#Jharkhand Political Representation

[townpostin]

Singhbhum MP Joba Manjhi Makes Impactful Lok Sabha Debut

Calls For Sarna Dharma Code And Special Development Package For Jharkhand First-time legislator addresses state’s economic disparities and need for equitable resource distribution. CHAIBASA – Singhbhum MP Joba Manjhi made a strong first impression in the Lok Sabha, using her inaugural speech to advocate for key issues affecting Jharkhand. "Implementing the Sarna Dharma Code is crucial for…

[legalupanishad]

Presidential Election in India: Laws and the Process (2022)

This article on 'Law relating to Presidential election in India' was written by Jagrati, an intern at Legal Upanishad.

Introduction

On 25th July 2022, the 14th President of India, Mr Ram Nath Kovind will reach the finality of his tenure accompanied by the commencement of the 15th President’s tenure. The Presidential election in India can be regarded as the lightning rod for cut-throat politics. Since every major political party goes the extra mile to name a candidate that helps them set up a favourable narrative or immense popularity among the citizens. Like in the case of Droupadi Murmu (a former Jharkhand Governor) who belongs to a Santhal tribe of Odisha has been nominated as the official candidate of the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance for the 2022 Presidential election in India. Through this, a persistent effort has been made by the ruling party to represent itself as a paragon of caste inclusivity along with entrenching its Hindutva ideology. Does this bring us to a series of questions starting with who is the President? How is the President of India elected? What are the laws and criteria present for the Presidential election in India? Who elects the President? This article will focus on these particular questions along with similar relevant questions in the following paragraphs.

Post of the President in India

The President is the de jure head of the state, the supreme commander of the armed forces as well as the foremost citizen of India. Articles 52-62 of the Indian Constitution specifically deal with the post of the President. Every executive action of the state is taken in his name as stated in Article 53. Since India has a Parliamentary System of Government, the post of the President is nothing more than a nominal head since the Council of Ministers led by the Prime Minister constitutes the ultimate source of counsel and edict for the President and hence, he is void of any actual authority.

The Presidential Election in India: Process

As per Article 54 of the Constitution, the Presidential election in India come within the category of indirect elections i.e., the President is not elected directly by the common citizens of India but by elected MPs and MLAs which constitute the electoral college. This electoral college is comprised of the elected members of Lok Sabha, Rajya Sabha, Legislative Assemblies of the states, and of the Union Territories of Delhi, Jammu & Kashmir and Puducherry. The nominated members of the both Houses of Parliament and other State Legislature Assemblies are not eligible to vote since they are not people’s representatives i.e., not directly elected by the citizens of India and are actually nominated by the President (Article 80 (2)). The value of a vote for each MP has been reduced from 708 and fixed at 700 after the Jammu & Kashmir Assembly was dissolved in 2018, as per the Election Commission of India. However, the vote of each MLA differs since each legislative assembly and its respective state consists of varying strengths of members and populations respectively. In order to get a proportional representation from each state as well as to ascertain the value of the votes of eligible voters, a formula based on the population of each state stipulated under Article 55 (2) (a) is operated: the total population of the state is divided by 1,000 times the strength of its Legislative Assembly. Since the 84th Amendment Act, 2001 has frozen the constitutional boundaries till the national census of 2026 is published, the constituencies have been fixed according to the 1971 census (Article 55 (3)). Presently, the highest strength of any constituency is that of Uttar Pradesh which stands at 208 whereas the lowest stands at 7 which is Sikkim

Manner of voting in the Presidential election in India

The Presidential election in India is carried out in accordance with proportional representation by means of a single-transferable vote taken by a secret ballot system mentioned under Article 55 (3) of the Constitution. The term “proportional representation by means of a single-transferable vote” refers to the method of the election where the candidates are chosen on the basis of a ranked preferential method which entails the transfer of votes to alternative candidates where the winning candidates surpass the quota or the least preferred candidates are eliminated. During the presidential elections, the electors are given ballot papers that do not contain any election symbols but only 2 columns, one, showcasing the name of the candidates and two, containing the array of preferences. The voters cast their votes by ranking their preferences in the space adjacent to the name of the candidates. For example, if a voter likes candidate X the most, he places 1 next to X, and if his next preference is Y, he puts 2 beside his name, and so forth. In this, the voter is not obligated to rank all the preferences provided on the ballot paper and is obligated to place his first preference only. After this, the number of votes a candidate needs to be elected known as the quota system is calculated by using the formula: (Valid Votes Cast/Seats Available +1) +1. The next step is to count the first preference of each voter and if no one meets the quota, the candidates with the fewest votes are excluded and their votes are apportioned among the remaining candidates equally. In the subsequent rounds of tallying, if one of the candidates secures the minimum number of quotas, then all of the other candidates’ votes are transferred to him and he is declared the winner, if there occurs a tie, then one candidate is randomly selected for elimination. Since this system is not like the First Past the Post System where a party wins on the basis of acquiring a simple majority, the candidate in the single-transferable vote system wins after bagging the maximum number of first preference votes i.e., acquiring the votes equivalent to the quota.

Presidential Election in India

Criteria to contest the Presidential election in India

Article 58 of the Constitution stipulates that a person is said to be eligible for election as President if he is a citizen of India, his age is at least 35 years, and is qualified for election as a member of the House of the People. However, the said candidate must not hold any office of profit (candidates who are holding the positions of President, Vice President, Governor, or Minister are the exceptions) under any Central or State Government. Even if those candidates who have previously or are currently holding the position of the President shall according to the other provisions of the Constitution be eligible to contest. The nomination process of a candidate for the post of President is regulated via the Presidential and Vice-Presidential Election Rules, 1974 according to which every candidate has to obey its prescribed form (Form 2). For the nomination to be successful, at least 50 electors as proposers and another 50 as seconders must accept the form of the candidate. The ‘elector’ here refers to the elected MP and MLA. The said nomination paper is presented to the Returning Officer (one who is responsible for supervising the elections) along with a security deposit of Rs. 15000. The candidate needs to submit a certified copy of the entry showcasing his name in the electoral list for the Parliamentary Constituency in which the candidate is listed as an elector.

Conclusion

In this article, we got to know the relevant laws and procedures related to the presidential election in India who although is just a nominal head, still constitutes to be the most important and responsible position due to the magnitude of powers entrusted to him by way of which he can be a valued member in the day-to-day governance.

