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Congress deputes Sushil Kumar Shinde, Jitendra Singh, Deepak Babaria as observers for election of CLP leader in Karnataka
Congress leaders Siddaramaiah and D.K. Shivakumar during a press conference after the Karnataka Assembly elections 2023 results, in Bengaluru on May 13, 2023. | Photo Credit: K. Murali Kumar Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge has appointed former Maharashtra Chief Minister Sushil Kumar Shinde, party general secretary Jitendra Singh and senior leader Deepak Babaria as observers for the…
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#CLP leader election#CLP leader election today#CLP meeting bengaluru#CLP meeting in Karnataka#CLP meeting observers#CLP meeting observers name#Congress#congress karnataka#congress meet today#deepak babaria#DK Shivakumar#election commission of india#Jitendra Singh#Karnataka CM#Karnataka Congress#karnataka election results#Karnataka election results 2023#karnataka elections#karnataka news#sushil kumar shinde
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"Another well-received speaker during the early months of 1925 was A.E. Smith. His presentations as head of the Ontario section of the Canadian Labour Party (CLP) at the Wobbly-controlled Port Arthur Labour Temple, the Orpheum theatre in Fort William, and the Fort William Auditorium focused on unemployment associations and the progress made “in forming educational classes in the East.” They were well attended. Once again, Fred Moore chaired the Fort William meetings. He used them to convince those in attendance that “the radical labour movements were converging towards ‘the day’ when a social revolution would bring about a complete change in system.” The main duty of a labour representative in Parliament, he contended, “should be to weaken, hamper and embarrass the bourgeois parliament.” The process of social revolution, described as a “grim business,” was but a “natural evolution.”
...
The activities of organizers from both the IWW [Industrial Workers of the World] and the CPC [Communist Party of Canada] caught the attention of regional politicians and traditional labour leaders, who began to voice their opposition to immigration and the flood of radical workers into the country. Not all of the attention was negative. The recent success of the Communists, for example, caught the attention of Peter Heenan, the Kenora Labour member of the provincial parliament (MPP) who had been elected in 1919 and again in 1923. Sensing a shift in provincial politics, he sought to tap into the CPC’s growing support despite having recently accepted nomination from the Liberal party. He was refused a meeting. Sensing an opportunity of its own, the CPC parachuted party stalwart A.E. Smith into Port Arthur to run in the riding of Port Arthur-Thunder Bay during the 1925 federal election. Smith and the CPC’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) chose the riding because both felt that the support from the Finnish lumber workers might well carry the day. His candidacy also received the support of the local Canadian Labour Party (no surprise, as Smith was president of the Ontario section) and from Alex Gibson and the Port Arthur Trades and Labour Council. Once more, Smith’s candidacy would reveal the mileage that the Lakehead left could get by attempting to occupy at least some of the political space normally occupied by the centrists.
Much of Smith’s platform reiterated the speeches he had given in the region earlier in the year. Local newspapers described him as eloquent, with even normally skeptical journalists suggesting that “oratory like his had not flown from the tongue of any speaker on the platform in Port Arthur.” Moreover, his politics were clearly enunciated. At the Port Arthur Armoury, for example, he addressed the crowd of 2,000 directly as a “deliberative assembly, a parliament of the people, who are the first factor … in political power.” Smith did well, garnering 1,363 of a total 9,068 votes in perhaps the best showing of any federal Communist candidate in the 1920s. Even the Port Arthur News-Chronicle described the election as the “Most Vigorously Contested in the History of Port Arthur.”
The CPC considered Smith’s showing a clear indication of its growing stature in the region. As Anthony Rasporich’s work reveals, “near majorities were in fact recorded over the Conservative, Liberal, and independent candidates in the south end polls dominated by the Slavs and Finns, and in radical rural pockets of Finns to the north and west of Port Arthur.” It is revealing, however, that he won only three rural polls by narrow margins, and that the Finnish vote was split almost equally among all candidates."
- Michel S. Beaulieu, Labour at the Lakehead: Ethnicity, Socialism, and Politics, 1900-35. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2011. p. 113, 114-115.
