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brookstonalmanac · 8 months ago

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Events 5.28 (after 1960)

1961 – Peter Benenson's article The Forgotten Prisoners is published in several internationally read newspapers. This will later be thought of as the founding of the human rights organization Amnesty International. 1964 – The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) is founded, with Yasser Arafat elected as its first leader. 1968 – Garuda Indonesian Airways Flight 892 crashes near Nala Sopara in India, killing 30. 1974 – Northern Ireland's power-sharing Sunningdale Agreement collapses following a general strike by loyalists. 1975 – Fifteen West African countries sign the Treaty of Lagos, creating the Economic Community of West African States. 1977 – In Southgate, Kentucky, the Beverly Hills Supper Club is engulfed in fire, killing 165 people inside. 1979 – Konstantinos Karamanlis signs the full treaty of the accession of Greece with the European Economic Community. 1987 – An 18-year-old West German pilot, Mathias Rust, evades Soviet Union air defences and lands a private plane in Red Square in Moscow, Russia. 1991 – The capital city of Addis Ababa falls to the Ethiopian People's Revolutionary Democratic Front, ending both the Derg regime in Ethiopia and the Ethiopian Civil War. 1995 – The 7.0 Mw  Neftegorsk earthquake shakes the former Russian settlement of Neftegorsk with a maximum Mercalli intensity of IX (Violent). Total damage was $64.1–300 million, with 1,989 deaths and 750 injured. The settlement was not rebuilt. 1996 – U.S. President Bill Clinton's former business partners in the Whitewater land deal, Jim McDougal and Susan McDougal, and the Governor of Arkansas, Jim Guy Tucker, are convicted of fraud. 1998 – Nuclear testing: Pakistan responds to a series of nuclear tests by India with five of its own codenamed Chagai-I, prompting the United States, Japan, and other nations to impose economic sanctions. Pakistan celebrates Youm-e-Takbir annually. 1999 – In Milan, Italy, after 22 years of restoration work, Leonardo da Vinci's masterpiece The Last Supper is put back on display. 2002 – The last steel girder is removed from the original World Trade Center site. Cleanup duties officially end with closing ceremonies at Ground Zero in Manhattan, New York City. 2003 – Peter Hollingworth resigns as Governor-General of Australia following criticism of his handling of child sexual abuse allegations during his tenure as Anglican Archbishop of Brisbane. 2004 – The Iraqi Governing Council chooses Ayad Allawi, a longtime anti-Saddam Hussein exile, as prime minister of Iraq's interim government. 2008 – The first meeting of the Constituent Assembly of Nepal formally declares Nepal a republic, ending the 240-year reign of the Shah dynasty. 2010 – In West Bengal, India, the Jnaneswari Express train derailment and subsequent collision kills 148 passengers. 2011 – Malta votes on the introduction of divorce; the proposal was approved by 53% of voters, resulting in a law allowing divorce under certain conditions being enacted later in the year. 2016 – Harambe, a gorilla, is shot to death after grabbing a three-year-old boy in his enclosure at the Cincinnati Zoo and Botanical Garden, resulting in widespread criticism and sparking various internet memes. 2017 – Former Formula One driver Takuma Sato wins his first Indianapolis 500, the first Japanese and Asian driver to do so. Double world champion Fernando Alonso retires from an engine issue in his first entry of the event.

#Events

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news365timesindia · 7 days ago

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[ad_1] New Delhi: West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee led TMC government has backed AAP ahead of the Delhi Assembly election 2025. Read More [ad_2] Source link

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news365times · 7 days ago

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[ad_1] New Delhi: West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee led TMC government has backed AAP ahead of the Delhi Assembly election 2025. Read More [ad_2] Source link

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therewasabrowncrow · 29 days ago

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Indian Communists’ Muslim Dilemma

Shadman Ali Khan, Jacobin

In recent years, Kerala, a southern Indian state long governed by the Left, has reportedly seen cases of gold smuggling and transactions of illegal, unregulated money. Commenting on the issue in a recent interview, the Communist Party of India (Marxist), or CPI(M), chief minister of the state described the Muslim-majority district of Malappuram as a hot spot for these crimes. He claimed that these offenses are most prevalent in this district — and that illegal money is brought into Kerala for “anti-national” activities.

The label “anti-national,” which is often applied, if not limited to, Indian Muslims, is not the chief minister’s own coinage but rather a term borrowed from the lexicon of Hindu nationalist forces. Strategically deployed by Hindutva organizations to ostracize and demonize Muslims in India, the term takes on a more powerful meaning by labeling them as “traitors” to the motherland.

Facing backlash, the chief minister disowned the statement. Yet, party leaders’ borrowing of anti-Muslim rhetoric from the Hindu nationalist echo chamber is not something new. In 2010, another CPI(M) stalwart, V. S. Achuthanandan, accused a Muslim political group of using marriage as a tool to “Islamize” Kerala. This claim resembled the “love jihad” narrative, one of many Islamophobic campaigns propagated by Hindutva forces to demonize Indian Muslims. This conspiracy theory tells us that Muslim men lure Hindu women into marriage to convert them and change the religious demographic.