References

- Express Web Desk, “Droupadi Murmu: 10 things to know about NDA’s presidential nominee”, Indian Express, June 22, 2022, Available at: (Accessed July 2, 2022). https://indianexpress.com/article/india/draupadi-murmu-10-things-to-know-about-ndas-presidential-nominee-7982963/ - Tusharika Narwal, “Explainer: How the President of India is elected”, Live Law, June 21, 2022 Available at: https://www.livelaw.in/know-the-law/explainer-how-the-president-of-india-is-elected-202038 (Accessed July 2, 2022). - Abhinav Ranjan, “How is the President of India elected? Explained”, India TV, June 9, 2022 Available at: https://www.indiatvnews.com/news/india/president-of-india-election-process-explained-electoral-college-formula-2022-06-09-783208 (Accessed July 2, 2022). - Sanjay Sharma, “Presidential poll candidate must have 50 MPs, MLAs as proposers, 50 as seconders”, India Today, June 12, 2022 Available at: https://www.indiatoday.in/india/story/presidential-poll-candidate-proposers-seconders-1961520-2022-06-12 (Accessed July 2, 2022). - The Editors of Encyclopaedia Britannica, “Single Transferable Vote”, Britannica Available at: https://www.britannica.com/topic/single-transferable-vote (Accessed July 2, 2022). Read the full article

[bbcbreakingnews]

Non-notification of government policies violates Article 14: Supreme Court

NEW DELHI: Announcement of policy decisions, be it for industry or otherwise, cannot be allowed to go up in thin air after the political purpose is served, and must be notified by governments within a reasonable timeframe, the Supreme Court said on Tuesday. A bench of Justices D Y Chandrachud and Indu Malhotra said policy decisions announced by governments were solemn promises to citizens and various sectors of industries, which had a legitimate expectation for implementation of the promises. Public authorities must be held accountable for the promises made, the bench said while criticising the Jharkhand government for delaying implementation of the Industrial Policy 2012 promising rebate in electricity tariff to industrial units, by three years. Writing the judgment, Justice Chandrachud said the doctrine of legitimate expectation was much wider in its play. “Representations by public authorities need to be held to scrupulous standards since citizens continue to live their lives based on the trust they repose in the state. In the commercial world also, certainty and consistency are essential to planning the affairs of business. When public authorities fail to adhere to their representations without providing an adequate reason to citizens for this failure, it violates the trust reposed by citizens in the state. The generation of a business-friendly climate for investment and trade is conditioned by the faith which can be reposed in government to fulfil the expectations which it generates,” he said. On the promised relief by the Jharkhand government, he said, “The state having held out a solemn representation in the above terms, it would be manifestly unfair and arbitrary to deprive industrial units within the state of their legitimate entitlement. The state government did, as a matter of fact, issue a statutory notification under Section 9 but by doing so prospectively, with effect from January 8, 2015, it negated the nature of the representation which was held out in the Industrial Policy 2012.” The bench said that in a democracy, it was impermissible for governments to exhibit a colonial mindset of whimsically handing out doles. It also said non-implementation of policy announcements in a timely manner could be held arbitrary and violative of the right to equality guaranteed under Article 14. “The state must discard the colonial notion that it is a sovereign handing out doles at its will… In all its actions, the state is bound to act fairly, in a transparent manner. This is an elementary requirement of the guarantee against arbitrary state action which Article 14 of the Constitution adopts. A deprivation of the entitlement of private citizens and private business must be proportional to a requirement grounded in public interest,” the bench said. Due to the failure of the Jharkhand government to issue a notification within the stipulated time and by the grant of the exemption only prospectively, the expectation and trust in the state stood violated. Since the state has offered no justification… we hold that such a course of action by the state is arbitrary and is violative of Article 14, Justice Chandrachud said.

source https://bbcbreakingnews.com/2020/12/02/non-notification-of-government-policies-violates-article-14-supreme-court/

[amitbchoudhury]

Bihar Assembly polls: JMM accuses RJD of 'political cheating', decides to go solo in seven seats - Politics News , Firstpost

Bihar Assembly polls: JMM accuses RJD of ‘political cheating’, decides to go solo in seven seats – Politics News , Firstpost

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JMM general secretary Supriyo Bhattachaya said the party will contest seven Assembly seats on borders with the state, but that the number could increase later

Representational image. Twitter@JMM_Garhwa

Ranchi:Jharkhand Mukti Morcha on Tuesday accused RJD of “politically cheating”…

[orissapost]

The Way That Odisha Business News Is Gaining Steady Popularity among Its Readers

With almost 5 crore of people, Oriya is the official language of the state of Orissa, India. This language is also spoken by a number of people of the neighbouring states of Jharkhand, West Bengal, Chhattisgarh and Andhra Pradesh. So in a situation like this news coverage of Orissa in any form is a mandatory need and demand of its people.

News about the current political situation, education, environment and business of Orissa should reach the masses. Looking from this perspective, access and utilization of news in the disposition of media in Odisha is trying to achieve its zenith.

Present status of news media in Orissa

In reality, news media in Odisha never had it so great. Odisha Newspaper readership is developing at one of the quickest rates in India. There has been a drastic development in both vertical and horizontal forms. National Readership Survey (NRS) has published figures for Odisha news media to uncover the fact that the complete readership has crossed more than 3 cores.

Almost anything and everything is being covered by the news agencies ranging from business news, political melodrama, and educational backdrops to spicy filmy news. Newspapers are shifting from their original printed version to the friendlier web based forms, accessible from any device like mobile phones, tablets, computers and laptops.

Also Read: Odisha News Online- The Best that You Can Know About Celebrities

Development and trends of Odisha business news

In a recent survey it is found that more than 3 million educated Indian youth are interested in the business news in the printed form or in the web form than any other kind of news. Odisha business news is not an exception to this fervour.

Almost 66% of the educated and business oriented youth in Orissa think about papers as their favoured media for news and current issues, with the vast majority of the rest equally divided among radio and TV and trails even magazines as a favoured decision for getting business news. This trend is as indicated in the review appointed by the National Book Trust and led by the National Council of Applied Economic Research group.

The concentration of interest of youth and elder alike in business in Orissa is unique. In this scenario majority of the newspapers and web source of news media provide regional as well as national business stands, positions in the share market, its up and downs, budgets and economic reforms and other major decisions taken by the government and other private entities. This trend is particularly Indian. A huge population of Orissa, at present has more access to Odisha news media than any other form of consultation when considered about business.