#thunder bay#fort william#port arthur#communist party of canada#a. e. smith#federal election#labour socialism#working class politics#canadian socialism#northwestern ontario#reading 2024#academic quote#labour at the lakehead#working class history#party organizing#communists
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Cipher Academy ch.42 thoughts
[Enter the Pungeon (Puzzle Dungeon)]
(Contents: New arc speculation, thematic analysis, minor Dekiai/Kogoe analysis)
...Huh, wasn't expecting Zakuroguchi to sit things out, especially since she's the only character who's explicitly stated her intentions for the Morg. That's mighty suspicious, she's definitely doing something shady behind the scenes
I forgot to mention it, but I was in fact expecting Eteshite to be Rikukeito's second. I knew we wouldn't know Yonakiuguisu's second, and while I predicted that Anonymity would be Hakanage's second, I'm not at all surprised to see that it's a supposedly new girl hiding behind the Class F mask. That leaves plenty of room for it to turn out to be Anonymity, but also doesn't necessarily mean that it is. I do think it's rather telling that we can't see any distinguishing features, whereas the other Class F girls at least had some hair sticking out, and her eye shape matches Anonymity almost perfectly even so zoomed out. If it's not her, Nisio and Iwasaki definitely want us to think it could be, which honestly just muddles the possibility more than if they'd reused a name and design from one of the other girls (in which case I'd be convinced it was Anonymity)
I really love the class picture visual; Iwasaki used it during the CLP election to show how Iroha had befriended everyone in the class while Anonymity distanced herself, but while that was the end of the introductory arc, this is the beginning of the real focus of the story as a whole. When you think about it, the Gradewide Leader Tournament was more like a second prologue, as it mainly served to establish the wider cast of the story and their motivations and relationships rather than resolve anything that had already been built up. With that perspective in mind, I almost have to wonder if even this is just set up for something bigger and more thematically central to come?
I won't make that assumption right now, but I think we can be confident that the coming world war that they keep talking about is going to be the payoff to every plotline we've seen and will see going forward, so while the metaverse may be the setting for the bulk of the remainder of the story, this arc specifically is probably just the introduction to that setting rather than the main event
I've talked at length about how the first two arcs lined up with Jump's themes of Effort and Friendship respectively, and how the coming arc would likely focus on Victory. When saying that, I always expressed hesitance since there wouldn't be anywhere to go thematically from there once those were all covered, but now I think I'm starting to get a clearer idea. While this is an expedition team with some level of cooperation to be expected, it's clear that Iroha is not really the leader of this group, and there is going to be internal competition here to decide who's really in charge, which strongly backs up my idea that this is a Victory arc, but once that's done? Well, if this is prologue part 3, then that means that we won't need to find a new theme to latch onto, but rather the true main event will be where Friendship, Effort and Victory finally meet! Iroha's efforts, the friendships he's made, and his hard-earned victories will culminate in his position as Code Emperor, allowing him to work towards his goals with everyone standing firmly behind him
That's not to say new themes won't arise, or that we won't revisit the individual themes one arc at a time, but rather that everything will be synthesized in the actual main story
I wonder if that's part of why Cipher Academy is still so low in the rankings, cus some fans feel it doesn't resolve anything it sets up? They'd be stupid if that's the case, since it's an ongoing story, of course things aren't going to be paid off. One Piece leaves threads dangling for decades, you don't see anyone complaining about that...
I am hoping that now that we're in a new setting with the opportunity for a lot of visual variety that the series should be able to establish more of an identity. That would really help it stand out and connect with readers who aren't already hooked by either the premise or characters, though I suppose that depends on how far it deviates from other VR adventure series like Sword Art Online or the like
I'm pretty excited to see this turn of events, I was worried that the metaverse would just be regular AR with visuals overlaid on the school itself rather than effectively introducing new locations ad infinitum (er...ad five-hundritum?). Literally anything could happen here, and presenting it as a procedural dungeon-crawler (I am NOT calling it a Roguelike and NO ONE, not even Nisio, is gonna make me!!!) is a really fun and novel way to do it! If it's procedural, that implies that players can be booted out and need to restart, so there's got to be a lose condition to worry about, though I guess that's to be expected anyway. I think the bigger questions are how many attempts they'll be allowed to make, how big the consequences of loss are, and most importantly, who's going to lose first? I imagine Iroha's going to lose at least a few times, though probably not until he reaches a much lower level than 1. If I had to guess, his first loss will be with someone at his side to make contextualizing it a bit easier
Do you think any of the puzzles are going to be conceptualized as monsters? This whole thing has a war theme, so maybe we'll see tank dragons or fighter jet gryphons or bullet-casing slimes. Zombie soldiers seem like a given, but that's low-hanging fruit, so I hope we'll get those out of the way and see at least one super-creative one quickly. Ah, but maybe I shouldn't even be speculating about this, it might just be setting myself up for disappointment...Argh, why is Sunday so far away?? Curse me for getting this review done in a timely manner for once!
