’ education.
In an attempt to stop the economic nosedive, Modi shifted his messaging in May. “Corona will remain a part of our lives for a long time,” he said in a televised address. “But at the same time, we cannot allow our lives to be confined only around corona.” He announced a relief package worth $260 billion, about 10% of the country’s GDP. But only a fraction of this came as extra handouts for the poor, with the majority instead devoted to tiding over businesses. In the televised speech announcing the package, Modi spoke repeatedly about making India a self-sufficient economy. It was this that made Prajapati lose hope in ever getting government support. “Modiji said that we have to become self-reliant,” he said, still referring to the Prime Minister with an honorific suffix. “What does that mean? That we can only depend on ourselves. The government has left us all alone.”
By the time the lockdown began to lift in June, Prajapati’s savings had run out. His government ID card listed his village address, so he was not able to access government food rations, and he found himself struggling to buy food for his family. Three times, he visited a public square where a local nonprofit was handing out meals. On June 6, he finally left Pune for his family’s village, Khazurhat. He had been forced to borrow from relatives the $76 for tickets for his wife, brother and himself. But having heard the stories of migrants making deadly journeys back, he was thankful to have found a safe way home.
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Atul Loke for TIMEKashinath Kale’s widow, Sangeeta, flanked by her sons Akshay, left, and Avinash, holds a framed portrait of her late husband outside their home in Kalewadi, a suburb of Pune. Kale, 44, died from COVID-19 in July as the family desperately tried to find a hospital bed with a ventilator.
Meanwhile, the virus had been spreading across India, despite the lockdown. The first hot spots were India’s biggest cities. In Pune, Kashinath Kale, 44, was admitted to a public hospital with the virus on July 4, after waiting in line for nearly four hours. Doctors said he needed a bed with a ventilator, but none were available. His family searched in vain for six days, but no hospital could provide one. On July 11, he died in an ambulance on the way to a private hospital, where his family had finally located a bed in an intensive-care unit with a ventilator. “He knew he was going to die,” says Kale’s wife Sangeeta, holding a framed photograph of him. “He was in a lot of pain.”
By June, almost every day saw a new record for daily confirmed cases. And as COVID-19 moved from early hot spots in cities toward rural areas of the country where health care facilities are less well-equipped, public-health experts expressed concern, noting India has only 0.55 hospital beds per 1,000 people, far below Brazil’s 2.15 and the U.S.’s 2.80. “Much of India’s health infrastructure is only in urban areas,” says Ramanan Laxminarayan, director of the D.C.-based Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics and Policy. “As the pandemic unfolds it is moving into states which have very low levels of testing and rural areas where the public-health infrastructure is weak.”
Read More: India Is the World’s Second-Most Populous Country. Can It Handle the Coronavirus Outbreak?
When he arrived back in his village of Khazurhat, Prajapati’s neighbors were worried he might have been infected in Pune, so medical workers at the district hospital checked his temperature and asked if he had any symptoms. But he was not offered a test. “While testing has been getting better in India, it’s still nowhere near where it needs to be,” says Jha.
Nevertheless, Modi has repeatedly touted India’s low case fatality rate—the number of deaths as a percentage of the number of cases—as proof that India has a handle on the pandemic. (As of Aug. 17 the rate was 1.9%, compared with 3.1% in the U.S.) “The average fatality rate in our country has been quite low compared to the world … and it is a matter of satisfaction that it is constantly decreasing,” Modi said in a televised videoconference on Aug. 11. “This means that our efforts are proving effective.”
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Atul Loke for TIMEParents keep their child still while a health care worker takes a nasal swab for a COVID-19 test at a school in Pune.
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Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker executes a rapid antigen COVID-19 test in the local school of Dhole Patil in Pune.
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Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker checks a woman’s temperature and oxygen saturation in the Dhole Patil slum on Aug. 10.
But experts say this language is dangerously misleading. “As long as your case numbers are increasing, your case fatality rate will continue to fall,” Jha says. When the virus is spreading exponentially as it is currently in India, he explains, cases increase sharply but deaths, which lag weeks behind, stay low, skewing the ratio to make it appear that a low percentage are dying. “No serious public-health person believes this is an important statistic.” On the contrary, Jha says, it might give people false optimism, increasing the risk of transmission.
Modi’s move to lock down the country in March was met with a surge in approval ratings; many Indians praised the move as strong and decisive. But while other foreign leaders’ lockdown honeymoons eventually gave way to popular resentment, Modi’s ratings remained stratospheric. In some recent polls, they topped 80%.
The reason has much to do with his wider political project, which critics see as an attempt to turn India from a multifaith constitutional democracy into an authoritarian, Hindu-supremacist state. Since winning re-election with a huge majority in May 2019, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political wing of a much larger grouping of organizations whose stated mission is to turn India into a Hindu nation, has delivered on several long-held goals that excite its right-wing Hindu base at the expense of the country’s Muslim minority. (Hindus make up 80% of the population and Muslims 14%.) Last year the government revoked the autonomy of India’s only Muslim-majority state, Kashmir. And an opulent new temple is being built in Ayodhya—a site where many Hindus believe the deity Ram was born and where Hindu fundamentalists destroyed a mosque on the site in 1992. After decades of legal wrangling and political pressure from the BJP, in 2019 the Supreme Court finally ruled a temple could be built in its place. On Aug. 5, Modi attended a televised ceremony for the laying of the foundation stone.
Read More: The Battle for India’s Founding Ideals
Still, before the pandemic Modi was facing his most severe challenge yet, in the form of a monthslong nationwide protest movement. All over the country, citizens gathered at universities and public spaces, reading aloud the preamble of the Indian constitution, quoting Mohandas Gandhi and holding aloft the Indian tricolor. The protests began in December 2019 as resistance to a controversial law that would make it harder for Muslim immigrants from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, to gain Indian citizenship. They morphed into a wider pushback against the direction of the country under the BJP. In local Delhi elections in February, the BJP campaigned on a platform of crushing the protests but ended up losing seats. Soon after, riots broke out in the capital; 53 people were killed, 38 of them Muslims. (Hindus were also killed in the violence.) Police failed to intervene to stop Hindu mobs roaming around Muslim neighborhoods looking for people to kill, and in some cases joined mob attacks on Muslims themselves, according to a Human Rights Watch report.
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Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers push the body of a COVID-19 patient into the furnace of Yerawada crematorium in Pune on Aug. 11.
“During those hundred days I thought India had changed forever,” says Harsh Mander, a prominent civil-rights activist and director of the Centre for Equity Studies, a Delhi think tank, of the three months of nationwide dissent from December to March. But the lockdown put an abrupt end to the protests. Since then, the government has ramped up its crackdown on dissent. In June, Mander was accused by Delhi police (who report to Modi’s interior minister, Amit Shah) of inciting the Delhi riots; in the charges against him, they quoted out of context portions of a speech he had made in December calling on protesters to continue Gandhi’s legacy of nonviolent resistance, making it sound instead like he was calling on them to be violent. Meanwhile, local BJP politician Kapil Mishra, who was filmed immediately before the riots giving Delhi police an ultimatum to clear the streets of protesters lest his supporters do it themselves, still walks free. “In my farthest imagination I couldn’t believe there would be this sort of repression,” Mander says.
Read More: ‘Hate Is Being Preached Openly Against Us.’ After Delhi Riots, Muslims in India Fear What’s Next
A pattern was emerging. Police have also arrested at least 11 other protest leaders, including Safoora Zargar, a 27-year-old Muslim student activist who organized peaceful protests. She was accused of inciting the Delhi riots and charged with murder under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, a harsh anti-terrorism law that authorities used at least seven times during the lockdown to arrest activists or journalists. The law is described by Amnesty International as a “tool of harassment,” and by Zargar’s lawyer Ritesh Dubey, in an interview with TIME, as aimed at “criminalizing dissent.” As COVID-19 spread around the country, Zargar was kept in jail for two months, without bail, despite being 12 weeks pregnant at the time of her arrest. Restrictions in place to curb the spread of coronavirus, like not allowing lawyers to visit prisons, have also impacted protesters’ access to legal justice, Dubey says.
“The government used this health emergency to crush the largest popular movement this country has seen since independence,” Mander says. “The Indian Muslim has been turned into the enemy within. The economy has tanked, there is mass hunger, infections are rising and rising, but none of that matters. Modi has been forgiven for everything else. This normalization of hate is almost like a drug. In the intoxication of this drug, even hunger seems acceptable.”
Read More: It Was Already Dangerous to Be Muslim in India. Then Came the Coronavirus
Close to going hungry, Prajapati says the Modi administration has provided little relief for people like him. “If we have not gotten anything from the government, not even a sack of rice, then what can we say to them?” he says. “I don’t have any hope from the government.”
Still a change in government would be too much for Prajapati, a devout Hindu and a Modi supporter, who backs the construction of the temple of Ram in Ayodhya and cheered on the BJP when it revoked the autonomy of Kashmir. “There is no one else like Modi who we can put our faith in,” he says. “At least he has done some good things.”
Prajapati remained in Khazurhat from June until August, working his family’s acre of farmland where they grow rice, wheat, potatoes and mustard. But there was little other work available, and the yield from their farm was not sufficient to support the family. Now $267 in debt to employers and relatives, he decided to return to Pune along with his wife and brother. Worried about reports of rising cases in the city, his usually stoic father cried as he waved him off from the village. On his journey, Prajapati carried 44 lb. of wheat and 22 lb. of rice, which he hoped would feed his family until he could find construction work.
On the evening of his return, Prajapati cleaned his home, cooked dinner from what he had carried back from the village, and began calling contractors to look for work. The pandemic had set him back at least a year, he said, and it would take him even longer to pay back the money he owed. The stamp on his hand he’d received at the station, stating that he was to self-quarantine for seven days, had already faded. Prajapati was planning to work as soon as he could. “Whether the lockdown continues or not, whatever happens we have to live here and earn some money,” he said. “We have to find a way to survive.”
—With reporting by Madeline Roache/London
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hellofastestnewsfan · 4 years ago
Link
With a white handkerchief covering his mouth and nose, only Rajkumar Prajapati’s tired eyes were visible as he stood in line.
It was before sunrise on Aug. 5, but there were already hundreds of others waiting with him under fluorescent lights at the main railway station in Pune, an industrial city not far from Mumbai, where they had just disembarked from a train. Each person carried something: a cloth bundle, a backpack, a sack of grain. Every face was obscured by a mask, a towel or the edge of a sari. Like Prajapati, most in the line were workers returning to Pune from their families’ villages, where they had fled during the lockdown. Now, with mounting debts, they were back to look for work. When Prajapati got to the front of the line, officials took his details and stamped his hand with ink, signaling the need to self-isolate for seven days.
Tumblr media
Atul Loke for TIME
After Prime Minister Narendra Modi appeared on national television on March 24 to announce that India would go under lockdown to fight the coronavirus, Prajapati’s work as a plasterer for hire at construction sites around Pune quickly dried up. By June, his savings had run out and he, his wife and his brother left Pune for their village 942 miles away, where they could tend their family’s land to at least feed themselves. But by August, with their landlord asking for rent and the construction sites of Pune reopening, they had no option but to return to the city. “We might die from corona, but if there is nothing to eat we will die either way,” said Prajapati.
As the sun rose, he walked out of the station into Pune, the most infected city in the most infected state in all of India. As of Aug. 18, India has officially recorded more than 2.7 million cases of COVID-19, putting it third in the world behind the U.S. and Brazil. But India is on track to overtake them both. “I fully expect that at some point, unless things really change course, India will have more cases than any other place in the world,” says Dr. Ashish Jha, director of Harvard’s Global Health Institute. With a population of 1.3 billion, “there is a lot of room for exponential growth.”