These positions taken by the CPI(M) are viewed by many civil-society activists as isolated incidents and by some political analysts as deliberate compromises yielding to electoral pressures. However, the CPI(M)’s handling of the “Muslim issue” is more than that — it is a symptom of a larger crisis within the party.

Founded in 1964 after splitting from the Communist Party of India, the CPI(M) not only survived but grew in size, at a time when most communist parties in Europe were losing influence after the dissolution of the USSR. In parliamentary terms, the party has ruled leading left-wing coalitions in West Bengal, Kerala, and Tripura. Together, these states have a combined population of approximately 140 million. In both West Bengal and Kerala, Muslims make up over 25 percent of the population and play a decisive role in electoral outcomes.

In West Bengal, where the party ruled for thirty-four years and had a strong base among Muslims, it suffered a rout in the 2009 general and 2011 assembly elections. Since then, the CPI(M) has been reduced to a negligible force in the state.In both West Bengal and Kerala, Muslims make up over 25 percent of the population and play a decisive role in electoral outcomes.

Prabhat Patnaik, a renowned Marxist economist, commenting on the party’s decline in West Bengal, identifies a critical factor behind its fall: what he terms “empiricization.” By this, he means the party’s tendency to focus on short-term political praxis, divorced from the long-term objective of transcending capitalism. This shift, Patnaik suggests, has also led to stagnation and bureaucratization within the party.

The Muslim Factor and the Left’s Decline in West Bengal

Historically, the CPI(M) had a massive base among landless Muslim peasants due to land reform initiatives between 1978 and 1980, especially Operation Barga, which aimed to provide legal recognition and protection to bargadars (sharecroppers). The program greatly benefited most Muslim sharecroppers, improving their socioeconomic conditions. However, over time, the moral impact of these land reform measures began to fade in the absence of new, inclusive development projects for marginalized Muslims. The party’s “symbolic capital” subsequently started to deplete with increasing bureaucratization on the ground.

A stark example of this was observed in the hunger-stricken, Muslim-majority district of Murshidabad, which witnessed multiple starvation deaths in the mid-2000s. The region’s major river, the Padma, has often caused severe erosion and destroyed fertile lands. This undoubtedly precipitated this situation, too, and yet environmental degradation was not the only factor contributing to the tragedy. Poverty, displacement, unemployment, and, above all, the criminal apathy of the CPI(M)-led government toward the crisis pushed the villagers to the brink, even causing starvation. The dire conditions and the state government’s apathy were highlighted in reports from Masum, a local human rights organization. According to Masum:

Every day someone or the other dies of hunger in the village of Dayarampur or among other adjacent villages. They have not even heard of Annapurna Yojana, a central government scheme intended to give them food grains when in need. One handicapped man named Amir Shah complained that their names have not even been included in the Below Poverty Line list, which would allow them to apply for assistance.

There were also instances where children were forced to drop out of school because studying on an empty stomach became impossible. In their struggle to survive hunger, many of these children were forced into child labor. Among many such heart-wrenching stories, there were also accounts of a desperate small child eating dirt to fill his stomach, only to later succumb to starvation.

However, despite repeated calls for intervention from the state government, these pleas were ignored, with even the state’s then rural development minister, Surjya Kanta Mishra, refusing to acknowledge the starvation deaths. As noted by the newspaper Tehelka, he crudely claimed that “[t]hese are stories woven by journalists; there has not been any starvation death in the region.” Mishra went on to become the secretary of the CPI(M) West Bengal State Committee in 2015.

Further, a detailed report by the Charity Alliance revealed that Below Poverty Line (BPL) ration cards, meant to provide subsidized food to the poor, were not issued to the majority of the affected population, many of whom later died from starvation and malnutrition. Instead, these government benefits were disproportionately allocated to a select few, notably CPI(M) cadres themselves.This intersection of bureaucratization and the absence of welfare policies in Muslim-majority areas gave rise to a crisis within a crisis, with each reinforcing the other.

Moreover, as journalist Tarun Kanti Bose highlighted, amidst this tragedy, CPI(M) functionaries not only threatened the villagers to discourage them from complaining, but also appropriated whatever relief materials came their way. On top of that, the party’s cadres launched an extortion drive against these hunger-stricken families in the name of collecting party funds. This blatant inequity and gangsterism went largely unchallenged, as fear of retaliation from party cadres deterred villagers from protesting. Those who attempted to highlight the starvation crisis were targeted by the police, as noted in a report by the Asian Human Rights Commission.