Anyway, enough speculation about what's to come, let's focus a little more on what's actually in front of us. Dekiai is a super cutie, isn't she? With her heart eyes and literal bubbly personality. I've been wanting to see what made Iroha's Glasses Weapons special for a while, and I think I suspected that he'd have his own AI avatar like Kogoe's CG for a while, but I never was able to think of what she'd actually look like! The watery hair is the biggest surprise, it's so fun to look at!
Hm? Her hair is made of water? And come to think of it, her bangs and mechanical scrunchies look familiar too...Hold on, is Dekiai Kogoe with her ice melted? They both have similar catchphrases too..."can't say that too loudly," "don't say anything rude"...yeah, she could be Kogoe's sister with those looks and personalities. I wonder if perhaps Kogoe modeled the avatars after her family? I could definitely see CG being her grandpa or something
Or maybe she just modeled this one after herself. Whatever the case, I hope the other avatars have equally interesting visual flairs so they don't end up being monotonous
Oh, and fun fact, I looked into it and apparently Dekiai can mean either "ready-made", as in the mass-produced version of the Glasses Weapons, or "adoration/blind love," explaining her heart theme and potentially fitting in with Kogoe's stated goal of getting Iroha to fall in love with her. I bet that's why she gave him this avatar, actually, to help endear herself to him. It'll be so funny if Dekiai joins the harem and becomes competition for Kogoe, I really hope that happens
I think that about covers it for this week. I'm really excited to see how this arc plays out, and I hope that it helps garner a lot more traction going forward. The next chapter is in the back of the magazine reportedly, which I think is absolutely ridiculous; apparently CA was trending in Japan because of this chapter, what business does Jump have putting it so far back? Unless they consider it a strong closer, which is definitely a take I can get behind since I too save it for last every week. I'll tell you, being able to close the app and ruminate on this development was quite the experience for me! Really left me wanting more, which is a great problem to have in a Jump manga! I'll be waiting for it with bated breath!
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Erode East bypoll | Elangovan’s candidature triggers talk of churning in CLP post-polls
Congress Legislative Party (CLP) leader K. Selvaperunthagai | Photo Credit: PTI The nomination of senior Congress leader E.V.K.S. Elangovan for the February 27 by-election to the Erode (East) Assembly constituency, has triggered talk of a likely churning in the Congress Legislature Party (CLP) in the event of his victory. Colachel MLA J.G. Prince, who was part of a delegation of MLAs that…
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Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu becomes 15th CM of Himachal Pradesh, Mukesh Agnihotri deputy chief minister; oath taking on Sunday 11am | Shimla News
Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu becomes 15th CM of Himachal Pradesh, Mukesh Agnihotri deputy chief minister; oath taking on Sunday 11am | Shimla News
SHIMLA: Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu (58) became the 15th chief minister of Himachal Pradesh on Saturday. The Congress Legislature Party (CLP) in its meeting held on Saturday evening elected him as the leader. Mukesh Agnihotri (60) was elected as deputy chief minister in the meeting. Chhattisgarh chief minister Bhupesh Baghel announced the decision of CLP in the meeting. This is for the first time in…
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Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu becomes 15th CM of Himachal Pradesh, Mukesh Agnihotri deputy chief minister; oath taking on Sunday 11am | Shimla News - Times of India
Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu becomes 15th CM of Himachal Pradesh, Mukesh Agnihotri deputy chief minister; oath taking on Sunday 11am | Shimla News – Times of India
SHIMLA: Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu (58) became the 15th chief minister of Himachal Pradesh on Saturday. The Congress Legislature Party (CLP) in its meeting held on Saturday evening elected him as the leader. Mukesh Agnihotri (60) was elected as deputy chief minister in the meeting. Chhattisgarh chief minister Bhupesh Baghel announced the decision of CLP in the meeting. This is for the first time in…
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Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu becomes 15th CM of Himachal Pradesh, Mukesh Agnihotri deputy chief minister; oath taking on Sunday 11am | Shimla News - Times of India
Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu becomes 15th CM of Himachal Pradesh, Mukesh Agnihotri deputy chief minister; oath taking on Sunday 11am | Shimla News – Times of India
SHIMLA: Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu (58) became the 15th chief minister of Himachal Pradesh on Saturday. The Congress Legislature Party (CLP) in its meeting held on Saturday evening elected him as the leader. Mukesh Agnihotri (60) was elected as deputy chief minister in the meeting. Chhattisgarh chief minister Bhupesh Baghel announced the decision of CLP in the meeting. This is for the first time in…
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JACOBIN MAGAZINE
Last week’s Labour Party conference in Liverpool was in some regards an ordinary party affair. The conference saw inconclusive battles over party reform, set-piece policy announcements, and fudges over Brexit, all presented to the rest of the world through the misleading lens of the British tabloids.