Read More: India’s Coronavirus Death Toll Is Surging. Prime Minister Modi Is Easing Lockdown Anyway
The pandemic has already reshaped India beyond imagination. Its economy, which has grown every year for the past 40, was faltering even before the lockdown, and the International Monetary Fund now predicts it will shrink by 4.5% this year. Many of the hundreds of millions of people lifted out of extreme poverty by decades of growth are now at risk in more ways than one. Like Prajapati, large numbers had left their villages in recent years for new opportunities in India’s booming metropolises. But though their labor has propelled their nation to become the world’s fifth largest economy, many have been left destitute by the lockdown. Gaps in India’s welfare system meant millions of internal migrant workers couldn’t get government welfare payments or food. Hundreds died, and many more burned through the meager savings they had built up over years of work.
Now, with India’s economy reopening even as the virus shows no sign of slowing, economists are worried about how fast India can recover—and what happens to the poorest in the meantime. “The best-case scenario is two years of very deep economic decline,” says Jayati Ghosh, chair of the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi. “There are at least 100 million people just above the poverty line. All of them will fall below it.”
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Atul Loke for TIMERajkumar Prajapati, third from right, gives his family’s details to local officials at the train station in Pune on Aug. 5.
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Atul Loke for TIMEThe Tadiwala Chawl area of Pune emerged as a COVID-19 hotspot.
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Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers from the Pune Municipal Corporation spray disinfectant in the Tadiwala Chawl area.
In some ways Prajapati, 35, was a lucky man. He has lived and worked in Pune since the age of 16, though like many laborers, he regularly sends money home to his village and returns every year to help with the harvest. Over the years, his remittances have helped his father build a four-room house. When the lockdown began, he even sent his family half of the $132 he had in savings. The $66 Prajapati had left was still more than many had at all, and enough to survive for three weeks. His landlord let him defer his rent payments. Two weeks into the lockdown, when Modi asked citizens in a video message to turn off their lights and light candles for nine minutes at 9 p.m. in a show of national solidarity, Prajapati was enthusiastic, lighting small oil lamps and placing them at shrines in his room and outside his door. “We were very happy to do it,” he said. “We thought that perhaps this will help with corona.”
Other migrant workers weren’t so enthusiastic. For those whose daily wages paid for their evening meals, the lockdown had an immediate and devastating effect. When factories and construction sites closed because of the pandemic, many bosses—who often provide their temporary employees with food and board—threw everyone out onto the streets. And because welfare is administered at a state level in India, migrant workers are ineligible for benefits like food rations anywhere other than in their home state. With no food or money, and with train and bus travel suspended, millions had no choice but to immediately set off on foot for their villages, some hundreds of miles away. By mid-May, 3,000 people had died from COVID-19, but at least 500 more had died from “distress deaths” including those due to hunger, road accidents and lack of access to medical facilities, according to a study by the Delhi-based Society for Social and Economic Research. “It was very clear there had been a complete lack of planning and thought to the implications of switching off the economy for the vast majority of Indian workers,” says Yamini Aiyar, president of the Centre for Policy Research, a Delhi think tank.
One migrant worker who decided to make the risky journey on foot was Tapos Mukhi, 25, who set off from Chiplun, a small town in the western state of Maharashtra, toward his village in the eastern state of Odisha, over 1,230 miles away. He had tried to work through the lockdown, but his boss held back his wages, saying he did not have money to pay him immediately. Mukhi took another job at a construction site in June, but after a month of lifting bricks and sacks of cement, a nail went through his foot, forcing him to take a day off. His supervisor called him lazy and told him to leave without the $140 he was owed. On Aug. 1, he walked for a day in the pouring monsoon rain with his wife and 3-year-old daughter, before a local activist arranged for a car to Pune. “We had traveled so far from our village to work,” said Mukhi, sitting on a bunk bed in a shelter in Pune, where activists from a Pune-based NGO had given him and his family train tickets. “But we didn’t get the money we were owed and we didn’t even get food. We have suffered a lot. Now we never want to leave the village again.”
Although Indian policymakers have long been aware of the extent to which the economy relies on informal migrant labor like Mukhi’s—there are an estimated 40 million people like him who regularly travel within the country for work—the lockdown brought this long invisible class of people into the national spotlight. “Something that caught everyone by surprise is how large our migrant labor force is, and how they fall between all the cracks in the social safety net,” says Arvind Subramanian, Modi’s former chief economic adviser, who left government in 2018. Modi was elected in 2014 after a campaign focused on solving India’s development problems, but under his watch economic growth slid from 8% in 2016 to 5% last year, while flagship projects, like making sure everyone in the country has a bank account, have hit roadblocks. “The truth is, India needs migration very badly,” Subramanian says. “It’s a source of dynamism and an escalator for lots of people to get out of poverty. But if you want to get that income improvement for the poor back, you need to make sure the social safety net works better for them.”
Tumblr media
Atul Loke for TIMEA doctor waits for a dose of remdesivir while a nurse attends to a newly admitted COVID-19 patient at Aundh District Hospital in Pune.
Tumblr media
Atul Loke for TIMEAfter her condition improved, a COVID-19 patient is helped into a wheelchair so she can be transferred from the intensive-care unit to an observation ward.
Tumblr media
Atul Loke for TIMEA young worker dressed in personal protective equipment sweeps the floor of the intensive-care unit.
The wide-scale economic disruption caused by the lockdown has disproportionately affected women. Because 95% of employed women work in India’s informal economy, many lost their jobs, even as the burden remained on them to take care of household responsibilities. Many signed up for India’s rural employment scheme, which guarantees a set number of hours of unskilled manual labor. Others sold jewelry or took on debts to pay for meals. “The COVID situation multiplied the burden on women both as economic earners and as caregivers,” says Ravi Verma of the Delhi-based International Center for Research on Women. “They are the frontline defenders of the family.”
But the rural employment guarantee does not extend to urban areas. In Dharavi, a sprawling slum in Mumbai, Rameela Parmar worked as domestic help in three households before the lockdown. But the families told her to stop coming and held back her pay for the last four months. To support her own family, she was forced to take daily wage work painting earthen pots, breathing fumes that make her feel sick. “People have suffered more because of the lockdown than [because of] corona,” Parmar says. “There is no food and no work—that has hurt people more.”
Girls were hit hard too. For Ashwini Pawar, a bright-eyed 12-year-old, the pandemic meant the end of her childhood. Before the lockdown, she was an eighth-grade student who enjoyed school and wanted to be a teacher someday. But her parents were pushed into debt by months of unemployment, forcing her to join them in looking for daily wage work. “My school is shut right now,” said Pawar, clutching the corner of her shawl under a bridge in Pune where temporary workers come to seek jobs. “But even when it reopens I don’t think I will be able to go back.” She and her 13-year-old sister now spend their days at construction sites lifting bags of sand and bricks. “It’s like we’ve gone back 10 years or more in terms of gender-equality achievements,” says Nitya Rao, a gender and development professor who advises the U.N. on girls’ education.
In an attempt to stop the economic nosedive, Modi shifted his messaging in May. “Corona will remain a part of our lives for a long time,” he said in a televised address. “But at the same time, we cannot allow our lives to be confined only around corona.” He announced a relief package worth $260 billion, about 10% of the country’s GDP. But only a fraction of this came as extra handouts for the poor, with the majority instead devoted to tiding over businesses. In the televised speech announcing the package, Modi spoke repeatedly about making India a self-sufficient economy. It was this that made Prajapati lose hope in ever getting government support. “Modiji said that we have to become self-reliant,” he said, still referring to the Prime Minister with an honorific suffix. “What does that mean? That we can only depend on ourselves. The government has left us all alone.”
By the time the lockdown began to lift in June, Prajapati’s savings had run out. His government ID card listed his village address, so he was not able to access government food rations, and he found himself struggling to buy food for his family. Three times, he visited a public square where a local nonprofit was handing out meals. On June 6, he finally left Pune for his family’s village, Khazurhat. He had been forced to borrow from relatives the $76 for tickets for his wife, brother and himself. But having heard the stories of migrants making deadly journeys back, he was thankful to have found a safe way home.
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Atul Loke for TIMEKashinath Kale’s widow, Sangeeta, flanked by her sons Akshay, left, and Avinash, holds a framed portrait of her late husband outside their home in Kalewadi, a suburb of Pune. Kale, 44, died from COVID-19 in July as the family desperately tried to find a hospital bed with a ventilator.
Meanwhile, the virus had been spreading across India, despite the lockdown. The first hot spots were India’s biggest cities. In Pune, Kashinath Kale, 44, was admitted to a public hospital with the virus on July 4, after waiting in line for nearly four hours. Doctors said he needed a bed with a ventilator, but none were available. His family searched in vain for six days, but no hospital could provide one. On July 11, he died in an ambulance on the way to a private hospital, where his family had finally located a bed in an intensive-care unit with a ventilator. “He knew he was going to die,” says Kale’s wife Sangeeta, holding a framed photograph of him. “He was in a lot of pain.”
By June, almost every day saw a new record for daily confirmed cases. And as COVID-19 moved from early hot spots in cities toward rural areas of the country where health care facilities are less well-equipped, public-health experts expressed concern, noting India has only 0.55 hospital beds per 1,000 people, far below Brazil’s 2.15 and the U.S.’s 2.80. “Much of India’s health infrastructure is only in urban areas,” says Ramanan Laxminarayan, director of the D.C.-based Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics and Policy. “As the pandemic unfolds it is moving into states which have very low levels of testing and rural areas where the public-health infrastructure is weak.”
Read More: India Is the World’s Second-Most Populous Country. Can It Handle the Coronavirus Outbreak?
When he arrived back in his village of Khazurhat, Prajapati’s neighbors were worried he might have been infected in Pune, so medical workers at the district hospital checked his temperature and asked if he had any symptoms. But he was not offered a test. “While testing has been getting better in India, it’s still nowhere near where it needs to be,” says Jha.
Nevertheless, Modi has repeatedly touted India’s low case fatality rate—the number of deaths as a percentage of the number of cases—as proof that India has a handle on the pandemic. (As of Aug. 17 the rate was 1.9%, compared with 3.1% in the U.S.) “The average fatality rate in our country has been quite low compared to the world … and it is a matter of satisfaction that it is constantly decreasing,” Modi said in a televised videoconference on Aug. 11. “This means that our efforts are proving effective.”
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Atul Loke for TIMEParents keep their child still while a health care worker takes a nasal swab for a COVID-19 test at a school in Pune.
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Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker executes a rapid antigen COVID-19 test in the local school of Dhole Patil in Pune.
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Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker checks a woman’s temperature and oxygen saturation in the Dhole Patil slum on Aug. 10.
But experts say this language is dangerously misleading. “As long as your case numbers are increasing, your case fatality rate will continue to fall,” Jha says. When the virus is spreading exponentially as it is currently in India, he explains, cases increase sharply but deaths, which lag weeks behind, stay low, skewing the ratio to make it appear that a low percentage are dying. “No serious public-health person believes this is an important statistic.” On the contrary, Jha says, it might give people false optimism, increasing the risk of transmission.
Modi’s move to lock down the country in March was met with a surge in approval ratings; many Indians praised the move as strong and decisive. But while other foreign leaders’ lockdown honeymoons eventually gave way to popular resentment, Modi’s ratings remained stratospheric. In some recent polls, they topped 80%.
The reason has much to do with his wider political project, which critics see as an attempt to turn India from a multifaith constitutional democracy into an authoritarian, Hindu-supremacist state. Since winning re-election with a huge majority in May 2019, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political wing of a much larger grouping of organizations whose stated mission is to turn India into a Hindu nation, has delivered on several long-held goals that excite its right-wing Hindu base at the expense of the country’s Muslim minority. (Hindus make up 80% of the population and Muslims 14%.) Last year the government revoked the autonomy of India’s only Muslim-majority state, Kashmir. And an opulent new temple is being built in Ayodhya—a site where many Hindus believe the deity Ram was born and where Hindu fundamentalists destroyed a mosque on the site in 1992. After decades of legal wrangling and political pressure from the BJP, in 2019 the Supreme Court finally ruled a temple could be built in its place. On Aug. 5, Modi attended a televised ceremony for the laying of the foundation stone.