In 2006, the Sachar Committee report — a detailed study of the socioeconomic conditions of Indian Muslims — further attested to the fact that Muslims in West Bengal did not receive equal sociopolitical and economic support from the left-wing government, compared to other communities. The committee found that Muslims in the state had some of the lowest mean years of schooling (MYS), and Muslim-majority rural areas lacked basic infrastructure, including medical facilities. Their representation in government jobs and work participation rate (WPR) were also among the lowest nationwide, making their situation one of the most disadvantaged in the country.

The report also pointed out that these socioeconomic deprivations pave the way for insecurities among Muslims, leading them to perceive these material problems as community-specific. As the late Marxist thinker Aijaz Ahmad aptly states in an essay on communalism:

Considering that the vast majority of Indians enjoy no rights of citizenship, except the abstract right of universal suffrage, it is all the more likely that most people would feel much less moved by our nationalist discourses and would be more attached to what we ourselves regard as the communities of their actual religious belief, affective relationships, and social belonging.

In this context, the dilapidated condition of underclass Muslims in West Bengal led to a shift from class consciousness toward the solidification of their religious identity, as a “protest against real suffering.” For example, the scarcity of educational facilities in Muslim-majority areas was partially addressed by the community through the establishment of Islamic denominational institutions, known as madrassas. An increasing number of private madrassas began to emerge in the state, catering to the underprivileged Muslim population.

This self-help by the community was cast as religious extremism by the then CPI(M) chief minister of West Bengal, Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, who declared these unregistered madrassas “dens of terrorism.” The party leadership’s reductive view of these madrassas as extremist, rather than understanding them as a response to deprivation, can be seen as a product of “empiricization,” where political stagnation gave rise to ideological stagnation, and the absence of revolutionary praxis led to the emergence of a reactionary, anti-Muslim stance.

The CPI(M)’s alienation of Muslims was further worsened by its adoption of a neoliberal route to industrialization. The party’s attempt to acquire land from the peasantry to lease to Indonesia’s Salim Group conglomerate to build a chemical hub backfired, culminating in the Nandigram violence of 2007.

During this state-backed crackdown, CPI(M) cadres brutally suppressed peasants protesting against land dispossession, resulting in the deaths of fourteen villagers and leaving over a hundred missing. Coincidentally, the majority of the affected peasants were Muslim, further deepening their distrust with the party.

This series of events indicates a continuous reproduction of crises that appear isolated but are, in fact, interrelated symptoms of a larger structural malaise within the party at both political and ideological levels. The decline of the Left in West Bengal is a symptom of these contradictions. By the 2009 general elections, this accumulated alienation resulted in a nearly 10 percent shift in the Muslim vote away from the Left, leading to its eventual electoral collapse in the state.

A Case for Kerala

Despite Kerala’s world-famous leftist government, the dominance of communist politics has not overshadowed the role of religious identity and caste.

The veteran CPI(M) leader E. M. S. Namboodiripad once observed this shortcoming vis-à-vis religious minorities:

Looking back, I feel one of our key failures has been in understanding issues connected with religious minorities in Kerala. Unlike West Bengal and Tripura, the population of Kerala has large Christian and Muslim minorities, which form over 40 percent of the state’s population. Muslims and Christians are under the predominant influence of religion-based leaders, that is, of the Muslim League and the Church.

Since his speech in 1994, little progress has been made on this front, as the CPI(M) continues to struggle to rally Muslims under its Left Democratic Front (LDF) — an issue the party yet again acknowledged in its review of 2024 parliamentary elections. The review states that Muslims did not see the Left as a force in the fight against Narendra Modi’s Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

This gap between the Left and Muslims of Kerala becomes evident in their electoral behavior during parliamentary elections, with most rallying behind the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML). The party holds significant electoral power in Malabar, a region with a large Muslim population. Although the IUML was once allied with the CPI(M), it joined the Indian National Congress–led United Democratic Front (UDF) over four decades ago and has remained a key ally ever since.

At the same time, the Hindu-nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and BJP have seized the opportunity to extend their anti-Muslim propaganda, aiming to strengthen their position in Kerala. Slowly but surely, they have been succeeding, with one example being the growing divide between Christians and Muslims. Concurrently, there has been a noticeable shift by the Left’s traditional Ezhava (a so-called backward Hindu caste group) base toward the BJP in the last general election. However, to overcome such short-term political setbacks, the CPI(M) has often resorted to “populist reasoning,” invoking the specter of Muslim extremism to balance its position among non-Muslim communities.

Commenting on this problem, Kerala-based journalist Ayyapan R writes that

the [CPI(M)] had subtle ways to humour the openly secular but secretly communal Hindu. [The CPI(M)] created a villain, the Extremist Muslim, and flogged it publicly. The spectacle was clearly intended for the satisfaction of the “half-way Hindu” who did not want to be seen with the [RSS and BJP] crowd but still had found merit in the wild fears they had raised about the Muslim.

This is not to imply that communal forces are entirely absent from Muslim politics; however, they remain largely marginalized within the community. One contributing factor is the widespread presence of the IUML, a secular, democratic Muslim party that works for minorities in general and also has members from non-Muslim communities. In addition to support from upper- and middle-class Muslims, the party also has backing from the Muslim working class, garnering support through its trade union, the Swatantra Thozhilali Union.