Yet if many delegates went home with the traditional “conference flu,” the Liverpool summit also reflected the dramatic changes that have taken place under Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership. Efforts to democratize party structures remain an ongoing battle, but what was most notable is the new life that Corbynism has breathed into conference itself.
The Times’s Daniel Finkelstein complained that in Corbyn’s outlook, “devolving decision-making to the party conference is a key part of the project to restore power to the workers.” And he’s right. After decades when members and trade unionists were shut out of decisions in Labour, this year’s conference showed how they have taken back control.
Conference
Conference’s role to direct party policy and indeed Labour MPs has in fact been in dispute throughout the party’s history. While Britain’s other main parties emerged as factions in Parliament, rather than mass-membership parties, Labour has its origins in series of trade unions and small socialist parties. They together formed a Labour Representation Committee (LRC) which then sponsored Labour candidates for Parliament.
If the LRC was based entirely on these “affiliate organizations,” individuals were soon allowed to join the local Constituency Labour Parties (CLPs), and over time these members came to dominate the grassroots life of the Labour Party. Even today, however, conference is still conducted in effect as a vote of a mass of affiliate organizations, large or small, with votes split 50/50 between CLP delegates and the others coming from the trade unions and the so-called “socialist societies.”
Despite these underlying structures, throughout the party’s history the Parliamentary Labour Party (PLP) — the bloc of Labour MPs at Westminster — has in effect been sovereign between conferences. While a separately elected National Executive Committee (NEC) charts their progress over the course of the year, this imbalance has brought problems wherever Labour governments disregarded the often more left-wing economic policies passed by conference.
For evidence of this we need only look at the Labour governments of 1974–79, an experience which has major implications even today. Cabinet’s disregard for the radical economic democracy of the 1974 manifesto led to the formation of the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy; in subsequent years this theme would loom large in the deputy and leadership campaigns waged by the party’s then most prominent left-winger, Tony Benn, himself an inspiration for, and ally of, Jeremy Corbyn.
This reached its high point in the 1980 conference which saw sweeping victories for the Left on both party structure and policy. After this a pattern settled in where CLPs would normally send delegates from the Left, the PLP would support much more right-wing policies, and the unions operated in between the two. The Left won on policy such as opposition to European integration and support for nuclear disarmament, but the party’s core structures normally remained unchanged.
Eventually this allowed for the right of the party to turn back the tide. The Blairite turn of the 1990s and 2000s, changing the party’s agenda toward the neoliberal center, was accompanied by gradual moves to strip conference of its policy-setting role. This was noticeable in the creation of the National Policy forum, a toothless organization specifically designed for the purpose of imposing policy on the membership from above and to obstruct scrutiny by conference.
In these years, conference became less and less a parliament of the movement and increasingly a place where unaccountable MPs could engage in corporate networking and announce policies to TV cameras over the heads of a passive membership.
Corbynism
The surprise election of Jeremy Corbyn in 2015 has, however, helped restore conference’s central role in Labour Party life. Corbyn, a man steeped in a Bennite tradition, promised to take the democratic decisions of Party members and sister unions as sacrosanct. It is also important to remember that the Labour leader’s traditional levers of power and influence, from think tanks to corporate advisors, are unavailable to Corbyn; if his predecessors often relied on parliamentary patronage, he has in the past been no-confidenced by Labour MPs. Conference, involving the wider membership, thus provides one of the few areas where Corbyn’s agenda can expect a high level of support.
The fact that this resembles the energy of the Labour conferences of the 1970s and 1980s is, sadly, also grist to the mill of the many journalists who are themselves stuck in the battles of yesteryear, and who enjoy painting the party’s life in the colors of that era. Hence the lurid depiction of Stalinist politburos, Momentum thugs, and hard-left union barons preying on the poor old MPs who are only trying to do their jobs. In reality, despite the energy of conference, its outcomes, and its compromises, are often rather less dramatic.
This isn’t to say there has not been a decisive shift left. Plans for workers’ control unveiled by McDonnell, including provisions for worker positions on company boards and mandatory dividend schemes for companies with over 250 staff, are far to the left of any Labour program since 1983. As for foreign policy, the Liverpool conference saw a lively debate on Gaza; one delegate Colin Monehen became a social-media hit thanks to his speech taking place against the backdrop of a sea of Palestinian flags on Conference floor.