Read More: The Battle for India’s Founding Ideals
Still, before the pandemic Modi was facing his most severe challenge yet, in the form of a monthslong nationwide protest movement. All over the country, citizens gathered at universities and public spaces, reading aloud the preamble of the Indian constitution, quoting Mohandas Gandhi and holding aloft the Indian tricolor. The protests began in December 2019 as resistance to a controversial law that would make it harder for Muslim immigrants from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, to gain Indian citizenship. They morphed into a wider pushback against the direction of the country under the BJP. In local Delhi elections in February, the BJP campaigned on a platform of crushing the protests but ended up losing seats. Soon after, riots broke out in the capital; 53 people were killed, 38 of them Muslims. (Hindus were also killed in the violence.) Police failed to intervene to stop Hindu mobs roaming around Muslim neighborhoods looking for people to kill, and in some cases joined mob attacks on Muslims themselves, according to a Human Rights Watch report.
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Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers push the body of a COVID-19 patient into the furnace of Yerawada crematorium in Pune on Aug. 11.
“During those hundred days I thought India had changed forever,” says Harsh Mander, a prominent civil-rights activist and director of the Centre for Equity Studies, a Delhi think tank, of the three months of nationwide dissent from December to March. But the lockdown put an abrupt end to the protests. Since then, the government has ramped up its crackdown on dissent. In June, Mander was accused by Delhi police (who report to Modi’s interior minister, Amit Shah) of inciting the Delhi riots; in the charges against him, they quoted out of context portions of a speech he had made in December calling on protesters to continue Gandhi’s legacy of nonviolent resistance, making it sound instead like he was calling on them to be violent. Meanwhile, local BJP politician Kapil Mishra, who was filmed immediately before the riots giving Delhi police an ultimatum to clear the streets of protesters lest his supporters do it themselves, still walks free. “In my farthest imagination I couldn’t believe there would be this sort of repression,” Mander says.
Read More: ‘Hate Is Being Preached Openly Against Us.’ After Delhi Riots, Muslims in India Fear What’s Next
A pattern was emerging. Police have also arrested at least 11 other protest leaders, including Safoora Zargar, a 27-year-old Muslim student activist who organized peaceful protests. She was accused of inciting the Delhi riots and charged with murder under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, a harsh anti-terrorism law that authorities used at least seven times during the lockdown to arrest activists or journalists. The law is described by Amnesty International as a “tool of harassment,” and by Zargar’s lawyer Ritesh Dubey, in an interview with TIME, as aimed at “criminalizing dissent.” As COVID-19 spread around the country, Zargar was kept in jail for two months, without bail, despite being 12 weeks pregnant at the time of her arrest. Restrictions in place to curb the spread of coronavirus, like not allowing lawyers to visit prisons, have also impacted protesters’ access to legal justice, Dubey says.
“The government used this health emergency to crush the largest popular movement this country has seen since independence,” Mander says. “The Indian Muslim has been turned into the enemy within. The economy has tanked, there is mass hunger, infections are rising and rising, but none of that matters. Modi has been forgiven for everything else. This normalization of hate is almost like a drug. In the intoxication of this drug, even hunger seems acceptable.”
Read More: It Was Already Dangerous to Be Muslim in India. Then Came the Coronavirus
Close to going hungry, Prajapati says the Modi administration has provided little relief for people like him. “If we have not gotten anything from the government, not even a sack of rice, then what can we say to them?” he says. “I don’t have any hope from the government.”
Still a change in government would be too much for Prajapati, a devout Hindu and a Modi supporter, who backs the construction of the temple of Ram in Ayodhya and cheered on the BJP when it revoked the autonomy of Kashmir. “There is no one else like Modi who we can put our faith in,” he says. “At least he has done some good things.”
Prajapati remained in Khazurhat from June until August, working his family’s acre of farmland where they grow rice, wheat, potatoes and mustard. But there was little other work available, and the yield from their farm was not sufficient to support the family. Now $267 in debt to employers and relatives, he decided to return to Pune along with his wife and brother. Worried about reports of rising cases in the city, his usually stoic father cried as he waved him off from the village. On his journey, Prajapati carried 44 lb. of wheat and 22 lb. of rice, which he hoped would feed his family until he could find construction work.
On the evening of his return, Prajapati cleaned his home, cooked dinner from what he had carried back from the village, and began calling contractors to look for work. The pandemic had set him back at least a year, he said, and it would take him even longer to pay back the money he owed. The stamp on his hand he’d received at the station, stating that he was to self-quarantine for seven days, had already faded. Prajapati was planning to work as soon as he could. “Whether the lockdown continues or not, whatever happens we have to live here and earn some money,” he said. “We have to find a way to survive.”
—With reporting by Madeline Roache/London
from TIME https://ift.tt/3aECHpo
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With a white handkerchief covering his mouth and nose, only Rajkumar Prajapati’s tired eyes were visible as he stood in line.
It was before sunrise on Aug. 5, but there were already hundreds of others waiting with him under fluorescent lights at the main railway station in Pune, an industrial city not far from Mumbai, where they had just disembarked from a train. Each person carried something: a cloth bundle, a backpack, a sack of grain. Every face was obscured by a mask, a towel or the edge of a sari. Like Prajapati, most in the line were workers returning to Pune from their families’ villages, where they had fled during the lockdown. Now, with mounting debts, they were back to look for work. When Prajapati got to the front of the line, officials took his details and stamped his hand with ink, signaling the need to self-isolate for seven days.
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Atul Loke for TIME
After Prime Minister Narendra Modi appeared on national television on March 24 to announce that India would go under lockdown to fight the coronavirus, Prajapati’s work as a plasterer for hire at construction sites around Pune quickly dried up. By June, his savings had run out and he, his wife and his brother left Pune for their village 942 miles away, where they could tend their family’s land to at least feed themselves. But by August, with their landlord asking for rent and the construction sites of Pune reopening, they had no option but to return to the city. “We might die from corona, but if there is nothing to eat we will die either way,” said Prajapati.
As the sun rose, he walked out of the station into Pune, the most infected city in the most infected state in all of India. As of Aug. 18, India has officially recorded more than 2.7 million cases of COVID-19, putting it third in the world behind the U.S. and Brazil. But India is on track to overtake them both. “I fully expect that at some point, unless things really change course, India will have more cases than any other place in the world,” says Dr. Ashish Jha, director of Harvard’s Global Health Institute. With a population of 1.3 billion, “there is a lot of room for exponential growth.”
Read More: India’s Coronavirus Death Toll Is Surging. Prime Minister Modi Is Easing Lockdown Anyway
The pandemic has already reshaped India beyond imagination. Its economy, which has grown every year for the past 40, was faltering even before the lockdown, and the International Monetary Fund now predicts it will shrink by 4.5% this year. Many of the hundreds of millions of people lifted out of extreme poverty by decades of growth are now at risk in more ways than one. Like Prajapati, large numbers had left their villages in recent years for new opportunities in India’s booming metropolises. But though their labor has propelled their nation to become the world’s fifth largest economy, many have been left destitute by the lockdown. Gaps in India’s welfare system meant millions of internal migrant workers couldn’t get government welfare payments or food. Hundreds died, and many more burned through the meager savings they had built up over years of work.
Now, with India’s economy reopening even as the virus shows no sign of slowing, economists are worried about how fast India can recover—and what happens to the poorest in the meantime. “The best-case scenario is two years of very deep economic decline,” says Jayati Ghosh, chair of the Centre for Economic Studies and Planning at Jawaharlal Nehru University in Delhi. “There are at least 100 million people just above the poverty line. All of them will fall below it.”
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Atul Loke for TIMERajkumar Prajapati, third from right, gives his family’s details to local officials at the train station in Pune on Aug. 5.
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Atul Loke for TIMEThe Tadiwala Chawl area of Pune emerged as a COVID-19 hotspot.
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Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers from the Pune Municipal Corporation spray disinfectant in the Tadiwala Chawl area.
In some ways Prajapati, 35, was a lucky man. He has lived and worked in Pune since the age of 16, though like many laborers, he regularly sends money home to his village and returns every year to help with the harvest. Over the years, his remittances have helped his father build a four-room house. When the lockdown began, he even sent his family half of the $132 he had in savings. The $66 Prajapati had left was still more than many had at all, and enough to survive for three weeks. His landlord let him defer his rent payments. Two weeks into the lockdown, when Modi asked citizens in a video message to turn off their lights and light candles for nine minutes at 9 p.m. in a show of national solidarity, Prajapati was enthusiastic, lighting small oil lamps and placing them at shrines in his room and outside his door. “We were very happy to do it,” he said. “We thought that perhaps this will help with corona.”
Other migrant workers weren’t so enthusiastic. For those whose daily wages paid for their evening meals, the lockdown had an immediate and devastating effect. When factories and construction sites closed because of the pandemic, many bosses—who often provide their temporary employees with food and board—threw everyone out onto the streets. And because welfare is administered at a state level in India, migrant workers are ineligible for benefits like food rations anywhere other than in their home state. With no food or money, and with train and bus travel suspended, millions had no choice but to immediately set off on foot for their villages, some hundreds of miles away. By mid-May, 3,000 people had died from COVID-19, but at least 500 more had died from “distress deaths” including those due to hunger, road accidents and lack of access to medical facilities, according to a study by the Delhi-based Society for Social and Economic Research. “It was very clear there had been a complete lack of planning and thought to the implications of switching off the economy for the vast majority of Indian workers,” says Yamini Aiyar, president of the Centre for Policy Research, a Delhi think tank.
One migrant worker who decided to make the risky journey on foot was Tapos Mukhi, 25, who set off from Chiplun, a small town in the western state of Maharashtra, toward his village in the eastern state of Odisha, over 1,230 miles away. He had tried to work through the lockdown, but his boss held back his wages, saying he did not have money to pay him immediately. Mukhi took another job at a construction site in June, but after a month of lifting bricks and sacks of cement, a nail went through his foot, forcing him to take a day off. His supervisor called him lazy and told him to leave without the $140 he was owed. On Aug. 1, he walked for a day in the pouring monsoon rain with his wife and 3-year-old daughter, before a local activist arranged for a car to Pune. “We had traveled so far from our village to work,” said Mukhi, sitting on a bunk bed in a shelter in Pune, where activists from a Pune-based NGO had given him and his family train tickets. “But we didn’t get the money we were owed and we didn’t even get food. We have suffered a lot. Now we never want to leave the village again.”
Although Indian policymakers have long been aware of the extent to which the economy relies on informal migrant labor like Mukhi’s—there are an estimated 40 million people like him who regularly travel within the country for work—the lockdown brought this long invisible class of people into the national spotlight. “Something that caught everyone by surprise is how large our migrant labor force is, and how they fall between all the cracks in the social safety net,” says Arvind Subramanian, Modi’s former chief economic adviser, who left government in 2018. Modi was elected in 2014 after a campaign focused on solving India’s development problems, but under his watch economic growth slid from 8% in 2016 to 5% last year, while flagship projects, like making sure everyone in the country has a bank account, have hit roadblocks. “The truth is, India needs migration very badly,” Subramanian says. “It’s a source of dynamism and an escalator for lots of people to get out of poverty. But if you want to get that income improvement for the poor back, you need to make sure the social safety net works better for them.”
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Atul Loke for TIMEA doctor waits for a dose of remdesivir while a nurse attends to a newly admitted COVID-19 patient at Aundh District Hospital in Pune.