The CPI(M) has made attempts to court the IUML, most recently in the run-up to the 2024 general elections. But, following the devastating electoral results and the failure to bring the IUML into the LDF, the party which previously regarded the IUML as a secular outfit suddenly reversed its position. It then accused the IUML of being communal and claimed it had a secret alliance with Muslim extremists which led to the defeat of the LDF.

The party’s move to blame Muslim extremists for its electoral failure hints at another symptom of a bigger crisis, where it continues to focus more on external factors for its decline rather than engaging in “ruthless criticism” of its own line. But most importantly, the party’s attitude of framing “Muslim politics” in this or that schematic fashion according to its electoral convenience, resembles just another bourgeois parliamentary tactic where scapegoating Muslims remains constant in today’s India.

Growing Islamophobia within Kerala’s society and state machinery also hints at a regression of its strong secular trend, itself the result of once-uncompromising struggle of communists and other social reformers. Recently, a Muslim independent journalist was detained by Kerala police for wearing a Palestinian keffiyeh during a cricket match. After his release, his mother was questioned by the Kerala Anti-Terrorism Squad, which inquired whether her son was religious.

This incident, like many others, showcases the CPI(M)’s failure to combat anti-Muslim biases within civil society and the state machinery. Accompanied by its occasional strategic use of the “good vs. bad Muslims” narrative and the appropriation of Hindutva lexicon, the party fails to shift the Overton window on Muslim identity away from its Hindutva definition. This also highlights the party’s reluctance to rethink its engagement with the question of identity, leading to a dead end where theoretical limitations translate into political failures.

These symptoms that previously emerged before the collapse in West Bengal are now increasingly evident in Kerala, the party’s last remaining stronghold.

At its core, this structural crisis in the CPI(M) is a crisis of imagination regarding the kind of social transformation it aims to achieve. The party’s reliance on balancing the majority-minority calculus to stay electorally relevant also means getting trapped in the conflicts of identity. Such an approach clearly contradicts its long-standing claim of transcending such divisions through working-class politics.

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op-jindal · 1 month ago

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Shri O.P. Jindal, the visionary Founder Chairman of the Jindal Group, was born on August 7, 1930, in Nalwa village, Hisar, Haryana. From humble beginnings, he rose to redefine India’s industrial landscape. In 1952, driven by a pivotal realization upon seeing imported "Made in England" pipes in Calcutta, he resolved to make India self-reliant in manufacturing. Despite limited formal education, his ingenuity led to the creation of a pipe-bending unit in Howrah, which laid the foundation for his industrial empire.

By 1964, Shri O.P Jindal had established Jindal India Limited, followed by Jindal Strips Limited in 1969, often developing innovative machinery indigenously. Shri O.P Jindal's passion for technology and hands-on problem-solving defined his journey, earning him the Lifetime Achievement Award from the Bengal Chamber of Commerce in 2004 for his contributions to the Indian steel industry.

Beyond business, Shri O.P Jindal was deeply committed to social equality and poverty alleviation. He believed in uplifting the underprivileged as a cornerstone of national prosperity. A visionary politician, Shri O.P Jindal served three terms as a Member of the Haryana Legislative Assembly, was elected to the 11th Lok Sabha in 1996, and held the position of Haryana’s Minister of Power.

"Where others saw walls, he saw doors" – this succinctly captures Shri O.P Jindal's visionary outlook. His journey from humble beginnings to becoming a successful industrialist, philanthropist, politician, and leader remains a profound source of inspiration for generations to come.

#OP Jindal

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musicverse11 · 2 months ago

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The Evolution of Babul Supriyo: From Music to Public Service

Babul Supriyo is a name synonymous with versatility and dedication. From enchanting millions with his soulful voice to taking on significant roles in Indian politics, his journey is nothing short of inspiring. Born in Uttarpara, West Bengal, Supriyo’s life story is a fascinating tale of passion, perseverance, and transformation. This article delves into his transition from a celebrated playback singer to a political leader, highlighting the milestones of his incredible career.

Early Life and Musical Beginnings

Born on December 15, 1970, in a musically rich family, Supriyo was destined to make waves in the music industry. His grandfather, N.C. Baral, was a renowned vocalist and composer in Bengal, and it was under his guidance that Supriyo’s love for music flourished. Growing up, he showcased his talent in school competitions and earned several accolades, including the All India Don Bosco Music Champion in 1983.

After completing his education in commerce from Serampore College, Supriyo initially worked at Standard Chartered Bank in Kolkata. However, his passion for music was unwavering, prompting him to resign and move to Mumbai in 1992. This decision marked the beginning of his illustrious career in playback singing.