Away from the main event, thousands of conference delegates were also energized by The World Transformed (TWT), a festival of left-wing ideas which saw its third sold-out year. This saw sessions focusing on potential avenues for socialist advance, from a review of the 1980s experience of municipal socialism in the Greater London Council, to a session on the “Lucas Plan” for transforming production in a socially useful direction, and even a debate on the politics of fighting “In and Against the State” in a session addressed by Shadow Chancellor John McDonnell.
(Continue Reading)
#politics#the left#jacobin#jacobin magazine#uk politics#labour party#jeremy corbyn#john mcdonnell#democratic socialism#socialism
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Left-wing Muslim MP battling serious health problems has faced both domestic abuse and horrific treatment by local and national party, but Starmer still hasn’t reached out – but finds time to chat with official who knew Begum was ill but pushed on with trigger process. Read below his track record as Labour leader toward domestic violence victims and Muslim women
Left-wing Muslim MP for Poplar and Limehouse in London Apsana Begum has suffered horrific abuse and persecution from the local and national Labour party as the right has manoeuvred to remove her, leading to a malicious and failed attempt to jail her and bullying of constituents in an effort to unseat her as the party’s candidate, leading an official domestic violence advocate to warn the party that it was acting as an extension of the domestic violence she had suffered. Ms Begum told an audience gathered in Liverpool this week that Keir Starmer had been well aware of what was going on but that his faction had briefed the media against her rather than step in to help.
Starmer, meanwhile, has remained silent – not even tweeting to congratulate Begum on her acquittal in the malicious court case, although he found time to tweet about athletics and to congratulate Boris Johnson on yet another pregnancy.
And Skwawkbox understands that at no point has Mr Starmer bothered even to reach out to Apsana Begum – but he did find time to talk to the person who oversaw the process intended to remove her, Asra Anjum, the Procedures Secretary for the trigger ballot.
Ms Anjum, who is said by locals to be close to the clique surrounding Begum’s ex-husband and publicly gave him partial credit for her election as constituency party (CLP) secretary, was a social worker who was found by Social Work England to have dishonestly recorded social work visits that she never made. According to the same organisation, she is no longer registered to practise after her registration lapsed upon her failure to complete the required ‘Continuous Professional Development’.
Ms Anjum remains a Labour party officer – and Starmer was happy to pose for a series of pictures with her at the party’s conference in Liverpool this week, as a tweet by Ms Anjum boasted:
As procedures secretary, a message from Asra Anjum to Apsana Begum sent on 19 June last year proves that she was aware of Begum’s illness – and ploughed on with the trigger process regardless. The message read:
Dear Apsana, I’m sorry to hear you’re unwell. Kindly be informed that on review of our affiliation records we understand that ASLEF, Jewish Labour Movement and Labour Irish Society are affiliated to our CLP, Poplar and Limehouse. The secretaries for the above respective unions have been notified of the trigger ballot process. The requisite paperwork along with the ballot has been emailed. Apologies for the inconvenience this may have caused. I wish you speedy recovery and good health.
The Al Jazeera ‘Labour Files’ programme broadcast over the past week – and resolutely ignored by the rest of the so-called ‘mainstream’ media – proved the horrific extent of anti-Black and anti-Muslim racism of the Labour right and the lengths to which the party will go to victimise and remove those whom the ruling faction finds inconvenient.
In addition, a series of exclusives by Skwawkbox and the tribunal case brought by whistleblower Elaina Cohen against right-wing MP Khalid Mahmood demonstrated that Keir Starmer and Labour general secretary David Evans were repeatedly informed of Ms Cohen’s warnings that domestic violence victims were being criminally and horrifically abused by Mahmood’s employee and alleged loved – yet did nothing, leaving Mahmood on Starmer’s front bench and used parliamentary resources to pursue Cohen before sacking her unfairly. She turned down a six-figure settlement offer in order to pursue the case and ensure the abuse was on record.
Despite the gravity of the abuse allegations, which were accepted by Mahmood in the tribunal case without challenge, that scandal too has been almost entirely ignored by the ‘MSM’ and Keir Starmer has never answered requests for comment and continues to claim to be a champion of domestic violence victims – like Apsana Begum and the women Elaina Cohen sought to protect.
Asra Anjum was approached for comment.