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Atul Loke for TIMEAfter her condition improved, a COVID-19 patient is helped into a wheelchair so she can be transferred from the intensive-care unit to an observation ward.
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Atul Loke for TIMEA young worker dressed in personal protective equipment sweeps the floor of the intensive-care unit.
The wide-scale economic disruption caused by the lockdown has disproportionately affected women. Because 95% of employed women work in India’s informal economy, many lost their jobs, even as the burden remained on them to take care of household responsibilities. Many signed up for India’s rural employment scheme, which guarantees a set number of hours of unskilled manual labor. Others sold jewelry or took on debts to pay for meals. “The COVID situation multiplied the burden on women both as economic earners and as caregivers,” says Ravi Verma of the Delhi-based International Center for Research on Women. “They are the frontline defenders of the family.”
But the rural employment guarantee does not extend to urban areas. In Dharavi, a sprawling slum in Mumbai, Rameela Parmar worked as domestic help in three households before the lockdown. But the families told her to stop coming and held back her pay for the last four months. To support her own family, she was forced to take daily wage work painting earthen pots, breathing fumes that make her feel sick. “People have suffered more because of the lockdown than [because of] corona,” Parmar says. “There is no food and no work—that has hurt people more.”
Girls were hit hard too. For Ashwini Pawar, a bright-eyed 12-year-old, the pandemic meant the end of her childhood. Before the lockdown, she was an eighth-grade student who enjoyed school and wanted to be a teacher someday. But her parents were pushed into debt by months of unemployment, forcing her to join them in looking for daily wage work. “My school is shut right now,” said Pawar, clutching the corner of her shawl under a bridge in Pune where temporary workers come to seek jobs. “But even when it reopens I don’t think I will be able to go back.” She and her 13-year-old sister now spend their days at construction sites lifting bags of sand and bricks. “It’s like we’ve gone back 10 years or more in terms of gender-equality achievements,” says Nitya Rao, a gender and development professor who advises the U.N. on girls’ education.
In an attempt to stop the economic nosedive, Modi shifted his messaging in May. “Corona will remain a part of our lives for a long time,” he said in a televised address. “But at the same time, we cannot allow our lives to be confined only around corona.” He announced a relief package worth $260 billion, about 10% of the country’s GDP. But only a fraction of this came as extra handouts for the poor, with the majority instead devoted to tiding over businesses. In the televised speech announcing the package, Modi spoke repeatedly about making India a self-sufficient economy. It was this that made Prajapati lose hope in ever getting government support. “Modiji said that we have to become self-reliant,” he said, still referring to the Prime Minister with an honorific suffix. “What does that mean? That we can only depend on ourselves. The government has left us all alone.”
By the time the lockdown began to lift in June, Prajapati’s savings had run out. His government ID card listed his village address, so he was not able to access government food rations, and he found himself struggling to buy food for his family. Three times, he visited a public square where a local nonprofit was handing out meals. On June 6, he finally left Pune for his family’s village, Khazurhat. He had been forced to borrow from relatives the $76 for tickets for his wife, brother and himself. But having heard the stories of migrants making deadly journeys back, he was thankful to have found a safe way home.
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Atul Loke for TIMEKashinath Kale’s widow, Sangeeta, flanked by her sons Akshay, left, and Avinash, holds a framed portrait of her late husband outside their home in Kalewadi, a suburb of Pune. Kale, 44, died from COVID-19 in July as the family desperately tried to find a hospital bed with a ventilator.
Meanwhile, the virus had been spreading across India, despite the lockdown. The first hot spots were India’s biggest cities. In Pune, Kashinath Kale, 44, was admitted to a public hospital with the virus on July 4, after waiting in line for nearly four hours. Doctors said he needed a bed with a ventilator, but none were available. His family searched in vain for six days, but no hospital could provide one. On July 11, he died in an ambulance on the way to a private hospital, where his family had finally located a bed in an intensive-care unit with a ventilator. “He knew he was going to die,” says Kale’s wife Sangeeta, holding a framed photograph of him. “He was in a lot of pain.”
By June, almost every day saw a new record for daily confirmed cases. And as COVID-19 moved from early hot spots in cities toward rural areas of the country where health care facilities are less well-equipped, public-health experts expressed concern, noting India has only 0.55 hospital beds per 1,000 people, far below Brazil’s 2.15 and the U.S.’s 2.80. “Much of India’s health infrastructure is only in urban areas,” says Ramanan Laxminarayan, director of the D.C.-based Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics and Policy. “As the pandemic unfolds it is moving into states which have very low levels of testing and rural areas where the public-health infrastructure is weak.”
Read More: India Is the World’s Second-Most Populous Country. Can It Handle the Coronavirus Outbreak?
When he arrived back in his village of Khazurhat, Prajapati’s neighbors were worried he might have been infected in Pune, so medical workers at the district hospital checked his temperature and asked if he had any symptoms. But he was not offered a test. “While testing has been getting better in India, it’s still nowhere near where it needs to be,” says Jha.
Nevertheless, Modi has repeatedly touted India’s low case fatality rate—the number of deaths as a percentage of the number of cases—as proof that India has a handle on the pandemic. (As of Aug. 17 the rate was 1.9%, compared with 3.1% in the U.S.) “The average fatality rate in our country has been quite low compared to the world … and it is a matter of satisfaction that it is constantly decreasing,” Modi said in a televised videoconference on Aug. 11. “This means that our efforts are proving effective.”
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Atul Loke for TIMEParents keep their child still while a health care worker takes a nasal swab for a COVID-19 test at a school in Pune.
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Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker executes a rapid antigen COVID-19 test in the local school of Dhole Patil in Pune.
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Atul Loke for TIMEA health care worker checks a woman’s temperature and oxygen saturation in the Dhole Patil slum on Aug. 10.
But experts say this language is dangerously misleading. “As long as your case numbers are increasing, your case fatality rate will continue to fall,” Jha says. When the virus is spreading exponentially as it is currently in India, he explains, cases increase sharply but deaths, which lag weeks behind, stay low, skewing the ratio to make it appear that a low percentage are dying. “No serious public-health person believes this is an important statistic.” On the contrary, Jha says, it might give people false optimism, increasing the risk of transmission.
Modi’s move to lock down the country in March was met with a surge in approval ratings; many Indians praised the move as strong and decisive. But while other foreign leaders’ lockdown honeymoons eventually gave way to popular resentment, Modi’s ratings remained stratospheric. In some recent polls, they topped 80%.
The reason has much to do with his wider political project, which critics see as an attempt to turn India from a multifaith constitutional democracy into an authoritarian, Hindu-supremacist state. Since winning re-election with a huge majority in May 2019, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), the political wing of a much larger grouping of organizations whose stated mission is to turn India into a Hindu nation, has delivered on several long-held goals that excite its right-wing Hindu base at the expense of the country’s Muslim minority. (Hindus make up 80% of the population and Muslims 14%.) Last year the government revoked the autonomy of India’s only Muslim-majority state, Kashmir. And an opulent new temple is being built in Ayodhya—a site where many Hindus believe the deity Ram was born and where Hindu fundamentalists destroyed a mosque on the site in 1992. After decades of legal wrangling and political pressure from the BJP, in 2019 the Supreme Court finally ruled a temple could be built in its place. On Aug. 5, Modi attended a televised ceremony for the laying of the foundation stone.
Read More: The Battle for India’s Founding Ideals
Still, before the pandemic Modi was facing his most severe challenge yet, in the form of a monthslong nationwide protest movement. All over the country, citizens gathered at universities and public spaces, reading aloud the preamble of the Indian constitution, quoting Mohandas Gandhi and holding aloft the Indian tricolor. The protests began in December 2019 as resistance to a controversial law that would make it harder for Muslim immigrants from Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh, to gain Indian citizenship. They morphed into a wider pushback against the direction of the country under the BJP. In local Delhi elections in February, the BJP campaigned on a platform of crushing the protests but ended up losing seats. Soon after, riots broke out in the capital; 53 people were killed, 38 of them Muslims. (Hindus were also killed in the violence.) Police failed to intervene to stop Hindu mobs roaming around Muslim neighborhoods looking for people to kill, and in some cases joined mob attacks on Muslims themselves, according to a Human Rights Watch report.
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Atul Loke for TIMEWorkers push the body of a COVID-19 patient into the furnace of Yerawada crematorium in Pune on Aug. 11.
“During those hundred days I thought India had changed forever,” says Harsh Mander, a prominent civil-rights activist and director of the Centre for Equity Studies, a Delhi think tank, of the three months of nationwide dissent from December to March. But the lockdown put an abrupt end to the protests. Since then, the government has ramped up its crackdown on dissent. In June, Mander was accused by Delhi police (who report to Modi’s interior minister, Amit Shah) of inciting the Delhi riots; in the charges against him, they quoted out of context portions of a speech he had made in December calling on protesters to continue Gandhi’s legacy of nonviolent resistance, making it sound instead like he was calling on them to be violent. Meanwhile, local BJP politician Kapil Mishra, who was filmed immediately before the riots giving Delhi police an ultimatum to clear the streets of protesters lest his supporters do it themselves, still walks free. “In my farthest imagination I couldn’t believe there would be this sort of repression,” Mander says.
Read More: ‘Hate Is Being Preached Openly Against Us.’ After Delhi Riots, Muslims in India Fear What’s Next
A pattern was emerging. Police have also arrested at least 11 other protest leaders, including Safoora Zargar, a 27-year-old Muslim student activist who organized peaceful protests. She was accused of inciting the Delhi riots and charged with murder under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act, a harsh anti-terrorism law that authorities used at least seven times during the lockdown to arrest activists or journalists. The law is described by Amnesty International as a “tool of harassment,” and by Zargar’s lawyer Ritesh Dubey, in an interview with TIME, as aimed at “criminalizing dissent.” As COVID-19 spread around the country, Zargar was kept in jail for two months, without bail, despite being 12 weeks pregnant at the time of her arrest. Restrictions in place to curb the spread of coronavirus, like not allowing lawyers to visit prisons, have also impacted protesters’ access to legal justice, Dubey says.
“The government used this health emergency to crush the largest popular movement this country has seen since independence,” Mander says. “The Indian Muslim has been turned into the enemy within. The economy has tanked, there is mass hunger, infections are rising and rising, but none of that matters. Modi has been forgiven for everything else. This normalization of hate is almost like a drug. In the intoxication of this drug, even hunger seems acceptable.”
Read More: It Was Already Dangerous to Be Muslim in India. Then Came the Coronavirus
Close to going hungry, Prajapati says the Modi administration has provided little relief for people like him. “If we have not gotten anything from the government, not even a sack of rice, then what can we say to them?” he says. “I don’t have any hope from the government.”
Still a change in government would be too much for Prajapati, a devout Hindu and a Modi supporter, who backs the construction of the temple of Ram in Ayodhya and cheered on the BJP when it revoked the autonomy of Kashmir. “There is no one else like Modi who we can put our faith in,” he says. “At least he has done some good things.”
Prajapati remained in Khazurhat from June until August, working his family’s acre of farmland where they grow rice, wheat, potatoes and mustard. But there was little other work available, and the yield from their farm was not sufficient to support the family. Now $267 in debt to employers and relatives, he decided to return to Pune along with his wife and brother. Worried about reports of rising cases in the city, his usually stoic father cried as he waved him off from the village. On his journey, Prajapati carried 44 lb. of wheat and 22 lb. of rice, which he hoped would feed his family until he could find construction work.
On the evening of his return, Prajapati cleaned his home, cooked dinner from what he had carried back from the village, and began calling contractors to look for work. The pandemic had set him back at least a year, he said, and it would take him even longer to pay back the money he owed. The stamp on his hand he’d received at the station, stating that he was to self-quarantine for seven days, had already faded. Prajapati was planning to work as soon as he could. “Whether the lockdown continues or not, whatever happens we have to live here and earn some money,” he said. “We have to find a way to survive.”