Bollywood Success: A Voice for the Ages

In Mumbai, Supriyo adopted the stage name “Babul Supriyo” and quickly became a recognizable voice in the Bollywood music industry. His breakthrough came with the song “Dil Ne Dil Ko Pukara” from the blockbuster movie Kaho Naa… Pyaar Hai (2000). This song not only earned him widespread acclaim but also established him as a leading playback singer.

Over the years, Supriyo delivered several hits, collaborating with prominent music directors like Jatin-Lalit, Anu Malik, and A.R. Rahman. Some of his memorable songs include:

“Chanda Chamke” from Fanaa (2006)

“Hum Tum” from Hum Tum (2004)

“Pari Pari Hai Ek Pari” from Hungama (2003)

His ability to adapt to different musical styles and his impeccable vocal range made him a favorite among audiences. Supriyo’s songs, marked by their emotional depth and melodic quality, have left an indelible mark on Bollywood’s music landscape.

Venturing into Politics

Despite his thriving music career, Supriyo’s ambitions extended beyond the recording studio. In 2014, he entered the political arena by joining the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). His entry into politics surprised many, but his dedication and charisma quickly earned him a significant following.

Elected as a Member of Parliament from Asansol in West Bengal, Supriyo served in the 16th and 17th Lok Sabha. During his tenure, he held various ministerial roles, including:

Minister of State for Urban Development

Minister of State for Heavy Industries and Public Enterprises

Minister of State for Environment, Forest, and Climate Change

His contributions in these roles were noteworthy, focusing on urban development and sustainable initiatives. However, his political journey took a dramatic turn in 2021 when he joined the All India Trinamool Congress (AITC). In 2022, he was elected as a Member of the West Bengal Legislative Assembly and appointed Cabinet Minister for Information Technology and Electronics in the state government.

Balancing Music and Public Service

One of the remarkable aspects of Supriyo’s career is his ability to seamlessly balance his love for music with his political responsibilities. While politics now occupies a significant portion of his life, he remains deeply connected to his musical roots. He continues to perform at concerts and events, reminding fans of the magic he brought to Bollywood.

His dual career path reflects his dedication to making a difference — both as an artist who touches hearts with music and as a politician committed to serving the people.

Personal Life and Resilience

Babul Supriyo’s personal life has also been a testament to resilience and strength. His first marriage ended in divorce, but he found love again and remarried in 2016. He is a proud father to two daughters, and his family remains a source of inspiration and support.

Despite facing challenges, Supriyo’s journey highlights the importance of perseverance. Whether it was the initial struggle to establish himself in the music industry or the complexities of navigating Indian politics, he has always emerged stronger.

Legacy and Inspiration

Babul Supriyo’s story is not just about personal success; it is about inspiring others to dream big and work tirelessly to achieve their goals. His transition from a celebrated singer to a respected politician underscores the value of adaptability and continuous growth.

For aspiring artists, his musical journey serves as a reminder that passion and dedication can pave the way to success. For young politicians, his story is a lesson in balancing ambition with the desire to serve society.

Conclusion

Babul Supriyo journey from Uttarpara to the corridors of power is a story of determination, talent, and a relentless pursuit of excellence. As a singer, he gave us songs that resonate with emotions; as a politician, he has worked towards meaningful change. His life is a testament to the idea that one can excel in multiple fields with dedication and hard work.

What aspect of Babul Supriyo’s journey inspires you the most? Share your thoughts in the comments or connect on social media to discuss this multifaceted personality’s legacy.

To explore more about Babul Supriyo’s music, politics, and inspiring life, visit the detailed article on Deliver My Tune or stream his songs on your favorite platform. Don’t miss the chance to revisit the timeless melodies that have captivated millions!

#music #musicindustry #music industry updates #music updates #musician

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hindustanmorning · 2 months ago

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Abhishek Banerjee likely next Bengal Chief Minister after Kunal Ghosh's speculation on Facebook

The upcoming West Bengal assembly elections will take place in 2026. Trinamool Congress and BJP are getting ready for the upcoming elections. Abhishek Banerjee, the nephew of Trinamool Congress MP and CM Mamata Banerjee, was born on November 7. Prior to his birthday, the political situation in Bengal became tense as a result of a Facebook post made by Kunal Ghosh, a Trinamool Congress leader and…

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angel0news · 5 months ago

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Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee: The Reformist Politician Who Tried to Transform the Left

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the last Left Chief Minister of West Bengal, passed away in Kolkata at the age of 80, closing a chapter on his tumultuous and influential political career. Known for his ambitious reforms and the struggle to modernize the state, Bhattacharjee’s legacy is one of both significant achievements and stark failures.

A Promising Start

Bhattacharjee's rise to prominence came in 2000 when he succeeded the legendary Jyoti Basu as Chief Minister of West Bengal. His tenure was marked by an aggressive push towards industrialization, with grand plans that included the Nano car project in Singur and several other development initiatives.

Despite winning overwhelming support in the 2001 and 2006 Assembly elections, Bhattacharjee faced growing challenges. His efforts to attract industry, including major investments in IT and steel, were met with resistance, especially from farmers affected by land acquisitions.