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Presidential polls: 99 pc of votes from Punjab going to Yashwant Sinha, says Partap Bajwa
Jul 18, 2022 12:27 IST Chandigarh , July 18 (Always First): Leader of Opposition in Punjab, Partap Singh Bajwa on Monday said that 99 per cent of the votes from Punjab are going to Yashwant Sinha for the President post. Speaking to the media persons outside the Punjab Assembly, Bajwa said the meeting of the Punjab Congress Legislative Party (CLP) has been called to avoid any mistake that may lead to the cancellation of votes. "All MLAs will be guided about the process of casting votes for the election of the President to avoid any mistake that may lead to the cancellation of votes. Most of the MPs will be going to Delhi to cast their votes, they can come here too, then they have both the preference He also asserted that 99 per cent of the votes from Punjab are going to Yashwant Sinha," said Bajwa. Voting to elect the 15th President of India will be held on Monday as the tenure of Ram Nath Kovind will end on July 24. National Democratic Alliance's (NDA) presidential candidate Droupadi Murmu and joint opposition nominee Yashwant Sinha are the two contesting candidates for election to the Office of the President. A total of 4,809 electors will vote in the Presidential elections today. The polling will take place between 10 am and 5 pm in the Parliament and State Legislative Assemblies. The counting of votes will take place on July 21. NDA's Murmu has the support of Biju Janata Dal (BJD), Yuvajana Sramika Rythu Congress Party (YSRCP), Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP), All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), Telugu Desam Party (TDP), Janata Dal (Secular), Shiromani Akali Dal, both the factions of Shiv Sena and Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM). Murmu is a former Governor of Jharkhand and a former Odisha minister. If elected, she will be the first tribal President of India and the country's second female President. Meanwhile, Sinha resigned from TMC before he was nominated as the Opposition's candidate for the presidential poll. The Opposition's Sinha, a former Union Minister in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government who later joined Trinamool Congress is backed by Congress, Nationalist Congress Party (NCP), Aam Aadmi Party, Samajwadi Party and Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD). As per Article 54 of the Constitution of India, the President is elected by the members of the Electoral College consisting of elected members of both Houses of Parliament and elected members of the Legislative Assemblies of all States including the National Capital Territory of Delhi and the Union Territory of Puducherry. The nominated members of either Rajya Sabha and Lok Sabha or Legislative Assemblies of the States are not eligible to be included in the Electoral College and therefore, they are not entitled to participate in the election. Similarly, members of the Legislative Councils are also not electors for the Presidential election. The value of votes of the elected members of State Legislative Assemblies and both Houses of Parliament is governed by Article 55(2) of the Constitution. (Always First) Read the full article
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Congress elects young face Amarinder Singh Warring as new Punjab Congress president, Pratap Bajwa CLP leader
Congress elects young face Amarinder Singh Warring as new Punjab Congress president, Pratap Bajwa CLP leader
The Congress on Saturday announced its new PCC chief, appointing Amarinder Singh Raja Waring as Navjot Singh Sidhu’s successor, while Pratap Singh Bajwa, MLA from Kadia, was appointed as the leader of the Congress MLA party (CLP) in the Punjab Assembly. Sidhu resigned after the party’s defeat in the recent state elections, as directed by party president Sonia Gandhi. By appointing Waring, a…
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"Could the Communists make an electoral breakthrough at the Lakehead in 1926? The CLP [Canadian Labour Party] leadership was drawn exclusively from Southern Ontario, but within the Lakehead region the party had such high-profile supporters as William Bryan…. In the days leading up to the [federal] election, however, the simmering unrest in the lumber camps in Northwestern Ontario erupted in a series of strikes. According to Ian Radforth, “preparation had begun in the summer, when joint meetings of Wobbly and LWIUC [Lumber Workers Industrial Union of Canada] camp delegates met to decide on wage demands.” Following the rejection of the workers’ demands by a number of companies, a “test of strength ensued.” From newspaper interviews and reports, Alf Hautamäki and Bryan appear to have been the strike leaders, representing a joint LWIUC and IWW [Industrial Workers of the World] committee. When the strikes finally ended eight weeks later, over thirty companies and 3,000 men across Northwestern Ontario had been embroiled in the conflict. In the Thunder Bay District, roughly 2,500 workers had been involved, with protests occurring both in the twin cities and in the camps.
While the sheer number of participants makes the strike stand out, it was also a pivotal moment for the nature of socialism in the region. Described as “almost unique in the history of Canadian unionism,” the sheer number of participants in the strike (over 3,000) was felt to be a “splendid illustration that where the rank and file has the will, a united front of two union organizations can be satisfactorily made.” The Worker suggested that the strike in the Port Arthur District provided the clearest example yet of what could be accomplished by “the unorganized mass of workers,” if only they would unite.