—With reporting by Madeline Roache/London
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deepakverma123 · 4 years ago
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Indian Inspirational Women Like Arunima Sinha
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The National Level Indian volleyball player, Arunima Sinha is the world's first female amputee to climb Mt. Everest in 2013. A champion in volleyball, this Indian sports person met with a shattering incident in the year 2011, when she was pushed from a running train, because of which her left leg was amputated.
At a point in her life when a career of sports seemed devastated, she resolved to conquer Everest and ever since did everything that was required to win this impossible mission. Arunima's career in mountain climbing continued to flourish as she moved on unflinchingly, to climb the great peaks of Mt. Kilimanjaro, Mt. Elbrus, Mt. Kosciusko, Mt. Aconcagua, Carstensz Pyramid and Mt. Vinson.
A New Dream
Arunima was born by the name of Sonu Sinha, in a lower-middle-class family in the Ambedkar Nagar District of Uttar Pradesh. From the young days of childhood, Arunima was an enthusiastic athlete and would take part in a variety of sports activities. Her keen interests however were in volleyball and mountaineering. She soon emerged as a National level volleyball player and wanted to join the paramilitary forces.
In April 2011 when Arunima was traveling to Delhi to take her CISF examination, she met with the most tragic incident of her life. A gang of robbers who had entered the train got into physical combat with Arunima, pushing her out of the train, somewhere near Bareilly.
With severe injuries all over the body, Arunima was admitted at AIIMS, Delhi where her left leg was amputated to save her life. A Delhi-based company sponsored her prosthetic leg, while the Indian Sports Ministry announced a compensation of INR 2,00,000. Even though she was offered a job by the CISF and the Indian Railways Arunima could not accept the accident putting a stop to her dreams of mountaineering and becoming a famous sports personality of India.
During her treatment period, she gathered strength, courage, and motivation to scale Everest. And to fulfill this dream, she started her basic mountaineering course at Nehru Institute of Mountaineering in Uttarkashi.
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Reaching the Top
At a moment in life when one has lost all hopes of a future in sports, let alone mountaineering, Arunima's shining spirit was battling to keep hope. In 2011, as she was slowly moving towards recovery, she contacted Bachendri Pal, the first Indian woman to have climbed Mt. Everest.
The next year, when she was in a better physical condition, she started to pursue training under Pal at the Uttarkashi camp of the TSAF. As part of her golden mission, This Inspiring woman had to practice many smaller climbs. In April 2013, she reached the summit of Island Peak. On 31st March she started on her conquest to Everest and after 52 days of rigorous effort finally reached the peak in May 2013. She was lauded by the then Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh Akhilesh Yadav who bestowed an honor of Rs. 25 lakhs.
On the success of her Everest climb, Arunima, the famous Indian sports person became more determined to conquer all the seven highest peaks in the seven continents. By 2014, she had already covered the six, and in 2019 she completed the seventh peak, Mt. Vinson in Antarctica, making her the world's first female amputee to climb the peak.
Queen of the Hills
Arunima's grit and determination have taken her to a peak, that transcends the height of all mountains. She is recognized by the Limca Book of World records for her inspirational achievements. The story of her life fills one's heart with hope and aspiration. In the year 2013, she was honored with the Padma Shri. Needless to say that the climb to where she is standing today has been beset with unthinkable struggles and obstacles.
At a young age, she had to start giving up on sports, so that she could find a job to stand by her family. It was in the search of this opportunity of a potential job at CISF, that she boarded the train to Delhi. What happened, changed her life forever.
During her period at the hospital, the news of this famous Indian sports personality created a huge sensation in the media. The Sports Ministry conferred an amount as compensation and also guaranteed the best medical treatment for her. A rod fitted to her leg, she made her mind focused on the singular decision of climbing Everest.
Arunima in an interview recalls the unique problems that she would face during her climb. Her feet and ankle would often swivel resulting in a loss of grip for her. Seeing her in excruciating pain at times, even her Sherpa would feel this is only going to be a climb to death for her. Her power lay in her heart which was set on the conquest, and finally, she made it to the top of the world. In 2018, the mountaineer was awarded an honorary doctorate by the University of Strathclyde in Glasgow, Britain.
The inspiration she is, Arunima has not only become one of the world's greatest sports personalities but also runs a charitable organization for underprivileged and handicapped children. She plans to go a long way in training these children in sports activities and her goal is she this organization shine as much as her achievements.
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miss-quackers-blog · 7 years ago
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RRC Group D Recruitment 2018, 1884 PWD Railway Jobs, 
Train Team D Recruitment 2018: Government of India, Ministry of Railways part of Train http://longleysophie.wordpress.com Employment Cell has invites applications for all Indian citizens who have Individuals with Impairments (PWDs) of Indian Race RRB Kolkata 2018 for the posts of Group 'D' level for rrb mumbai admit card 2018 download western, south eastern area sensible vacancies offered on main site at www.pwd.rrcnr.org. So, all young and also skilful competitors that have trying to find Train Jobs because RRC has released most recent promotion (CEN 1/2016) for 1884 tasks. Interested people are suggested to online treatment has been started.
RRB Kolkata loco pilot 2018
If you know that RRC is totally embarking on by Ministry of Train and also main headquarter located in New Delhi. The major objective of this RRB Kolkata 2018 cell carries out rrb recruitment admit card online or written exam for Team 'D' posts to General Mangers and also responsible for arranging on-line test, scenting test, group discussion and personal meeting.
RRC Team D Recruitment 2018 Alert:
Name of the Department: Train Recruitment Cell
Indicative Central Work Notice No.: CEN 1/2016
Overall Number of Posts: 1884 vacancies
RRC Team D Jobs 2018 Qualification Criteria:
RRB Kolkata 2018 Application Cost:
No any type of assessment cost should be paid for any kind of caste.
Educational Credentials Facts:
Beloved applicable prospects that have actually fascinated to above posts have to have completed their a rrc gorakhpur admit card minimum of SSC/Matriculation/10th Standard or its equal degree/certificate from an acknowledged board or university for RRB Kolkata 2018.
Age Limitation & Relaxation:
Interested candidates age need to be between 18 years to more than 42 years. Upper age limit for PWD General group candidates-http://literaturbiacuentos.wordpress.com One Decade, PWD Open Backward Course candidates- 13 years and PWD SC/ST classification applicants- 15 years based on government standards.
RRB Kolkata loco pilot 2018 Choice Refine:
Deserve viewpoint will be selected on the basis of their efficiency in online examination, file verification as well as medical examination.
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Ways to fill out Railway Team D Employment 2018?
Open main website of RRC at  or go to given below web link.
Click on "Download And Install Advertisement/Notification (CEN 1/2016) PDF"
Refer all guidelines and policy very carefully and then press "USING ONLINE/E-Application SRDPH".
Start to filling of online application with get in required detail. RRB Kolkata 2018
If you any difficulty so click "The best www.indian railway.gov.in ways to Apply" web link as well as refer all steps.
Publish your photograph, scanned signature and also required file (If required).
Verify all info after that click on SUBMIT switch.
Download and also latest recruitment conserve system generated application form as PDF layout.
Take print out it.
RRC Railway Group D Admit Card & Application Standing 2018
After the conclusion of on rpf vacancy the internet registration procedure then Railway Recruitment Cell has actually published hall ticket with application standing for PWD Team D openings via online setting.
Dear candidates are suggested to fulfil your enrollment kind with no kind of mistake prior to the due date.
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loyallogic · 4 years ago
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Migrant Workers Crisis: Ignorance and Helplessness at its Height
This article is written by Aayush Akar and Yash Chhikara from National Law University, Odisha. The following article deals with the Migrant crisis relating to their livelihood during Lockdown.
Introduction 
The effect of the COVID-19 crisis on low-skilled foreign employees and casual workers has been catastrophic. Work deprivation, lack of social care, and being stuck in a foreign city or state would be problems that the nation would have to contend with well outside the post-COVID-19 era. Article 22 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights guarantees that every member of the community has a right to social security. The basic values and norms of the International Labour Organisation (ILO) cover employees in diverse industries which include freedom of speech, fair compensation for equal jobs, healthy working practices, removal of slave labour and racial segregation, equality of education, social security policy, the safety of foreign employees, reduction of sexual abuse against woman employees and other similar things.
The 2018-2019 Economic Survey notes that 93% of jobs are in the informal economy, while NITI Aayog’s “Strategy for New India @75” in 2018 reports that “India’s informal sector employs around 85 per cent of all employees”. Although sources can vary on the exact figures, the vastness of informal jobs is an acknowledged and well-known fact. Such jobs contribute 50% of India’s national income and make up a significant part of the country’s human resource base. Given the vast percentage of the population stuck in the informal network, the establishment of legal and economic security would be a significant undertaking throughout this pandemic. Although India has a broad variety of social security programs in the fields of employment, health care, training, food protection and pensions most of these initiatives are restricted to the formal market.
The 2011 census migration data was analysed and published in the 2017 Economic Survey based on the Ministry of Railways’ rail passenger traffic flows and new methodologies such as the “Cohort Migration Metric (CMM)”. Estimates using the 2011 census and the 2007-08 National Survey Sample put the proportion of migrants in the workplace between 17 and 29 per cent. There was a gradual growth in the number of internal migrants yearly, between 2001 and 2011, inter-state labour movement reached 5-6 million citizens, thus the inter-state migrant community constitutes 60 million and inter-district migration is 80 million. External work-related migration figures for 2011-2016 indicate that nine million workers are moving between states.
Recent migration trends show that states such as Maharashtra, Delhi, Tamil Nadu and Gujarat attract large swaths of migrants from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and Madhya Pradesh’s Hindi heartland. West Bengal is now drawing a huge number of refugees from Jharkhand, Uttar Pradesh, and Odisha neighbouring states. Because Maharashtra and West Bengal are the largest regional economies and regional magnets for migrants in the southern and western regions and the northern and eastern regions respectively, we are focusing in particular on how these two countries responded to the fear of coronavirus by protecting their migrants.
The pandemic has jarringly highlighted the gaps that remain in the regional discourse on safeguarding migrant labour rights. There is a glaring lack of focus on taking up an updated stock of the migrant population of states and providing them with social security based on labour standards. There are sparse disaggregated internal migration data in India- the official estimates of the number of migrant workers mainly originate from the census reports that identify a migrant as an individual who resides anywhere other than their birthplace or their last place of residence.
A concentrated push to collect state-of-the-art migrant data inside states is necessary to better gage the funds required to have sufficient access to the food supply, accommodation, sanitation, and financial services all factors that are currently difficult to access for migrant seasonal workers. Lack of granular data is a significant explanation why the country appears to have just risen to the migrant problem, no one understands the severity of the case and the evidence have come from simulations focused on results.
States will also ensure that, along with the growing increase in developing social insurance systems for informal industries, foreign employees are distinguished and compensated for additional issues such as the lack of evidence of identification and lack of collaboration with the country of origin. A roadmap should be drawn up for collaboration between states to alleviate the burden on interstate migrants without waiting for another pandemic to push its hand.
Even the Supreme Court has declined to order central government and state governments to ensure wage/minimum wage compensation for all migrant employees. However, it called on the government to take the requisite measures to address migrant workers’ problems.
The Court was hearing the petition seeking guidance from the federal government and the government of the state to collectively and severally ensure salary/minimum wage payments to all migrant employees within one week. Advocate Prashant Bhushan, who appeared for petitioner Harsh Mander, had claimed that thousands of employees still denied exposure to essential services, following government initiatives. He also claimed that surveys carried out by NGOs found that there are many places in which the assistance does not enter migrant workers.