The Turning Point

The land acquisition controversy over the Nano plant in Singur and the SEZ in Nandigram sparked massive protests. The situation escalated, leading to the tragic deaths of 14 protesters in Nandigram in March 2007. This unrest was a significant blow to Bhattacharjee’s government and marked the beginning of the end for the Left Front’s dominance in Bengal.

The failure of these projects and the ensuing political fallout paved the way for Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC) to rise in power. In the 2011 Assembly elections, the TMC ended the Left’s 34-year rule, and Bhattacharjee lost his seat in Jadavpur to TMC’s Manish Gupta.

Reflections and Regrets

In a 2013 interview, Bhattacharjee defended his push for industrialization, arguing that it was essential for the future of Bengal’s youth. He expressed regret over the violence during the Nandigram protests, acknowledging the difficult choices faced by the government at the time.

Political and Cultural Contributions

Bhattacharjee’s political journey began in 1966 as a primary member of the CPI(M), where he quickly rose through the ranks. He served as Information and Public Relations Minister, Home Minister, and Deputy Chief Minister before becoming Chief Minister. Despite his political achievements, he remained connected to his cultural roots, engaging with Bengali literary figures and contributing to literature himself.

After his political career waned, Bhattacharjee retreated from the limelight due to health issues. He stepped down from his roles in the CPI(M) Politburo and Central Committee in 2015, and by 2018, he had largely withdrawn from active politics.

Legacy and Final Years

In his later years, Bhattacharjee’s public appearances were rare, and he declined the Padma Bhushan award in 2022, citing a lack of information about it. The CPI(M) even used an AI-generated avatar of Bhattacharjee in a last-ditch effort to rally support during the Lok Sabha elections.

Bhattacharjee’s life and career reflect a complex legacy—one marked by bold reforms and equally notable setbacks. While his efforts to modernize West Bengal were met with significant opposition, his impact on the state’s political landscape and his contributions to its cultural life remain significant.

Conclusion

Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee’s passing marks the end of an era for West Bengal's Left politics. His journey from a reformist leader with ambitious goals to a figure overshadowed by controversy and defeat highlights the challenges of political transformation and the delicate balance between development and social justice.

#Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee #West Bengal Politics #CPI(M)#Industrialization #Singur Controversy

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graphaizesmm · 6 months ago

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Top 10 Wealthiest Politicians in India: In Visuals

The Association of Democratic Reforms (ADR) has released a detailed report on the assets of Indian MLAs, analyzing data from 4,001 sitting members across 28 state assemblies and two Union Territories. Karnataka Deputy Chief Minister DK Shivakumar stands as the richest MLA, boasting assets worth ₹1,413 crore. In stark contrast, a BJP MLA from West Bengal holds the least assets, valued at just ₹1,700. Notably, among the wealthiest MLAs, four are from Congress and three from the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Explore the lists of Wealthiest politicians in India

Wealth Acceleration: Tracking the Meteoric Rise

The wealthiest politicians in India have seen a remarkable surge in their net worth, reflecting the nation’s economic growth and the lucrative opportunities available to those in power. According to compelling data visualized in recent infographics, the top 10 wealthiest politicians hold assets ranging from ₹661 crores to ₹1,413 crores.

Factors Affecting Affluence: Uncovering the Wealth Dynamics When examining the wealthiest politicians in India, an engaging correlation between age and wealth accumulation emerges. According to reports by the respected ADR and National Election Watch (NEW), the age group with the highest average assets among members of the 17th Lok Sabha is the 51-60 years bracket, boasting an average net worth of ₹14.67 crores. This group is closely followed by those aged 61-70 years, with an average net worth of ₹13.12 crores. Interestingly, the wealthiest politicians in India are not necessarily found in the oldest age groups. The average assets decline to ₹8.89 crores for those above 70 years. Furthermore, younger politicians in the 31-40 years age group possess an average net worth of ₹9.99 crores, while those aged 41-50 show off an average of ₹11.92 crores. This trend highlights the increasing influence of younger generations entering the political arena, potentially benefiting from inherited wealth, successful business ventures, or lucrative opportunities arising from their political connections early in their careers. Some Examples explaining the wealth of young and middle-aged politicians

Dushyant Chautala (31-40 years age group) Dushyant Chautala, a prominent young politician from Haryana and the Deputy Chief Minister, comes from a politically influential family. At a relatively young age, he has accumulated significant wealth, with assets valued at approximately ₹74 crores. His wealth is largely attributed to inherited assets and successful business ventures within the family.

Naveen Jindal (41-50 years age group) Naveen Jindal, an industrialist and former Member of Parliament, falls within the 41-50 years age group. He has a substantial net worth of around ₹132 crores. His wealth is primarily derived from his business empire, Jindal Steel and Power Limited (JSPL), which he expanded significantly during his political career.