The participation of the LWIUC, in what appears to have been its first industry-wide strike, demonstrated its continued willingness to form a united front with the IWW in the district. Initially, the CPC viewed the cooperation between the two organizations as an example of the strength and success that solidarity could achieve following the Comintern’s policy. During the first few weeks, for example, the mass organization committee had unprecedented success in persuading strikebreakers to join the strike. The fact that Wobblies held the most important positions on the joint strike committee, however, concerned the CPC [Communist Party of Canada] leadership as they entered into the arrangement on equal footing and often took the lead. The growing influence of the IWW at the Lakehead was evident in a petition by LWIUC members to the CPC Organization Committee, asking to be allowed to hold joint membership in the syndicalist-oriented Lumber Workers Industrial Union (LWIU) linked to the IWW.
Not surprisingly, the petition was rejected and, sensing the danger posed by the IWW, the CPC began a campaign to undermine the role of the IWW despite the fact that during the strike its “claim to leadership was not disputed by the Communist Party’s paper the Worker.” During the final days of the strike, the CPC leaders were convinced that their party had become the preferred voice of socialists in the region. Certainly, the CPC had made gains. At the same time, as William Moriarty’s reception at the Lakehead would confirm, many lumber workers were not averse to subjecting CPC policies to skeptical examination. Many seemed convinced that they benefited when the CPC and IWW cooperated and lost when the two organizations struggled with each other for political supremacy.
Such dreams of left unity proved evanescent. The inherent contradictions within the organizations and the desire of the LWIUC to control the camps led to increasing bickering on both the picket lines and in the joint strike committee meetings. Tensions between the two organizations even spilled onto the streets when one drunken Finnish Wobbly reportedly stabbed a Finnish Communist in the face over ideological differences. On 28 October, the joint committee abruptly ended when the IWW moved that the strike take on a more active fight “in the IWW tradition,” but lost “the vote to those supporting [CPC] affiliation.” Under the leadership of Communist organizer Alf Hautamäki, those remaining decided to enter into negotiations, resulting in an end to the strike shortly afterwards. The thirty-six-day strike did result, however, in improved conditions and increases in pay for both monthly wages and piecework. Despite the inter-left squabble during its final days, “in the years following the 1926 breakthrough,” Radforth has observed, “no other strike involved as many pulp cutters or brought the unions such favourable results."
- Michel S. Beaulieu, Labour at the Lakehead: Ethnicity, Socialism, and Politics, 1900-35. Vancouver: University of British Columbia Press, 2011. p. 117-119.
#thunder bay#fort william#port arthur#communist party of canada#industrial workers of the world#lumberjacks#lumber workers#strike#federal election#working class politics#canadian socialism#northwestern ontario#reading 2024#academic quote#labour at the lakehead#working class history#lumber industry#bush camps#pulp cutters
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Cipher Academy ch.56 thoughts
[Continue...?]
(Contents: Speculation - anxiety/predictions, thematic analysis - Friendship)
I STILL CAN'T TELL IF IT'S BEEN CANCELED!!!
Hrngh...on the one hand, this was such a quick resolution to this storyline, it really feels like Nisio is outright trying to wrap it up as fast as possible...on the other, revisiting the introductory crossword specifically in the battle with Toshusai to determine which of them is the leader of the academy is the perfect bookend to this section of the story since she won't have any reason to be antagonistic to Iroha going forward, and there isn't really a way to drag out sharing crosswords into multiple chapters that wouldn't feel awkward
The presence of loose ends like Kogoe's machinations, Hakanage and Zakuroguchi's plans, how the Morgue will be used, Iroha's dad, locating Amvicious, etc. all indicate that there's plenty of story left to tell, but it's very possible that we're going to get an "our journey continues" ending, so that doesn't tell us anything
As I've said before, Nisio frequently ends arcs with quick resolutions, like how Medaka vs. Kumagawa or Hitoyoshi vs. Iihiko were only one chapter each, so this feels very like him, but that could just lend well to wrapping up the story when the editors say it's time to stop
It's so frustrating!!! I don't want to hold out hope only for it to be dashed, but Nisio's track record tells me there isn't reason to accept defeat yet, either!!!
Hmph!!!