On the other side, Solicitor General Tushar Mehta filed a status report and stated that there are numerous steps in progress to resolve the migrant worker’s problems. He further claimed that the helpline number was given to report on implementation problems at ground level and that, if any feedback is received, the authorities instantly seek to resolve the same. Satisfied with the government’s response, the Court resolved to take certain measures as it considered appropriate to address the issues posed in the petition with the government’s approval.
On April 13, the bench headed by CJI SA Bobde scheduled a PIL seeking urgent guidance to pay simple minimum wages to migrant employees, adversely impacted by the COVID-19 lockdown. The Court had asked the Bhushan to pass the affidavit meanwhile. Bhushan advised the court that more than four lakh migrant workers stay in shelters and create a joke of social isolation. “If they’re kept in the shelter homes, even if one person has coronavirus they will all get infected.” adding that many people will die by Monday, Bhushan said, “They should be allowed to go back to their own homes. Families need money for survival because they are dependent on wages.” Solicitor General Tushar Mehta said the central government is at the top of this situation and is looking into the grievances that have been issued. He added that a call centre had also been established to address and resolve issues. Mehta said the Home Affairs Minister controls the helpline every day. The PIL requested an urgent order from the Central Government to pay reasonable minimum wages to migrant workers and argued that the lock-up, enforced in an attempt to deter coronavirus spread throughout the world, discriminated against residents. Last month, the bench of L. Negeswara Rao and Deepak Gupta, sent a notice to the Central Government of a petition seeking urgent guidance for the payment of simple minimum wages to migrant employees, adversely impacted by the COVID-19 lockdown.
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Reason of the Movement- Understanding the Reasons for the Core
Migrant workers are among the citizens that are the key foundation of GDP production. They are like the nowhere men that are present everywhere, whether it is household jobs or factory work. These individuals are most impacted by this lockdown. And, because of the loss of some sort of work or money in hand, these citizens needed to re-migrate. 
The lockdown was declared on March 25 and it was clear that, in this pandemic, most domestic employees, industrial labourers would lose their employment. They were all going to get their wages for their respective month in the matter of the next few days. So most of them submitted their remittals on the first week of the month. As a result, they were stuck with the negligible income because they didn’t receive the corresponding month’s salary despite the provisions of the decree issued on 29 th March.
Additionally, government-mandated to follow the lockdown directives. If these workers were spotted on the road, on the highways, they were brutally punished by the police. As a result, they preferred to move along the railway tracks and sleep on the respective platforms and, if they were not able to make it up to the station, they preferred to sleep on the tracks.
The government’s pledge to build shelters. Those places are (as stated by these migrant workers) filthy places with no proper roof and rough ground. They are forced to stay in those unhygienic conditions. In UP alone, nearly three lakh migrant workers were quarantined in shelters with no sufficient food supply and unhygienic conditions. As a result, these helpless workers decided to move to their native place.
It is not only the legal obligation on the part of the state to aid migrant workers, but it is their contractual requirement to provide them assistance to reach out to their home state. In Surat, angry workers were on the streets demanding the train to reach their destination, tear gas shells were fired at them. When they didn’t see any other way out, they were compelled to travel on foot to meet their target. 
With an inexorable lockout, where people think it easier to suffer from hunger than from corona, where people consider it safer to be disinclined to travel hundreds of miles than to stay in locked spaces, where people find it easier to sleep on the railroads than to be punished by the military. It depicts the great loss of trust of these millions of migrant workers towards the administration. The corollaries of this massive loss of trust are that they are forced to move to their home state.
Steps were taken by the States in the Pandemic
After the Janata Curfew, which was announced on March, 22nd, Centre has further pronounced a twenty-one-day lockdown on March, 24th. Till then many states had already invoked the Epidemic Diseases Act 1897, putting stringent restrictions on the movement of the people. Section 2 of the “Epidemic Diseases Act” delivers power to the state government to “take special measures and prescribe regulations as to dangerous epidemic disease.” Further on March 24, National Disaster Management Authority had released an order under which it exercises its power mentioned in section 6 (2)(i) of the “Disaster Management Act” to direct the state government to take effective steps to prevent the spread of Covid-19.
Later, on March 29, the Ministry of Home Affair had released an order stating the movement of migrant workers as a violation of the lockdown and the chairman of the National Executive Council implementing similar directions had directed the state authorities to ensure additional arrangements such as:
To provide transitory housing, and supplies of food to the disadvantaged public which includes the migrant workers who are stranded due to the lockdown and to the ones who had moved out, but could not reach their home state, provided they are properly screened for a minimum period of fourteen days as per standard health protocol.
All the employees whether it is in the commercial sector such as shops or the industrial sector such as labourers should be provided with the wages, without any subtraction for the time of closure during the lockdown.
Landlords of the property could not demand the rent from the workers including from the migrants for one month. Any force to vacate their land will be held actionable in the act.
Further development came on 3rd April when on the direction of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the home ministry had announced to provide the funds of rupees eleven thousand ninety-two crores to all the state governments. 
Under which Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar has received the maximum amount of rupees 1611, 966, 910, 740, 708 crores respectively. Also, according to the census of 2011, these states, which includes Uttar Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan, Bihar accounts for more than 50 per cent of the interstate migrants. Whereas Delhi, Maharashtra, Haryana, Gujarat, Uttar Pradesh housed more than 50% of these migrants.
Though there is no recent data available as to how many migrant workers are stranded in various parts of the country. An RTI filed by the applicant Venkatesh asking the information about the data received from various districts of the states on the migrant workers, revealed that there was currently no data with labour’s commissioner office concerning the same. In this case, it becomes even more important for the states to take effective measures at the grass-root level to ensure that migrant workers who received the worst hit by the pandemic get the required support from the authorities.
Several state governments had come out with various guidelines and orders to support the stranded migrant workers. This article will focus on these steps taken by the state government.  
Uttar Pradesh
Seeing the hue & cry of migrant workers from the various parts of the country, the Uttar Pradesh government decided to bring back the workers who were stranded on the border districts. To do so, on 28 March, the government arranged thousands of buses to facilitate these workers. The government also prepared an action plan for the return of the migrants and tried to map all the workers who were there in the relief camps. 
The state government time and again had asked the stranded migrants to maintain patience and to be in touch with the respective state authorities. Government is of the view to bring the workers in different phases. It will be first bringing the workers who had completed their fourteen days quarantine in other states. The energy minister of the state Mr Shrikant Sharma said, The government is conscious of the challenges but is determined to convert them into opportunities. Government is of the view to generate employment opportunities for these workers so that they do not have to migrate again.
These measures taken by the state authority came after a long time. It took almost one month for the authorities to bring back these stranded migrants and still many are there in shelter homes or are on their way to reach their home state on foot. These lakhs of workers are forced to live on constrained resources and in an unsanitary condition in the shelter homes. This delay took a heavy toll on the lives of these stranded migrant workers. If these decisions would have been implemented earlier, these workers would have reached their state much before.
Delhi
Following the lockdown, there were lakhs of daily wage migrant workers who were there on the streets of Delhi to reach their home state. Chief Minister, Arvind Kejriwal asked these workers to not to leave their homes and shanties and asserted that the government could feed all the Delhi workers. The government had converted government schools to shelter homes and had also started buses to avoid travelling of workers.
The state government had announced plans to provide grains to 7.2 million workers living in the state and also started an e-coupon service for the workers who are not covered under the public distribution scheme. It had also started an online application system for the movement of workers to their home state and appointed nodal officers and had addressed the police officials to restrain the unregulated movement of the workers. 
Though the government tried to resolve the distress of these migrant workers through various schemes it had failed miserably to implement those. The Delhi ration registry works on the data of 2011 census but the situation has considerably changed in nine years. There would be many vulnerable families who will not be recognized under the said scheme. And the e-coupon scheme started by the government failed to recognize the fact that many of these poor migrant workers do not have the required mobile phones and the internet connection to register for the said scheme. The government needs to take some steps forward to execute the said scheme.
Bihar
Reaching to migrant workers who are stuck at different places and wanted to reach their home state, and also to the workers who had migrated to Bihar for employment, the government had taken various steps to reduce the miseries of these workers. For the daily wage earners, the government said that it had distributed rupees 100 crores from the Chief Minister Relief Fund to be used for these workers by the disaster management department to provide shelters. Also, the government said that it had provided the disaster relief centres for those workers also who had migrated to the state for the projects which are underway in Bihar.
The Bihar government had transferred the amount of rupees 1000 each to the bank accounts of 284000 workers and migrant labourers. The government had also appointed nodal officers and directed the police department for the easy movement of the workers. Tejashwi Yadav who heads the opposition party in Bihar had also offered the fair of 50 trains carrying migrant workers to Bihar.
The help which the state government tried to provide could not reach the significant number of migrant labourers. There are lakhs of these migrant labourers and the help provided by the government is limited. The government too did not have resources to help the workers. The total budget of the Bihar government towards the public expenditure on health was rupees 8,788 crores which was just 4.1% of the total budget. The government needs to take support from the centre because the economy of Bihar at present is facing an unprecedented situation and without the financial support, it won’t be able to support a large number of migrant workers in the state. 
                             Click Above
Maharashtra 
In crises, the government of Maharashtra had tried to support migrants. It has established 262 relief camps across the state which is providing shelter to the 70,399, number of migrants. The Maharashtra government had assured the workers of the proper meal and also of employment once this lockdown ends. The government had reduced the rate of meal which was offered under “Shiv Bhojan Scheme ” so that a large number of workers could be benefitted from the above scheme.
According to a report from the “SWAN (Stranded Workers Action Network),” 96% of the migrants which reached out to the network are unable to access the government rations. Also, 69% runs out of rations in a day. Thousands of migrants find it difficult to reach their home state and the Maharashtra government is not able to stand on the expectations of the workers.
Other States
In Kerala as well there was a great uproar of migrant workers. The workers wanted to leave for their home state after the lockdown was announced. But the government dealt with the migrant workers in a more human approach. It had not only provided the workers with enough food, medicines, sanitizers and masks but also recharged their mobile phones so that they might not feel away from their family. It has also provided 24-hour control rooms where the queries of migrant workers are listened to and resolved. At present Kerala had 18,912 relief camps, which is the maximum number of relief camps for migrant workers in the country.
In Odisha, the government had primarily focused on the Panchayats to deal with the issue of stranded migrants. The panchayats have delegated the power of district collectors to smoothen the movement of all the migrant workers. Also, the government decided to have a registration facility working in each panchayat under which each migrant has to undergo a registration process which could be done by his friends or their family members. Each migrant had to undergo a 14-day quarantine during which food and shelter would be provided free and once the quarantine was completed, he would also be provided with 2000 rupees.
Whereas in Karnataka, after the uproar from migrant workers to allow them to move to their home state, the state government had altered its decision and finally allowed these workers to leave. Interested migrant workers had to register themselves via an online portal and then the application will be sorted state wise. All the migrant workers will be screened by the health authorities and then officials would identify the selected migrants and provide them with the ticket at a price decided by the railways. 
Constitutional And International Obligations
Constitutional Obligations
The unprecedented lockdown on 25 March left the lakhs of workers in the varied places of the country stranded. The situation now is that there is a need to recognize and protect the rights of these workers. There is a continuous threat to their fundamental rights. These lakhs of workers in approximately two months had encountered threats on their livelihood, food, shelter, income, security and dignity. The government cannot turn a nelson’s eye on the plight of these workers and had to recognize and protect their rights. 
The nationwide lockdown had questioned two important fundamental rights, Article 14, which is “equality before the law” and Article 21, which is “protection of life and personal liberty.” The result of lockdown had a disproportionate impact on the lives of the workers. The construction workers, domestic servants and all the daily wage earners are disproportionately affected by this lockdown. Their daily chores by nature could not be done from their home. This disproportionate impact resulted in the “socio-economic class” which is a valid ground under the right to equality as held by the apex court in the case of “State of Maharashtra v Indian Hotel and Restaurant Association.” The very disproportionate impact of the lockdown on one set of people is not based on any “intelligible differentia” and is per se discriminatory. This, as a result, leads to a “positive obligation” on the part of the government to mitigate this disproportionate impact of its decision.