Also Read: The Importance of Odisha Business News

Development of web based business news

The historical backdrop of Web news coverage in India is just around 10 years of age. With its first edition printed in lately in recent years, web based business news is just at the primary blooming period in Orissa also. Surfing through an e-paper has a very different experience than reading any web version of documents; it is more interesting if it is a business edition.

It looks precisely like its printed release. In any case, web versions of papers appear to be unique from their print release as far as representation, arrangement of commercials and so on. This is entirely a new experience and like the rest of India it is gaining its popularity in Orissa also.

advt@orissapost.com

Click to call: 0674-2580385

[caravandailynews-blog]

[townpostin]

JMM Celebrates as Ramdas Soren Takes Ministerial Oath

Tribal leader’s appointment sparks jubilation; seen as win for indigenous communities Ramdas Soren’s swearing-in as minister ignites widespread celebrations among JMM supporters across Jharkhand. JAMSHEDPUR – JMM supporters rejoice as Ramdas Soren becomes minister, hailing it as a triumph for tribal representation. Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) party members erupted in celebration as Ramdas Soren…

[margdarsanme]

NCERT Class 12 Sociology Chapter 8 Social Movements

NCERT Class 12 Sociology: Social Change and Development in India 

Chapter 8 Social Movements

NCERT TEXTBOOK QUESTIONS SOLVED

Q. 1.Write short notes on: Ans. :

(i) Women’s Movement: Early 20th Century saw the growth of women’s organisations such as ‘Women’s India Association (WLA) (1917)’ All India Women’s Conference (AIWC) (1926), ‘National Council for Women in India (NEWI) (1925)’. While many of them began with a limited focus, their scope extended overtime. It is often assumed that only middle class educated women were involved in social movements. But part of the struggle is to remember the forgotten history of women’s participation. Women participated alongwith men in struggles and revolt originated in tribal and rural areas in colonial period. Thus, not only urban women but also rural and tribal women participated in political agitations struggles, gradually empowering themselves. The mid 1970s saw the second phase of Indian women’s movement. There was growth of autonomous women’s movement, i.e., < They were independent from political parties as well as women’s organisations that had links with political parties. Educated women took radical active politics. Simultaneously promoted an analysis of women’s movement. New issues were now being focused upon such as violence against women, application for schools forms had both father’s and mother’s name: legal changes such as land rights, employment, rights against sexual harassment and dowry. Mathura rape case (1978), Maya Tyagi rape case (1980) Both were custodial rape. Hence, it was also recognised that in women’s movements, there is bound to be disparity because women belong to different classes and thus their needs and concerns are bound to be different.

(ii) Tribal Movements: Most of the tribal movements have been largely located in the so called “tribal belt” in middle India, such as the Santhals, Hos Oraons, Mundas in Chota Nagpur and the Santhal Parganas. The social movement of Jharkhand had a charismatic leader in Birsa Munda, an adivasi who led a major uprising against the British. His memory has still been kept alive has continued to be a source of inspiration for generation. An educated middle class among the tribals was created by the Western education given by Christian missionaries. This education class developed the ethnic consciousness – awareness of their identity culture and customs. A sense of marginalisation brought together the tribal population of South Bihar. They identified their common enemies – dikus—migrant traders, money lenders. The adivasis in senior government jobs provided organisational intellectual leadership to the movement and negotiated and labbied for the creation of their own state on the following issues—acquisition of land for large irrigation projects; survey and settlement operations, which were held up, camps closed, etc; collection of loans, rent and cooperative dues; nationalisation of forest produce. As far as the NE tribes were concerned, main issue taken up were – ascertain distinct tribal identity of the region; demanding of the traditional autonomy of tribes; misunderstanding & lack of communication in Indian mainstream society which needs to be bridged;

Rights of the tribes to maintain their own social cultural institutions along with a connection with the rest of the India;

Anger oFtribes because of the loss of their forest lands.

Thus, tribal movements are good examples of social movements, which incorporates many issues – economic, cultural, ecological. Earlier many tribal regions of NE, showed tendencies of separating from India but today they have adopted a balanced approach of asking for autonomy with the framework of Indian institution. Q. 2. In India, it is difficult to make a .clear distinction between the old and new social movements. Discuss. Ans.: 

Old Social Movements

Class based – united to fight for rights.

Anti-colonial movements.

 Nationalist movement united people into national e.g., liberation struggle.

Movement against colonialism.

Nationalist movement mobilied against rule of foreign power and dominance of foreign capital.

Mainly concerned with struggles between haves and havenots. Key issue is reorganisation of power relations, i.e. capturing power & transferring it from powerful to powerless, e.g. Workers were mobilised towards capitalists; Women’s struggle against male domination.

Worked under guidance & organisational framework of political parties, eg. Indian National Congress led the Indian National movement; Communist Party of China led the Chinese Revolution.

Role of political parties was central and poor people had no other effective means to get their voices heard.

Concerned about social inequality and unequal distribution of resources -important elements.

New Social Movements

Decades after Second World War- 1960s and early 1970s

Take up not just narrow class issues but broad, universal themes, which involved a broad social group irrespective of their class.

Vietnam were forces led by US bloody conflict.

Paris – Vibrant student’s movement joined worker’s parties in a series of strikes

protesting against the war.

USA was experiencing a sure of social protests. Civil rights movement was led by Martin Luther King.

Black powers movement led by Malcolm X.

Women’s movement, environmental movement.

No longer focus on redistribution of power rather are more concerned with improving the quality of life. eg. Right to education, clean environment.

No longer confine themselves within political parties. Instead started joining civil society movements and forming NGOs because they are supposed to be more efficient, less corrupt and less autocratic

Globalization – reshaping people’s lines, culture, media Firms – transnational. Legal arrangements – international.

Therefore, many new social movements are international in scope.

Essential elements – Identity politics, cultural anxieties and aspirations.

Q. 3. Environmental movements often also contain economic and identity issues. Discuss. Ans. : The Chipko movement is a suitable example of an ecological or environmental movements. It is an appropriate example of intermingled interests and ideologies. Ramchandra Guha says in his book Unquiet Woods that villagers came together to save the oak and rhododendron forests near their villages. The government forest contractors came to fell the trees but the villagers, including large number of women, came forward to hug the trees to check their being felled. The villagers relied on the forest to get firewood, fodder and other daily requirements. It was a conflict between livelihood needs of poor villagers and government’s desire to make revenue from selling timber. Chipko movement raised the issue of ecological sustainability. Felling down natural forests was a form of environmental destruction which resulted in demonstrating floods and landslides in the area. Therefore, concerns about economy, ecology and political representation underlay the Chipko movement. Q. 4. Distinguish between Feasant and New Farmer’s Movements. Ans.: 

(i) Peasant movements have taken place from pre-colonial days. The movement took place between 1858 and 1914 remained localised, disjointed and confined to particular grievances. The well known movement are:

Bengal Revolt of 1859 – 62 against the indigo plantation system.