Does profession matter? The road to political power and wealth in India is often paved by diverse professional backgrounds. Many of India’s wealthiest politicians hail from the business and industrial sectors, where they have cultivated their entrepreneurial acumen and financial resources. Here are some examples of how their professions have influenced their wealth –

D.K. Shivakumar A senior Congress leader from Karnataka, he is known for his business interests in real estate, education, and hospitality. His wealth is significantly attributed to these ventures alongside his political career.

K.H. Puttaswamy Gowda A politician with substantial real estate investments, which have greatly contributed to his wealth. His financial success is tied to both his political influence and business acumen.

Priyakrishna A young Congress leader and one of the wealthiest politicians in Karnataka. His wealth largely comes from real estate and mining businesses.

N. Chandrababu Naidu The former Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh and leader of the Telugu Desam Party. His wealth is associated with his political career, investments, and family business in agriculture and real estate.

Jayantibhai Somabhai Patel Known for his agricultural and business background. His wealth is derived from his extensive land holdings and agricultural activities, which have been bolstered by his political influence.

Suresha B.S. A politician with significant investments in real estate and agriculture. His financial success is intertwined with his business ventures and political career.

Jagan Mohan Reddy The Chief Minister of Andhra Pradesh and leader of the YSR Congress Party. He is one of the wealthiest politicians in India, with substantial holdings in media, real estate, and other businesses.

Parag Shah A real estate magnate and a politician from Mumbai, associated with the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). His wealth comes predominantly from his successful real estate business, which he has expanded over the years.

T.S. Baba Known for his business interests and political career. His wealth is a result of his investments in various sectors, including real estate and agriculture.

Mangalprabhat Lodha A prominent real estate developer and BJP politician from Mumbai. He is the founder of Lodha Group, one of the largest real estate developers in India, which significantly contributes to his wealth.

The wealthiest politicians in India represent a complex intersection of power, influence, and financial might. As the nation grapples with issues of inequality and economic disparity, the role and responsibilities of these affluent political figures will remain a subject of intense public discourse and scrutiny. Understanding the trends, factors, and implications surrounding their wealth can help us navigate the intricate dynamics shaping India’s political and economic landscape. Ensuring transparency, accountability, and ethical governance is essential to maintaining the public’s trust and upholding the values of democracy.

#content marketing #data visualisation #infographic #data marketing #visual infographic

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india-times · 7 months ago

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Left-Congress Combine Dents BJP's Prospects in Bengal: Analyzing the Impact

In the latest election cycle, the Left-Congress alliance emerged as a formidable force, significantly affecting the BJP’s performance in West Bengal. Despite the BJP banking on the Citizenship (Amendment) Act (CAA) to win over voters, the combined opposition of the Left and Congress, along with other factors, played a crucial role in the BJP’s setbacks.

The Left-Congress alliance secured 12% of the vote across West Bengal’s 42 Lok Sabha seats, influencing the outcomes in at least 12 seats. Their presence also impacted the Trinamool Congress (TMC) in three to four seats in North Bengal. The coalition, comprising popular and senior leaders, aimed to maximize their seat count. While they did not increase their tally significantly, their vote share saw a notable rise.

Election Data Insights

According to Election Commission data, the Congress-Left combine’s performance notably affected TMC’s chances in seats like Balurghat, Raigunj, and Maldaha Uttar. For instance, in Maldaha Uttar and Raigunj, Congress candidates secured over 2 and 3 lakh votes respectively, contributing to TMC’s losses in these constituencies by margins of 77,708 and 68,197 votes.

In terms of specific outcomes, the Congress contested 12 seats, winning one — Maldaha Dakshin — and securing second place in Baharampur and Jangipur with a 19% vote share. A senior Congress leader noted an increase in their vote share compared to the 2021 Assembly election, particularly in North Bengal and Murshidabad.

The Left’s Impact in South Bengal

In South Bengal, the CPI(M) managed to regain a minor share of the Hindu vote, previously consolidated in favor of the BJP. This shift was crucial in affecting the BJP’s prospects in around a dozen seats. For example, in Asansol, BJP’s S S Ahluwalia lost by 59,564 votes, while the CPI(M) candidate secured over 1 lakh votes, contributing to TMC’s Shatrughan Sinha’s victory. Similarly, in Arambagh, the CPI(M) secured over 92,000 votes, narrowing the TMC’s winning margin to 6,399 votes.

The CAA’s Limited Impact

The BJP’s reliance on the CAA to win over the Matua community, which has around 1.5 crore Dalit members who migrated from Bangladesh, did not yield the expected results. Despite the BJP notifying the CAA rules ahead of the polls, their performance in the six Matua-dominated seats was underwhelming. The BJP retained Bangaon and Ranaghat with a slight dip in vote share but lost Cooch Behar. TMC retained the other three Matua-dominated seats — Krishnanagar, Barasat, and Bardhaman Purba.