Anyway, this is a fantastic end to what I've been calling the Friendship arc, as not only has Toshusai acknowledged Iroha as her friend, it was Iroha's belief that she felt that way that convinced her to concede defeat to him. The goal of Q.123 was to demonstrate how well they understood each other by effectively putting words in each other's mouths, and wrong answers would be a demerit - not only did Iroha demonstrate perfectly that he understood Toshusai, but that even though they were on opposing sides, he wholeheartedly believed that she viewed him as a friend
There was also the bit about "answering a code with a code," which I believe is meant to harken back to the idea that Iroha's way of thinking is so outside of the box compared to everyone else's, as seen when he brought in a third member to what was supposed to be a three-person cell, but honestly I think that was more how Nohime rationalized it rather than how Toshusai did. It's an important skill that only Iroha has shown, so it is a quality that Toshusai believes that a leader should have, but more than that, the idea that wars can be ended with friendship rather than violence has been a key ideal of the story as a whole, so it makes sense for that to be the final lynchpin in her decision to allow Iroha to take command
Kogoe walking away because she considered both options to be winners is an interesting callback to the CLP election, as she said the same thing when Iroha fought Anonymity, so I think if the story is to continue, she's undoubtedly going to be the cause of the next inciting incident. If the story gets to continue on, Iroha's friendship with Kogoe is certain to be a major contributing factor to the resolution of whatever her plot is, though likely in a slightly different way than we've seen here. Like I said, I think that our next storyline is going to be the Victory arc, so rather than "wars can be won through Friendship", it's more going to be "wars can be Won through friendship." It's a subtle distinction that I don't envision most people will understand at the moment, but if we ever get there, I'll be sure to go into more detail on it
Kogoe established in chapter 1 that she believes wars can be won without fighting, so using her as the focal point for the Victory arc, a story about finding alternate forms of victory, would be just as fitting of a bookend as Iroha befriending Toshusai. I still feel there would need to be one more arc after that to tie together all three arc's lessons, but ending it on Iroha proving Kogoe's hypothesis correct could well be the perfect conclusion
Here's hoping we get to see it!
Until next time
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PM Modi's double engine experiment has failed in Uttarakhand: LoP Pritam Singh after Yashpal Arya joins Congress
PM Modi’s double engine experiment has failed in Uttarakhand: LoP Pritam Singh after Yashpal Arya joins Congress
In a major jolt to the BJP, Uttarakhand transport minister Yashpal Arya quit the party and rejoined the Congress along with his MLA son from Nainital Sanjiv Arya at All India Congress Committee (AICC) headquarters in New Delhi on Monday. The development comes about four months ahead of the assembly election in the state. Congress Legislature Party (CLP) leader and leader of opposition (LoP) in…
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India News | 'Not in Hurry for CM's Post': Karnataka Cong Chief Shivakumar on Leadership Tussle with Siddaramaiah
Karnataka Congress chief DK Shivakumar on Wednesday said he is no hurry to the post of Chief Minister and aims to bring Congress back to power in the state.
"I am in no hurry (for CM post). My agenda is to bring Congress back to power and for this I have said that the party can use me as a stepping stone. I have seen statements of two or three MLAs. Siddaramaiah is Congress Legislature Party (CLP) leader and he will look into it. Congress is still alive in Karnataka," Shivakumar said.
The Karnataka Congress chief's remarks come in the backdrop of claims that there is a split within the party MLAs with one faction backing Siddaramaiah as the chief ministerial candidate while the others support Shivakumar for the post.
With Assembly elections less than two years away, Congress MLA Zameer Ahmad on Sunday said Siddaramaiah should become the "future Chief Minister of Karnataka."
Speaking to mediapersons here today, DK Shivakumar dismissed all reports of a split and stressed that the aim of the Congress is to defeat Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), which is currently in power in the state.
"No chair is empty in the Congress at present. Our race is to defeat BJP and bring Congress back to power. We need to fight against BJP and defeat it instead of diverting issues. We have to work together. People, workers, leaders want to defeat BJP," Shivakumar said.
Congress MLA Ramappa Timmapur had earlier remarked that DK Shivakumar has age on his side and can become Chief Minister later but Siddaramaiah must become the next Chief Minister.
On Tuesday, Congress Disciplinary Committee in the state on Tuesday issued a warning to party leaders Zameer Ahmad and Raghavendra Hitnal for making statements that favoured "a person instead of the party."
Ahmed and Hitnal were served the warning days after they had stated that they wanted Siddaramaiah to be the Chief Minister once again.
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BJP has failed to fulfil its promises: Saikia
BJP has failed to fulfil its promises: Saikia
The BJP has failed to fulfil the promises it made to the people of Assam and the electorate will give a “befitting reply” to the ruling party in the forthcoming Assembly elections, said Leader of the State Congress Legislature Party (CLP) Debabrata Saikia. “Prime Minister Narendra Modi came to Assam on the eve of elections to the Assam Legislative Assembly but the speech he delivered at the…
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