Deccan Riots of 1857 against money lenders.

The Bardoli Satyagraha – 1928 was a non tax campaign started by Gandhi.

Champaran Satyagraha 1917-18. It was directed against indigo plantations.

Tebhaga movement (1946-47)

Telangana movement (1946-51)

(ii) New farmer’s movement started in 1970s in Punjab and Tamil Nadu. Main Characteristics:

Movements were regionally organised.

Movements were non-party.

Movements involved farmers rather than peasants.

Main ideology- Strongly anti-state and anti-urban

Focus of demand – Price related issues.

from Blogger http://www.margdarsan.com/2020/08/ncert-class-12-sociology-chapter-8.html

[brajeshupadhyay]

India reports 56 COVID-19 deaths, highest in 24 hrs, as cases jump to 24,942; doubling rate improved since lockdown, says Centre

A month into the lockdown, the Union Health Ministry on Saturday informed that there has been a marked improvement in the rate of spread of the novel coronavirus in India, even as the country registered 1,490 new COVID-19 cases and 56 deaths, the highest single day rise in fatalities so far.

On Saturday, the nationwide count of confirmed cases climbed to 24,942 with 779 deaths with some states began easing some of the restrictions imposed since the country went on a nationwide lockdown on 25 march.

India's rate of spread slows down

The average doubling rate of COVID-19 cases in the country is 9.1 days as of now; this was 7.5 days just five days ago, and 3 days on 21 March, when India had just 300 cases. The doubling rate is the rate at which India's Covid-19 cases are expected to double from today's figure.

Representational image. AP

Furthermore, from Friday 8 am to Saturday 8 am, India recorded a six percent growth in new cases, which is the lowest daily growth rate recorded since the country crossed 100 cases on 15 March, the government said on Saturday, according to PTI.

The recovery figures have also shown some improvement. As of now, 5,062 people have been cured with a recovery rate of 20.66 percent, which is an improvement from the 14.2 percent reported last Sunday (19 April) and 13 percent on 17 April, the ministry said.

The government also said that this is comparatively better than most of the countries and may be taken as a positive effect of the lockdown in the country, along with the cluster management and containment strategy.

In an announcement that underscored the scientific unknowns about the virus, the World Health Organisation said “there is currently no evidence” that people who have recovered from COVID-19 cannot fall sick again.

Maharashtra, Gujarat account for most cases and deaths

Of the total cases reported on Saturday, 18953 are active, 5,209 have been cured and discharged patients, one migrated while 779 have died, the health ministry said.

According to the health ministry data updated in the evening, the highest number of confirmed cases in the country is from Maharashtra at 6,817, followed by Gujarat (2,815), Delhi (2,514), Rajasthan (2,034), Madhya Pradesh (1,952) and Uttar Pradesh (1,778).

The number of COVID-19 cases has gone up to 1,755 in Tamil Nadu, 1,061 in Andhra Pradesh and 984 in Telangana.

The number of cases has risen to 571 in West Bengal, 489 in Karnataka, 454 in Jammu and Kashmir, 451 in Kerala, 298 in Punjab and 272 in Haryana.

Bihar has reported 228 coronavirus cases, while Odisha has 94. Fifty-nine people have been infected with the virus in Jharkhand and 48 in Uttarakhand.

Himachal Pradesh has 40 cases, while Chhattisgarh and Assam have registered 36 infections each. Chandigarh has 28 cases, while there are 27 COVID-19 patients in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.

Twenty coronavirus cases have been reported from Ladakh, 12 from Meghalaya, while Goa and Puducherry have registered seven COVID-19 cases each.

Manipur and Tripura have two coronavirus patients each, while Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh have reported a case each.

"Forty-nine cases are being assigned to states for contact tracing. Our figures are being reconciled with that of the the ICMR," the ministry said on its website. State-wise distribution is subject to further verification and reconciliation, it added.

Of the 56 deaths reported since Friday evening, 18 were in Maharashtra, 15 in Gujarat, nine in Madhya Pradesh, three each in Delhi and West Bengal, two each in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu and Uttar Pradesh and one each in Punjab and Kerala.

Of the total 779 COVID-19 deaths, Maharashtra accounts for the highest number of 301 fatalities, followed by Gujarat (127), Madhya Pradesh (92), Delhi (53), Andhra Pradesh (31) and Rajasthan (27).

The death toll reached 26 in Uttar Pradesh as well as in Telangana, 22 in Tamil Nadu, while Karnataka and West Bengal have reported 18 deaths each, the ministry said.

Punjab has registered 17 fatalities so far, Jammu and Kashmir five, Kerala four, while Jharkhand and Haryana have recorded three COVID-19 deaths each.

Bihar has reported two coronavirus deaths, while Meghalaya, Himachal Pradesh, Odisha and Assam have reported a fatality each, according to the ministry data.

States ease lockdown conditions, but no respite for Maharashtra

Some states, taking cue from a late Friday night order from the Union Home Ministry, said they are taking steps to open more categories of shops, including those selling garments, mobile phones, hardware and stationery items.

However, these relaxations would not be allowed for shops located in market places, malls and COVID-19 hotspots and containment zones. In rural areas, all shops barring those in malls have been allowed to open.

Liquor and cigarette shops would remain closed everywhere irrespective of their location, while sale of non-essential items through e-commerce platforms continue to remain shut. Restaurants, hair salons and barber shops will not be allowed to open as these render services and do not fall under the shop category.

The Delhi government said it will implement the Home Ministry order on opening of shops in the National Capital, but Maharashtra ruled out any immediate relaxation saying the lockdown guidelines will remain unchanged in the state till 3 May. In fact, there are also reports that the Maharashtra government is mulling to extend lockdown at least in the containment zones within hotspot districts Mumbai and Pune till at least 18 May. This came after 281 new positive cases and 12 deaths were reported in Mumbai on Saturday, taking the total number of cases in the city to 4,870.