The impact of the lockdown has also affected the right to livelihood, which is present in Article 21 of the Indian Constitution. Amidst the pandemic, it is difficult for these workers to perform their duty. The loss of livelihood, income resulted in these workers to leave their rented apartment. Consequences are that these workers had to starve because the government supplied food grains are unable to reach all the migrants. “Right to life” present in Article 21 is not limited to “bare animal existence” rather it consists of the “Right to live with dignity.” Hence it is the responsibility of the court to examine the impact of a government decision on the lives of the migrant worker.
In the time of this pandemic, it is not significant whether the intention of those in power is good or not, but rather, what is important is whether it infringes on the right of people. As in the case of ADM Jabalpur, justice Khanna pointed out “Experience should teach us to be most on our guard to protect liberty when the Government’s purposes are beneficent …  [the] greatest danger to liberty lies in insidious encroachment by men of zeal, well-meaning but lacking in due deference for the rule of law.”
This lockdown has forced the government to take extraordinary measures but people who are in power must recognize and prevent any infringement of the rights of these workers. Measures taken by the authorities for the larger public good must not be at the cost of the rights of these people who had received the worst hit by the pandemic. Else the situation will get worse before it gets better and cure would be more dreadful than diseases.
International Obligations
Covid-19 which was earlier seen as a “pneumonia of unknown cause”, was first reported in China on 31 December 2019. In a matter of the next 30 days, it was declared as the Public Health Emergency. On 11th March 2020, it was also announced as the global pandemic. At the time of writing this article, there are 4.37 million cases worldwide. So, it is not hidden from us how threatening the coronavirus is. Hence, there are bound to be some international obligations over the nations.
Right to Health
“Right to health” is present in various “international human rights laws”. But the most noticeable of these is the “International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).” Article 12 of the said right provides “the right of everyone to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of physical and mental health” which includes steps for “the prevention, treatment and control of epidemic, endemic, occupational and other diseases.” 
Also, as per the United Nation body which monitors the working of ICESCR has clearly stated the various duties of the nation. In its general comment 14, it mentioned the core obligations on the part of states to maintain “right to health”. As it states, “States have a special obligation to provide those who do not have sufficient means with the necessary health insurance and health-care facilities and to prevent any discrimination on internationally prohibited grounds in the provision of health care and health services, especially with respect to the core obligations of the right to health.” Also, the nation, under any position, would not excuse its resistance with its “core obligations” which are “non-derogable.”
In India, due to the lockdown, there were lakhs of migrant workers on the street. These people lack resources and the means to carry out their daily needs which as a consequence resulted in their mass gathering. It becomes the responsibility of the state to take the required steps to maintain their “right to health” else these people would be at the maximum risk of getting infected.
Right to Social Security
Several measures have been taken by nations all over the world, it includes measures such as isolations, travel bans, limitation on public gathering and so on. These measures had disproportionately affected a class of migrant workers. These people left with insecure employment and low wages. These workers do not receive adequate social security benefits like they do not have paid leave or the sick leave and also face difficulties when they are being infected. In this case it is the responsibility on the part of the state to ensure that these workers get access to “social securities” such as sick pay, health care and parental leaves.
Preventing Stigma and Discrimination
The result of the spread of coronavirus was that there were reports of discrimination and stigma against the migrant workers at their home state. There was the general misconception that these people were spreading the coronavirus. These workers were as a result subjected to various atrocities. According to CESCR general comment 20, Health status is a prohibited ground for discrimination and state should ensure that these workers do not receive any social outrage and should not be discriminated. Any kind of discrimination would undermine their ability to enjoy their human rights. This discrimination would also lead to people hiding their symptoms and utilising the health care facilities, and also discourage people from adopting healthy behaviour.
Hence states should take substantial and directed measures to resolve discrimination and atrocities on the workers. It should come up with strategies, policies and plans to protect the workers from outrage and mistreatment. 
International Labour Organisation Recommendations
International labour organisations in Employment and decent work for peace and resilience Recommendations, 2017 had mentioned the response of the state in a situation of crisis. It says that the state should seek to ensure basic income security, specifically to the people who had lost their livelihood as a result of the crisis and also take essential health care measures for the people who have been made vulnerable by the crisis. ILO had also warned India and mentioned that there are about 40 crore workers in the informal economy who are at the risk of falling deeper into poverty due to the corona crisis.
Though India has controlled the COVID-19 pandemic quite efficiently with respect to European and many Western countries. But effective measures need to be taken by the government with proper compliance with both constitutional and international obligations to ensure that the rights of deprived are equally protected.
Conclusion
The COVID-19 pandemic is now known by corona, surveillance, thermal screening, isolation, vaccination and, most prominently, “stranded migrant workers.” At periodic intervals, we saw many tired labourers walking slowly along roads and such migrant workers added to the country’s growth through the sheer sweat of their foreheads, their labour, so that India could push towards the goal of being a trillion-dollar economy. The catastrophe of nature is that since these very same state-builders needed the support of the world to reach their modest residences, we denied them access to food, shelter and transport.
The media outlets have done nothing beyond just placed the focus on their frightening journeys. These are people who were decimated, mowed down, and fated to die of fatigue actually from starvation. This is a disgrace to humanity and an indignity to a country. The eye-catching disparity between two Indians has profoundly come to light. On the one hand, these workers suddenly lost their livelihood. Their hard-earned money was otherwise transferred to their households to satisfy the family needs, and their means of livelihood for themselves was immediately wiped out. Today, shorn of all, by selling their family valuables, these migrants have increased the cost of their travelling home. The lockdown forced them to speak differently about immigrants, whether they were educated or unskilled, blue or white-collar workers. Every migrant is confronted with trouble. Across these regions, therefore, appropriate facilities should be developed to solve their issues. Their skills are needed to balance demand and supply, and employers need to be flexible enough to build the facilities they need. Laws and regulations are thus needed to resolve any difficulties that migrants may comprehensively face in the future.
The ongoing situation also makes us worry to have a separate Ministry of Immigration, concerned exclusively with domestic migrants. The UPA government was innovative enough to set up the “Ministry of Overseas Indian Affairs” to give sufficient consideration to the numerous issues facing Indian expatriates. To some extent, it has helped to boost conditions for Indians living overseas. We have to also pay attention to domestic migrant workers. The dedicated Ministry of Migrant Affairs will provide the full database of the migrants-their place of birth, the location to which they have travelled, the skills they possess, etc. To ensure transparency and helping to arrange their housing, transport and food in times of crisis, this will help to build adequate employment. The Ministry must engage with the respective States on the issue of migrants. Migrants across the globe prefer to migrate in search of new opportunities. 
The police and other officials should consider the anxieties and concerns of migrants. As ordered by the “Union of India”, migrants should be treated humanely. Because of the situation, we are of the view that the Governments of the “states/union territories” should endeavour to involve volunteers with the authorities to oversee the welfare activities of migrants. The government of India adopted four labour codes to try to revamp the labour and industrial law environment. Among them, the draft “Social Security and Social Welfare Labour Code 2018” called for the convergence of schemes and benefits in the world, respecting workers’ rights to receive benefits all over the country. However, the word “welfare” has fallen and certain provisions concerning the social welfare of workers have been diluted or omitted. Regarding how migrant workers have special safeguards, the new Social Security bill 2019 remains silent. The Bill covers essential areas such as work disability compensation and the allocation of funds for workers. The Government is taking measures but concrete measures are required to deal with such a pandemic in future. 
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indiavacancyjob · 5 years ago
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Current Affairs - 1st May 2020
For cracking any competition exams, the current affairs and general knowledge are mandatory. Current Affairs is an essential part of any competitive exam, so we thought of a system that will help people in Current Affairs.   The Maharashtra legislative council elections will be conducted on May 21, 2020. The dates were announced after approval from the Election Commission of India. Maharashtra Governor BS Koshyari had requested the Election Commission earlier on April 30 to announce the election date for the nine vacant seats in Maharashtra’s Legislative Council.  Moody’s Investors Service has slashed India’s GDP growth forecast for the calendar year 2020 from 2.5% to 0.2%.  Asian Paints, India’s largest paint maker, announced on May 1, 2020, that it will start making hand and surface sanitizers under Viroprotek brand. The sanitizers will be made available in the market from next week onwards.  DRDO’s Defence Institute of Advanced Technology DIAT), Pune develops microwave sterilizer ‘ATULYA’ to disintegrate COVID-19.  Neeraj Vyas has been appointed as the interim Managing Director & Chief Executive Officer of PNB Housing Finance Ltd.  Ajay Tirkey has assumed charge as the Secretary in the Ministry of Women and Child Development. He is a 1987 batch IAS officer from Madhya Pradesh cadre. He succeeds in Rabindra Panwar who retired on April 30, 2020.  SNBNCBS (S. N. Bose National Centre for Basic Sciences), Kolkata develops nanomedicine to alter oxidative stress for better immune power to treat viral infections including COVID-19.  The Government of India has appointed T.S. Tirumurti as the next Ambassador of Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations.  Tarun Bajaj has assumed charge as the new Economic Affairs Secretary on May 1, 2020. He has assumed charge at a time when the economy is under severe stress due to the ongoing coronavirus pandemic. He has succeeded Atanu Chakraborty, who retired on April 30, 2020.  The Asian Development Bank has approved a USD 346 million loan to Maharashtra state government to provide reliable power connections in the state’s rural areas.  Ross Taylor was awarded the prestigious Sir Richard Hadlee Medal during the 2020 New Zealand Cricket Awards on May 1, 2020. The awards were conferred in a virtual ceremony. This is the third time that Taylor is being honored with New Zealand cricket’s top awards in the last 10 years.  All districts of Delhi have been identified as red zones, which means that largely the current restrictions will continue to remain even after May 3, 2020.  New Zealand skipper Kane Williamson was named the men’s ODI player of the Year. Williamson also had a hugely successful year, as he scored a total of 578 runs at an average of 82 including two centuries during the ICC World Cup 2019, in which he was named player of the tournament.  ICC bans Deepak Agarwal from all cricket for a period of 2 years after he accepted one charge of breaching the ICC Anti-Corruption Code. He was one of the team owners of the Sindhi’s franchise in the 2018 T10 Cricket League.  
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Government Job Types Railway Job Alert Police Job Alert Defense Job Alert Research Job Alert Teaching Job Alert Technical Job Alert Hospitality Job Alert Bank Job Alert UPSC & PSC Job Alert SSC Job Alert   N.B - The above information has been collected for various newspapers or Govt websites. We are not any Recruiter Agency or we do not hold any kind of Recruitment Process. So Job Finders are requested to go to the Official website of the Government Organization for more details. We are not liable for any kind of Misunderstanding or False information given by the third party Media Agency or Website.   Recent Job Update BMC Recruitment Apply Now 114 Wardboy Posts TRLM Recruitment – 99 Coordinator & Other Posts TRLM Recruitment 2020 Apply Now – Free Job Alert Cabinet Secretariat Recruitment 2019 | vacancyjob.in Janakpuri Superspecialty Hospital Recruitment 2020 Janakpuri Superspecialty Hospital Recruitment – 20 Medical Officer Vacancy Gujarat Metro Rail Recruitment 2020 Apply Now KSRTC Recruitment 2020 Apply Now | Free Job Alert PGIMER Chandigarh Recruitment 2020 Apply Now Indian Overseas Bank Recruitment – 24 Security Guard Posts Read the full article
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xtruss · 5 years ago
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Hard Times Have Pakistani Hindus Looking to India, Where Some Find Only Disappointment
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Hindu migrants from Pakistan arriving to take oaths of Indian citizenship recently at a magistrate office in Jodhpur, India.