Gujarat, on the other hand, decided to follow the directive, while Assam said it will take a decision on Monday. Gujarat has the second highest number of active cases at 2,423 after Maharashtra.

Madhya Pradesh, another state hit hard by the novel coronavirus, too decided to ease the restrictions on neighborhood shops while also beginning the process of sending migrant labourers to their respective villages in the state. At least 8,000 migrant labourers were sent to their villages in the state in buses, the govt said on Saturday.

Last week, the govt also allowed manufacturing and farming to resume in rural areas to ease the economic plight of millions left jobless by the lockdown. Restrictions in the country have allowed people out of their homes only to buy food, medicine or other essentials.

Congress recommends steps to rejuvenate MSMEs

On the political front, Congress President Sonia Gandhi also wrote a letter to Prime Minister Narendra Modi, seeking urgent steps to help the MSME sector, including a Rs 1 lakh crore 'wage protection' package. She said the MSME crisis has the potential of having a devastating and expansive ripple effect on our economy.

The BJP, meanwhile, hit out at the opposition party, alleging its leaders keep making new demands and claim that the nationwide lockdown has caused problems.

"The Congress is doing petty, abhorrent and negative politics. It is writing letters daily. It should go and work on ground. Its leaders don't do that but keep making new demands," Union minister Prakash Javadekar told reporters.

Instead of making new demands, the Congress should say what it has been doing to help people, Javadekar added.

Meanwhile, special teams sent by the Centre, in the meantime, assessed ground situations in Gujarat, Tamil Nadu and Telangana, but a political stand-off continued in West Bengal on this front.

The team visiting West Bengal alleged that non-cooperation on the part of the state government over providing logistical support and other relevant information, while the state's ruling party Trinamool Congress described it as "India's Most Callous Team" and accused it of trying to spread the political virus "shamelessly".

West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee had earlier slammed the Centre for sending the teams to look into the state's preparedness for tackling the COVID-19 outbreak and alleged that faulty testing kits were dispatched to the state.

With inputs from agencies

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[bharatiyamedia-blog]

India seeks Swiss tax division's help in probe towards six corporations of Essar group

http://tinyurl.com/yyb27mlp New Delhi/Berne: India has sought Switzerland tax division’s help in a probe towards six corporations of the Essar group, together with these into metal and energy companies, in line with official paperwork of the Alpine nation. Kickstarting the knowledge change course of, the Federal Tax Administration of Switzerland has issued gazette notifications for the six corporations, giving them a chance to attraction towards India’s help request as per the Swiss legal guidelines. The six corporations for which info has been sought by India are Essar Metal India Ltd, Essar Tasks India Ltd, Essar Energy Gujarat Ltd, Essar Energy MP Ltd, Essar Energy (Jharkhand) Ltd and Essar Bulk Terminal (Salaya) Ltd. When contacted, an Essar group spokesperson stated, “The Essar Corporations referred to would not have any undisclosed account in Switzerland. Additional, we’ve got not obtained any question or discover from any Switzerland authority on this regard”. Representational picture. Reuters. Separate however an identical notifications have been issued for every of the six Essar corporations in Switzerland’s federal gazette dated 18 June, giving them ten days to appoint an individual in Switzerland to attraction towards the ‘administrative help’ course of. It couldn’t be ascertained whether or not any authorised particular person has already been nominated by the Essar group to speak with the Swiss tax authority in Berne. Whereas the general public notification has redacted particulars of the probe for which info has been sought by India, the ‘administrative help’ usually includes sharing of knowledge, together with about financial institution accounts and different monetary dealings. Below the mutual help pact between India and Switzerland on tax issues, any request for info must comprise correct identification and tackle particulars of the entity underneath examination or investigation, as additionally obligatory proof to assist not less than a prima facie case for tax-related or different wrongdoings. The request wants to obviously point out the aim for which info has been sought and the requesting nation is meant to have exhausted all the standard info gathering procedures supplied in its native legal guidelines. Whereas these procedural necessities are meant to make sure that no fishing expeditions happen, “these necessities however have to be interpreted with a view to not frustrate efficient change of knowledge”, as per the treaty. Additionally, the requested info can’t be denied solely as a result of it’s held by a financial institution or another establishment and the Swiss tax authorities have the ability to implement disclosure of the knowledge. The treaty additionally offers that the provisions of the executive process legislation when it comes to rights of the involved particular person or entity is reserved within the occasion of the change of knowledge and a due course of is adopted to present a chance of attraction earlier than transmitting the knowledge to the requesting nation. Nonetheless, this provision mustn’t forestall or unduly delay the efficient change of knowledge. The federal gazette dated 18 June additionally comprises notifications concerning two Indian people — Mahesh Tikamdas Tharani and Savani Vijay Kanaiyalal. In the previous couple of weeks, such notifications have been issued for greater than 50 Indian nationals, together with these going through investigations by Indian authorities such because the Revenue Tax Division and the Enforcement Directorate and people whose names figured within the leaked HSBC and Panama lists. These people largely embrace businessmen related to corporations in sectors starting from actual property, monetary companies, expertise and telecom to paints, dwelling ornament, textiles, engineering items, gems and jewelry, officers concerned within the strategy of mutual administrative help between the 2 international locations stated. Switzerland has been striving onerous for the previous few years to shed a long-standing notion of it being a protected haven for black cash, whereas the problem has been a politically delicate one in India as properly. When the Modi authorities first got here to energy in 2014, it had termed the crackdown on the black cash, together with these allegedly parked in Swiss banks, as a key focus space. Since then, the 2 international locations have strengthened their mutual help, together with by signing the worldwide automated change of knowledge framework. The financial issues for enhancing bilateral enterprise ties have additional helped enhance the cooperation on this space. Whereas particulars of greater than 100 Indians nationals have been shared prior to now one 12 months by the Swiss authorities with the Indian authorities, there’s a excessive probability that a big majority of the circumstances at present underneath scrutiny would consequence within the administrative help being supplied within the coming months, officers stated. Below the Swiss legal guidelines, international purchasers of Swiss banks are given a chance to attraction towards proposed sharing of their particulars inside 30 days (after a ten-day interval to appoint an authorised particular person). Indian nationals have figured alongside these gazette notifications just about each week for the reason that starting of this 12 months. Nonetheless, in lots of circumstances their full names have been redacted to take care of secrecy and only some particulars equivalent to their initials, date of delivery and the nationality have been made public. The names which have been made public in current weeks embrace Krishna Bhagwan Ramchand, Potluri Rajamohan Rao, Kalpesh Harshad Kinariwala, Kuldip Singh Dhingra, Bhaskaran Nalini, Lalitaben Chimanbhai Patel, Sanjay Dalmia, Pankaj Kumar Saraogi, Anil Bhardwaj, Tharani Renu Tikamdas, Bhaskaran Tharur, Kalpeshbhai Patel Mahendrabhai, Ajoy Kumar and Dinesh Kumar Himatsingka, Ratan Singh Chowdhury and Kathotia Rakesh Kumar. Your information to the newest cricket World Cup tales, evaluation, stories, opinions, stay updates and scores on https://www.firstpost.com/firstcricket/series/icc-cricket-world-cup-2019.html. Comply with us on Twitter and Instagram or like our Facebook web page for updates all through the continuing occasion in England and Wales. !function(f,b,e,v,n,t,s) {if(f.fbq)return;n=f.fbq=function() {n.callMethod? n.callMethod.apply(n,arguments):n.queue.push(arguments)} ; if(!f._fbq)f._fbq=n;n.push=n;n.loaded=!0;n.version='2.0'; n.queue=[];t=b.createElement(e);t.async=!0; t.src=v;s=b.getElementsByTagName(e)[0]; s.parentNode.insertBefore(t,s)}(window,document,'script', 'https://connect.facebook.net/en_US/fbevents.js'); fbq('init', '259288058299626'); fbq('track', 'PageView'); (function(d, s, id) { var js, fjs = d.getElementsByTagName(s)[0]; if (d.getElementById(id)) return; js = d.createElement(s); js.id = id; js.src = "http://connect.facebook.net/en_GB/all.js#xfbml=1&version=v2.9&appId=1117108234997285"; fjs.parentNode.insertBefore(js, fjs); }(document, 'script', 'facebook-jssdk')); window.fbAsyncInit = function () { FB.init({appId: '1117108234997285', version: 2.4, xfbml: true}); // *** here is my code *** if (typeof facebookInit == 'function') { facebookInit(); } }; (function () { var e = document.createElement('script'); e.src = document.location.protocol + '//connect.facebook.net/en_US/all.js'; e.async = true; document.getElementById('fb-root').appendChild(e); }()); function facebookInit() { console.log('Found FB: Loading comments.'); FB.XFBML.parse(); } Source link

[marymosley]

Hate Speech & Indian Politics: Challenges to Freedom of Speech and Expression

Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution of India in its widest terms confers upon the citizens of the country, the right to freedom of speech and expression. The right to hold opinions without interference on important issues in society and impart information and ideas plays a vital role in the healthy development process of any society. Free speech is a necessary part of democracy’s marketplace of ideas. However, striking a balance between freedom of expression and prohibition of hate speech is a complex challenge.

  What is Hate Speech?

The term ‘Hate Speech’ as such is not defined under Indian law but the term has been used invariably to mean any expression that is insulting, abusive or intimidating or that attacks a person or group of persons on the basis of attributes such as race, religion, ethnicity, sex, caste, creed etc. Unlike England, South Africa, Canada, and other western European nations, there is a dearth of any specific legislation on these Hate Speech in India. There are various provisions of Indian Penal Code, 1860 and Representation of the People Act, 1951 that try to provide punishment and relief against hate speech.

  Provisions under Indian Laws

Under Indian Penal Code, 1860:

·         Section 153A; penalizes promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony.

·         Section 153B; penalizes imputations, assertions prejudicial to national integration.

·         Section 295A; penalizes injuring or defiling place of worship with intent to insult the religion of any class.

·         Section 298; penalizes uttering, words, etc., with deliberate intent to wound the religious feelings of any person.

·         Section 505 (1) & (2); penalizes publication or circulation of any statement, rumor or report causing public mischief and enmity, hatred or ill-will between classes.

  Under Representation of People Act, 1951:

·        Section 8 disqualifies a person from contesting the election if he/she is convicted for indulging in acts amounting to the illegitimate use of freedom of speech and expression.

·       Section 123(3A) and section 125 prohibits promotion of enmity on grounds of religion, race, caste, community or language in connection with election as a corrupt electoral practice and prohibits it.

  Dark Side of Indian Politics

If you ask ten people as to what a clean election is, there will be ten different responses but amongst all, people insist on ‘clean candidates’ for the elections to be effective. Being the largest serving democracy, the elections do take place duly but every single time the purpose is not met. It is one of the disturbing features of India’s electoral democracy where candidates with tainted and tarnished image emerge out as the winners of these elections and we fail to have good leaders to take us forward and to keep at par with the other progressing States.

  Facts and Figures

Talking about the figures, a total number of about 58 sitting Members of Parliament and Members of State Legislative Assemblies have declared cases of Hate Speech against them out of which 15 are sitting MPs of the Lower House i.e. Lok Sabha and rest 43 are sitting MLAs from different States. The party-wise breakdown of these numbers brings out a more astonishing fact that out of these 15 sitting MPs, a majority of 10 MPs are from the ruling party itself i.e. Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and 01 each is from the All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF), Telangana Rashtra Samiti (TRS), Pattali Makkal Katchi (PMK), All India Majlis-e-Ittehadul Muslimeen (AIMIM) and Shiv Sena (SHS).

  MLAs with cases of Hate Speech

Out of 43 sitting MLAs, the highest number of MLAs with declared cases related to Hate Speech are 11 from the State of Telangana followed by 09 MLAs from the State of Uttar Pradesh. The State of Bihar and Maharashtra contributes 04 MLAs each to the cause. 02 MLAs each are from the State of Uttarakhand and West Bengal and 01 MLA each Gujarat, Madhya Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Rajasthan, and Jharkhand have declared cases related to Hate Speech against themselves.

  Cases against some noted personalities

Various political heavyweights also have declared cases of Hate Speech against them. The Union Cabinet Minister for Drinking Water and Sanitation, Ms. Uma Bharti from the BJP has a total number of 13 pending cases against her with charges apart from those relating to Hate Speech, related to criminal intimidation[1], illegal payments in connection with an election[2] along with serious charges of Attempt to Murder.[3]

A leader of AIMIM party and Member of Parliament from the constituency of Hyderabad, Asaduddin Owaisi has pending cases with charges related to Statements conducing to public mischief, charge related to public nuisance in cases not otherwise provided for and many more.