By Maria Abi-Habib | October 5, 2019
JODHPUR, India — By the time an angry Muslim mob stormed the local Hindu school and ransacked an adjacent temple a few weeks ago, many members of Pakistan’s dwindling Hindu minority had already been wondering whether it was worth trying to stay in a country where they felt increasingly unsafe.
In April, an angry mob vandalized a different Hindu temple, smashing its idols and chucking the pieces in an open sewer. In May, a Hindu veterinarian was accused of blasphemy in a neighboring town, his shop burned to the ground on the rumor that he was selling medicine wrapped in Islamic religious text.
More than 70 years after the partition of India and Pakistan, increasing violence in this officially Muslim country against the Hindu minority — about 1 percent of Pakistan’s 210 million people — is leading some Hindus to rethink the choices and fate that left their families on the Pakistani side of the line in 1947, residents say.
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ImageHindu migrants from Pakistan waiting outside the Foreigners’ Registration Office in Jodhpur.
Hindu migrants from Pakistan waiting outside the Foreigners’ Registration Office in Jodhpur.Credit...Saumya Khandelwal for The New York Times
“Most of our elders at the time of partition did not migrate to India because they did not want to lose their businesses. But now they see it was the wrong decision,” said Kumar, a small-business owner from Ghotki District in Pakistan’s Sindh Province, where the attacks unfolded on Sept. 15. He asked that his last name be withheld, fearing mob violence.
“I am considering moving to India, where at least no one can kill me on the basis of my faith,” he said.
The trepidation among Pakistani Hindus is mirrored in many ways among the Muslim minority in India, where a campaign of Hindu nationalism led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s party has left many Muslims feeling targeted. Sectarian fears in both India and Pakistan always peak during times of tension, and hostility between the neighbors is running particularly high right now.
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Bheel Basti, a settlement of Hindu migrants from Pakistan, on the outskirts of Jodhpur.
In Pakistan, local officials say the pressure for Hindus to weigh moving to India has not been this great since a wave of sectarian violence led many to migrate in the 1990s, after a Hindu mob in India tore down a 16th-century mosque, the Babri Masjid, leading to retaliatory attacks in Pakistan.
The current migration is because of Mr. Modi’s open appeals to Hindu identity in India, they say, stripping the country of the secular framework it was founded on to give supremacy to their religion.
Since Mr. Modi’s election victory, Pakistani Hindus say they have had an easier time obtaining religious or pilgrimage visas to India, which they can then convert to long-term visas if they seek Indian citizenship.
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Though the exact number of Hindu migrants is hard to pin down, indications of a wider push to go to India can be seen in the numbers of those long-term visas. In 2018, the Indian government granted 12,732 long-term visas, compared with 4,712 in 2017, and 2,298 in 2016, according to the Ministry of External Affairs. About 95 percent of long-term visas are granted to Pakistani Hindus, officials say.
Millions of Hindus remained in Pakistan when Britain carved out the state from the subcontinent to create a Muslim homeland at independence in 1947. They were unwilling to abandon their homes and businesses, like the millions of Muslims who ended up on the Indian side during partition, where now about 200 million live.
But angry sectarian mobs on both sides of the border sought to change those demographics at the nations’ birth, killing up to two million people and displacing 14 million. Trains packed with terrified Muslims and Hindus fleeing in opposite directions on the railway between India and Pakistan arrived full of corpses, passengers massacred mid-journey.
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Filling water containers at the Al Kausar Nagar camp for Pakistani Hindu migrants near Jodhpur.
Filling water containers at the Al Kausar Nagar camp for Pakistani Hindu migrants near Jodhpur.Credit...Saumya Khandelwal for The New York Times
Train service between the countries was suspended when they went to war in 1965 and 1971, but eventually resumed. Last month, Pakistan suspended India-bound trains once again, protesting New Delhi’s move to strip the autonomy from the portion of Kashmir it controls, a Muslim-majority state the countries have long fought over.
Even among Pakistani Hindus who are considering going to India, there are very real reasons to hesitate.
Kumar is one who is torn. Though he was shaken by the recent violence in his hometown, he said he was still reluctant to pick up and leave when the trains start running again. He has said goodbye to neighbors who have migrated to India, only to see them return to Pakistan months or years later, disappointed.
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Bhagchand Bheel and his family came to India from Karachi, Pakistan, in 2014. At first he hoped that being part of a Hindu majority would make life better. “Then you arrive and realize it’s much different,” he said.
Bhagchand Bheel and his family came to India from Karachi, Pakistan, in 2014. At first he hoped that being part of a Hindu majority would make life better. “Then you arrive and realize it’s much different,” he said.Credit...Saumya Khandelwal for The New York Times
Bhagchand Bheel is one of the disappointed. When he migrated to India in 2014, he was grateful to leave the violence and pressure of Karachi, Pakistan’s commercial hub. He boarded the Thar Express to Zero Point Station, the last stop before the border, where he and his family lugged their bags by foot into India, settling in a camp in the city of Jodhpur.
He was among his people, he thought, and could finally be free. But he is of a lower caste, and when he tried to enter a Hindu temple, he was barred entry by the priest because of it, he said. And when a friend tried to drink from the community water well, he was physically assaulted by upper caste Brahmins who accused him of polluting it.
“In Pakistan, the only thing that matters is if you are Hindu or Muslim,” said Mr. Bheel, whose last name is derived from his tribe. “Because we are Hindus, in Pakistan we were discriminated against. But in India, I face discrimination because I’m a Bheel.”
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Children at the Al Kausar Nagar migrant camp outside Jodhpur.
Children at the Al Kausar Nagar migrant camp outside Jodhpur.Credit...Saumya Khandelwal for The New York Times
Like many Pakistani Hindus, Mr. Bheel migrated after Mr. Modi came to power in 2014, after a long campaign promoting Hindu nationalism.
Muslims in India say life has gotten progressively harder for them, too. Mr. Modi’s government is accused of turning a blind eye to the scores of Muslim men lynched by Hindu mobs. When an 8-year old Muslim girl was gang raped and killed in Kashmir last year by Hindu men, local police officers allegedly helped cover up the crime.
But despite the discrimination Muslims face in India, they do not tend to migrate to Pakistan in the numbers their Hindu counterparts in Pakistan do. Indian Muslims tend to migrate to the West instead.
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A Hindu migrant from Pakistan outside her makeshift house on the outskirts of Jodhpur.
A Hindu migrant from Pakistan outside her makeshift house on the outskirts of Jodhpur.Credit...Saumya Khandelwal for The New York Times
In the Al Kausar Nagar migrant camp in Jodhpur, huts made out of thin, wispy branches, like birds’ nests, nestle in clusters, with quilts with vibrant Pakistani tribal designs hanging off their sides.
Bands of Pakistani Hindu women crouch over unfinished quilts, stitching away, hoping to sell them in the market to wealthier Indians. They complain that they receive little government assistance, siphoning what little electricity and water they can off municipal lines, and that the quality of public schooling for their children is not as good as it is in Pakistan, a main source of grievance for the many who migrated to give their children better opportunities.
This is not the Hindu paradise they had crossed the border to join, they said. This is not the India Mr. Modi promised them.
Mr. Bheel is wracked by doubt, the same doubt his grandfather had when he chose to keep the family in Pakistan during partition. Did he make the right choice?
He left his home and siblings in Karachi, trading a lucrative job as an administrator of a medical clinic there to live as a migrant in India. His medical diploma, one of the few possessions he brought with him, hangs proudly on a wall, although it is not valid in India. He struggles to make ends meet here.
“You take these decisions sometimes out of excitement for what your life could be,” Mr. Bheel said, his daughter cuddling beside him on a bench. “Then you arrive and realize it’s much different on the ground.”
Mr. Bheel looked on as his wife struggled to contain rainwater leaking from the ceiling, after a monsoon swiftly obliterated the sunny sky. Eventually she gave up, running out of pots and buckets.
“Maybe this wasn’t the right decision for me,” he said. “But maybe my children will look back and say, ‘My father made the right choice.’”
Hari Kumar contributed reporting from Jodhpur, India, and Zia ur-Rehman from Karachi, Pakistan. A version of this article appears in print on Oct. 6, 2019, Section A, Page 7 of the New York edition with the headline: Pakistan Hindus Rethink Decisions Made in 1947.
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govjobsindia-blog · 5 years ago
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The Job Market in India
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   India is the world’s fourth-largest economy. It produced $9.4 trillion in goods and services despite the great recession in 2017. It grew between 5% - 11% from 2008 to 2014.This remarkable growth rate has reduced poverty by 10% in the last decade. India has a mixed economy and it is visibly changing. On Jan 22, 2018, in an interview, Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that an “independent agency” had found that 70 lakh employees’ Provident fund organization (EPFO) 70 lakh accounts were opened for persons aged 18-25 years. "Doesn’t this show new employment” he asked? Job creation is one of the spotlights in budget 2018. The government has proposed to increase budgetary expenditure on infrastructure, rural development, and agriculture and health care sectors.So let’s have a look at the Jobs in India.
  IT Sector: One of the fastest growing sectors in India is the IT sector. It is the third largest in the world and second largest among the emerging economies of Asia. India has become one of the major exporters of the software services within the last years, and around two third of worldwide off shore IT companies are based in India. According to software services industry body NASSCOM the exports would be $137 billion in 2018-19 as against $126 billion in 2017-18 due to which the industry is expecting to add one lakh jobs in 2018-19. India is heading towards becoming Global digital hub by introducing new government schemes like mission digital India. Agriculture Sector: India, being an agrarian economy, more than 50% of the population depends directly or indirectly on agriculture. Indian agriculture accounts for 18% of India’s GDP and provide employment to half of the population of the country. Some are directly attached with the farming and some are involved in doing business with these goods. Economic surveys that with growing rural to urban migration of men, there is ‘feminization of agriculture sector’. Globally, there is a factual evidence that an increasing number of women in multiple roles as cultivators, entrepreneurs and Laboure are ensuring and preserving agro biodiversity. Buttoday agriculture is not creating jobs anymore; in fact, it is shedding jobs. Thus, incoming job seekers have to be absorbed by the non-agricultural working class.
  Infrastructure Sector: Nearly all the infrastructure sectors present excellent opportunities with roads and highways, ports and airports, railways and power standing out as particular bright spots. Public private partnership (PPP) like that of Delhi Metro or Namma Metro are gaining importance and are benefited from government support.
  Health Care Sector: Health care has become one of India’s largest sectors both in terms of revenue and employment. Health care comprises hospitals, medical devices, outsourcing, health insurance and medical tourism. The Indian health care sector is growing at a brisk pace due to its strengthening coverage and increasing expenditure by public and private players. There is significant scope for enhancing the health care services considering that healthcare spending as GDP is rising. Rural India, which accounts for 70% of population, is set to emerge as potential demand source. The NITI Aayog (National Institute for Transforming India) seeks to bring reforms in public health care system by promoting competition between government and private hospitals at the secondary level.India is a land full of opportunities for people in the medical sector in the country.
  Conclusion:
  1. The government should bring in policies, which make the access to skill training programs easier to business minded people along with access to easy capital.
  2. The challenge is not only to give employment to large aspiring youth but to provide secure type of employment.
  3. In order to have healthy and sustainable future firms should not over use the machines while rejecting the human skills.
  4. Better infrastructure, with affordable housing in the urban areas, and large integration with global markets were the top priorities to strengthen the relationship between GDP growth and Job creation.
  5. Vast opportunities should be created in health care industry in both rural and urban India.
  In nutshell, Jobs in India or the Indian job market is going through optimistic growth phase, which is here to stay, and good times are ahead for job seekers.
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