Senior politicians such as Dr. Murli Manohar Joshi and Lal Krishna Advani from BJP have charges against them charge related to Promoting enmity between different groups on grounds of religion, race, place of birth, residence, language, etc., and doing acts prejudicial to maintenance of harmony,[4] imputations, assertions prejudicial to national-integration[5] and charge related to Statements conducing to public mischief.[6]

  Conclusion

The political parties continue to field such candidates despite having serious criminal records against them. With the same MPs and MLAs contesting the elections again would be like old wine in new bottles. Therefore, candidates with past records of criminal charges must not be accepted. It is also necessary for media to play a pro-active role in disseminating information and making more and more people aware of their candidates to enable them to make a wise choice for a better tomorrow. If we really want to witness some changes, there is a need to identify the right people to stand for elections for a good governance.

  [1] Section 506, Indian Penal Code, 1860

[2] Section 171H, Indian Penal Code, 1860

[3] Section 307, Indian Penal Code, 1860

[4] Section 153A, Indian Penal Code, 1860

[5] Section 153B, Indian Penal Code, 1860

[6] Section 505, Indian Penal Code, 1860

Cases Stats Source: ADR Report

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[wionews]

Should Congress propose an Adivasi as the presidential candidate?

With Ram Nath Kovind’s announcement as NDA’s presidential candidate, the bar has been raised for the Opposition. The Opposition’s candidate will need to create a far powerful imagination of presidency knowing that he or she doesn’t have the numbers to make it to the office of the President. But the crisis does sow the seeds of opportunity. When Ambedkar’s grandson, Prakash Ambedkar says that an Adivasi should be selected to fight the official candidate, it shouldn’t be brushed aside as light comment from a political outsider. Instead of making it a Dalit vs Dalit fight, the Congress party can pick its own symbol of oppressed people, and deploy a face whose credibility matches or exceeds that of the official candidate.

Today, tribals represent the most exploited and least politically empowered segments in the Indian political structure.

Last time around, PA Sangma floated this idea and contested the elections on this very plank but lost. He was an accomplished parliamentarian but his opponent was formidable Pranab Mukherji. So neither the idea had cut any ice nor could he create a counter-narrative which would put Pranab Mukherji at a disadvantage despite having the numbers by his side.

India’s tribal communities also suffer from the absence of political platforms, which both Muslims and Dalits enjoy.

  ×

Tribals in this country are the most oppressed people in India. They are far more marginalised than Dalits, both socially and politically. In popular literature and politics, Dalits have their icons but tribals have none. Even Muslims and other minorities received support from various quarters and help from mainstream parties but not the members of the tribal communities. It is also because tribals are far removed from the cities; their voices are too remote to be captured by the media. India’s tribal communities also suffer from the absence of political platforms, which both Muslims and Dalits enjoy. The original sons of the soil also continue to be violently oppressed by the state, industrialists, Naxalites and missionaries. 

Tribals of India don’t have their Ambedkar or Gandhi. 

Chattisgarh and Jharkhand, which were created on the plank of tribal homeland have non-tribal as their chief ministers today.

  ×

Worst is the representation rate of the tribals in the state as it continues to be very low. India has never had a tribal in any of the top four ministerial portfolios. Neither the service chiefs nor the head of bureaucracy has come from any of the tribal communities, leave alone the positions of prime minister and the president. Though tribals have gone on to become the chief ministers but such is the nature of politics that states, such as Chattisgarh and Jharkhand, which were created on the plank of tribal homeland have non-tribal as their chief ministers today. Tribals neither control the rich natural resources nor have a say in the pattern of development. All they have received is displacement in the name of development. 

Many would argue that pitching a tribal president would be a symbolic affair but politics is about creating symbols. It imparts larger meaning to public discourse. Even Pratibha Patil was projected as a woman by the Congress when she was nominated as India’s first female president. So, what should the Congress do now when multiple alliance partners are on verge of leaving them for BJP? 

Congress can make a strong pitch for a tribal as the President. Otherwise, they would either have to pitch the former Lok Sabha Speaker Meera Kumar or else they would have to go for a Gandhian who in popular imagery could transcend the politics of caste. And both the categories would look stale and ordinary.

(WION)

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[sahpathi2016-blog]

‘Aisa lag raha hai jaise pittrisatta ke khilaaf ye hamari pehli ladai thi.’

In this powerful post, Somaya takes us through her experience conducting a gender sensitisation programme and a theatre workshop with students at an all girls’ residential high school in Khunti. 

I, along with Monalisa, Surbhi and Prerna spent my days at Government ST Residential Girls High School, Kundi in Khunti district of Jharkhand. My plan was to do some work around gender sensitisation with the girls, so I took it up for 9th and 10th standards. My wish to do this was rooted in this reality: our textbooks teach us the Constitution of India, the right to equality, how women are biologically different from men, but never explain to us the difference between sex and gender, never explain us the roots of this inequality, the various forms in which a historically deprived gender continues to be oppressed, how women are still disciplined to satisfy the needs of the patriarchal society and be ‘ideal’ wives and daughters. Hence, I wanted to do something I feel is essential, which the books will never cover. It was an extremely powerful experience for both me and the girls.

Before the first session that I took, I was quite apprehensive about the kind of things I needed to cover, the articulation of things that I wanted to talk about, the extent to which I was supposed to take things up, etc. My stay started with a small interaction with the girls at night on the terrace when all of us together watched stars and talked about our dreams. When I later told them what I was planning to do the next morning in the classroom, they were quite excited as the plan was contrary to what they had expected.

The first session – on gender stereotypes – went on for almost 3 hours with class 9, and subsequently with class 10. A boy and a girl were made on two different charts. The students got to decide the length of their hair, the type of their clothes, the colour of clothes and how the clothes were worn or draped. (Interestingly, the girl was made to wear a blue frock and the boy was made to wear a pink shirt.)

Then various characteristics that humans possess were written down on pieces of paper. As each tag was picked, the girls were asked to put on the boy / girl / both depending on who the characteristic was more relatable to. After this exercise, there were tags on boys and girls (mostly correspondingly to the gender stereotypes that exist in our society). Each characteristic was then discussed after which, the third round of tagging took place where all characteristics were put in the both (boy + girl) area.

This helped them understand how these characteristics are stereotypes attached to us by the society and there is absolutely nothing natural about them. They learnt how a ‘woman’ is socially constructed.

‘Mai moti hu, isliye ye exercise karne mein acha nahi lagega'

This comment which was made in the previous evening’s theatre workshop made me plan the next session on physical appearance and body shaming. After drawing a girl’s body with an open shirt, I asked the girls to speak out the first things that come to their minds— which happened to be words like ‘sharam’, ‘charitra’, ‘mariyada’, ‘sharirik shoshan’, ‘balatkaar.’ How women are made to look at their bodies, sexualisation of some body parts and the sanctity, purity and honour attached to a woman’s body were the topics around which the discussion revolved.

Acceptance of bodies— covered or naked— was the other aim of this session. Hence, everyone was asked to draw their bodies (preferably naked) however they see it. There was a bit of an awkward silence with giggles here and there when I first proposed the idea. I thought maybe it was too soon, so I told them that it is completely up to them and there was not any pressure from my side. Soon they themselves asked me for drawing sheets and colours, and started drawing.

Sumita said, ‘Iss samaj ki gandi soch ko bohot chot pahunchegi jab hum ye draw karenge.’ This made a discussion around male ego and frames that this society tries to fit all women from the start. They imagined the male domination on women as a balloon and the patriarchal structure as a box, both of which they thought will get a big blow after they draw themselves. Some of them even wrote their message to the society. All the girls kept saying ‘hum box ko todenge aur balloon phodenge.’

Everyone’s messages were read out and pictures were shown (if they wanted). A few things which were said by the girls after the session were— ‘bohot ajeeb si khushi ho rahi hai’, ‘free-free sa feel horaha hai’, ‘abhi bhi sharam aa rahi hai’, ‘aisa lag raha hai ki pehli baar samaj ke khilaaf awaz uthayi’.

The next session was based on the idea of beauty. Different images were drawn on a chart paper in pairs— fair-dark, make-up+big eyes-without makeup+small eyes, saree-gown, tall-short, long hair-short hair, slim-fat, makeup+big eyes+brown - without makeup+small eyes+fair— where one was a representation of the mainstream (stereotypes-laden) idea of beauty and the other wasn't. The class was asked to pick between A and B— whichever of the two they found more beautiful. Results: Type A representing the mainstream idea got more votes. Discussion on social construction of these choices, western influence, patriarchal notions of beauty took place. Lakhi, a student of class 10 seemed quite disturbed post second half of the session. I finally asked her as to what had been troubling her. She said, ‘aaj ye sab discuss karne ke baad aisa lag hi nahi raha ki kuch mera apna hai. Jin cheezon ko, meri pasand-napasand, ko mai apna maanti thi, woh toh sab samaj aur pittrisatta ne sochne aur maanne ke liye bola hai.’

A few others in the class said how they'd been thinking the same and they didn't feel happy at all. I just told them how I was feeling extremely happy that most of them were feeling uncomfortable and disturbed because that means that they understood what was conveyed. They didn't understand why I said that, and I didn't explain it either.

Every evening, for the first 10 days, I held a theatre workshop with the girls from classes 9th and 10th. Initially, many wouldn't do some theatre exercises because they were conscious about their bodies, most of them would only try to make ‘pretty’ faces during the mirror (theatre) exercise because they didn't want to look funny or ugly. The gender sensitisation sessions along with the increasing comfort level that we all started sharing with each other helped the girls to let go of their inhibitions in the following workshops. It was a drastic and a remarkable change which I could observe. It was quite hard for me to believe too.

The next session focused on the concept of consent and sexual violence. After discussion on consent, sexual harassment, molestation, rape (including marital rape), the girls themselves started asking if there is a possibility of sexual violence in sex work. This was followed by an experience-sharing session which brought out several incidents where many girls felt they were harassed and touched inappropriately. The general understanding of sexual harassment or molestation was “kuch bohot zyada kharaab.”  The number of girls who thought they were sexually harassed increased suddenly after the session. “Jab hum haat mein jaate hain ya train se ghar wapis jaate hain toh bohot baar humari breast ko chune ki koshish ki jaati hai. Hume nahi pata tha ki yeh bhi sharirik shoshan mein aata hai aur kanuni saza bhi hosakti hai.” Quite a few of them had instances from a family wedding to share where they were made to feel uncomfortable by someone known. While the discussion was on about sexual harassment by someone known, some whispering started happening. The girls were first hesitant to tell, a few stopping the others who wanted to say something, but finally they all spoke up. Spoke up against Ranjit Sahu, who happened to be a clerk at the school for more than 20 years. The next few days passed by discussing how exactly to deal with it, as the girls from both classes were extremely sure of how they wanted him out of the school premises.

The other sessions were on biology and sociology of menstruation. It was alarming to see how none of the science teachers or anyone else ever told them the reason behind menstruation, not know what sexual intercourse is. They asked questions about transgenders, which furthered the discussion and took it to homosexuality, transsexuality, cross-dressing and the idea of the ‘normal.’ It was surprising how quickly they understood and opined on all that was discussed. It was heartening to see them question things that I myself would have never thought of talking about, question me and each other. The ‘disciplined’ girls had started sitting on benches, demanding to have discussions outside the classroom and started asking all the questions they felt embarrassed about. The major achievement according to the girls was how they got Ranjit Sahu out of bounds of the school within 2 days. There were tears of both joy and anger throughout the process. After the notice of his expulsion from the school came, the girls said some extremely beautiful things which I know will give me strength throughout—

‘Aisa lag raha hai jaise pittrisatta ke khilaaf ye hamari pehli ladai thi.’

‘Bohot zyada strong feel ho raha hai aaj, Somaya di.’

‘Hum itne kamzoor nahi hai jitney humesha hume bataya jata hai.’

‘Aaj ke baad na apna na hi kisi aur ka sharirik shoshan sahenge.’  

‘Ye toh shuruwaat hai, bas hume ek saath ladna parega humesha.’

‘Hum jeet gaye!’

Somaya Gupta did a B.A. (Honours) in Political Science from Lady Shri Ram College, University of Delhi and is currently pursuing an M.A. from Jawaharlal Nehru University.

[townpostin]

HAM Mulls Election Bid in Jharkhand, Potentially Complicating NDA Alliance

Party considers expanding beyond Bihar, eyeing 5-6 assembly seats in Jharkhand HAM’s national executive meeting in Ranchi explores potential election participation in Jharkhand, signaling possible shifts within the NDA alliance. RANCHI – Hindustan Awami Morcha (HAM), an NDA ally, convened a national executive meeting in Ranchi to deliberate on the possibility of contesting elections in Jharkhand…