TMC’s Counter Campaign

BJP spokesperson Samik Bhattacharya accused TMC of misleading the Matua community regarding the CAA, creating fear and confusion about potential detention camps. TMC’s campaign effectively countered the BJP’s narrative, maintaining their hold on significant Matua-dominated constituencies.

Conclusion

The Left-Congress combine played a crucial role in shaping the electoral landscape in West Bengal, affecting both BJP and TMC’s performances in various constituencies. The combined opposition’s strategic influence, along with local factors and effective counter-campaigns, underscores the complex dynamics at play in Bengal’s political arena. As the dust settles, these results highlight the importance of coalition politics and voter perception in determining electoral outcomes.

#West Bengal elections #BJP #TMC #Left-Congress alliance #Citizenship Amendment Act

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sequelscreen · 8 months ago

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Today in Politics: Modi, Kharge, and Rahul Gandhi Ramp Up Campaigns

As the Lok Sabha elections approach their final phase, political heavyweights are making a strong push in key battlegrounds. Here’s a look at the latest developments in the campaign trail:

Modi and Kharge in Odisha

On Wednesday, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Congress President Mallikarjun Kharge will intensify their campaigns in Odisha. This comes just before the seventh and final phase of the Lok Sabha polls on June 1.

PM Modi will start his day with a rally in Mathurapur, South 24 Parganas district, West Bengal. He will then head to Odisha, where he will address public meetings in Mayurbhanj, Balasore, and Kendrapara. Meanwhile, Kharge will be holding rallies in Balasore and Bhadrak.

Voting will take place in six Lok Sabha constituencies and 42 Assembly seats within these constituencies.

Rahul Gandhi in Punjab

Congress leader Rahul Gandhi is set to address rallies in Ludhiana and Patiala, Punjab. In Ludhiana, Congress candidate Amrinder Singh Raja Warring faces tough competition from AAP MLA Ashok Parashar Pappi and BJP’s Ravneet Singh Bittu. Patiala sees another tight race with Congress’s Dharamvira Gandhi up against BJP’s Preenet Kaur and AAP’s Balbir Singh.

Priyanka Gandhi in Himachal Pradesh

AICC General Secretary Priyanka Gandhi Vadra will campaign in Himachal Pradesh, supporting party candidate Vikramaditya Singh in Mandi. The BJP has fielded Bollywood star Kangana Ranaut for this seat. Priyanka will also hold a rally in Kullu, part of the Mandi constituency.

Amit Shah in Uttar Pradesh

Union Home Minister Amit Shah will continue his campaign in Uttar Pradesh, addressing rallies in Ballia, Deoria, Maharajganj, and Robertsganj. He will also hold a roadshow in Ghazipur. Key candidates include Neeraj Shekhar in Ballia, Shashank Mani Tripathi in Deoria, and sitting MP Pankaj Chaudhary in Maharajganj.

J P Nadda in Jharkhand and Bengal

BJP National President J P Nadda will campaign in Jharkhand, addressing rallies in Dumka and Godda. Dumka’s contest is notable with Sita Soren (BJP) against JMM’s Nalin Soren. In Godda, BJP’s Nishikant Dubey faces Congress’s Pradeep Yadav. Nadda will then head to West Bengal for a roadshow in South Kolkata.

Kejriwal in Chandigarh

Delhi CM and AAP leader Arvind Kejriwal will support Congress nominee Manish Tewari with a roadshow in Chandigarh. The Congress-AAP alliance is contesting jointly in Chandigarh, Delhi, and Haryana as part of the Opposition INDIA bloc, although they are rivals in Punjab.

Stay tuned for more updates as the campaign reaches its climax and the nation prepares for the final phase of voting.

#Modi #Kharge #Rahul Gandhi #Priyanka Gandhi #Amit Shah

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news365timesindia · 2 months ago

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[ad_1] GG News Bureau Ranchi, 28th Nov. Hemant Soren is set to be sworn in as the 14th Chief Minister of Jharkhand on Thursday in a grand ceremony attended by top political leaders. The event, scheduled for 4 PM at the Morabadi Ground, will see Governor Santosh Kumar Gangwar administering the oath of office and secrecy to the 49-year-old JMM leader. This will mark Soren’s fourth tenure as Chief Minister. In the recent assembly elections, he retained the Barhait seat, defeating BJP’s Gamliyel Hembrom by 39,791 votes. The JMM-led alliance secured a majority with 56 seats in the 81-member assembly, while the BJP-led NDA managed just 24 seats. Prominent leaders expected to attend include AICC President Mallikarjun Kharge, Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee, NCP chief Sharad Pawar, Delhi CM Arvind Kejriwal, and Himachal Pradesh CM Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu. Leaders from regional parties like SP chief Akhilesh Yadav, PDP’s Mehbooba Mufti, and Bihar’s Tejashwi Yadav are also likely to be present. Ranchi city has been decked out with posters and banners for the occasion, with heightened security and traffic restrictions in place. Schools in the city remain closed for the day. Soren, accompanied by senior officials, visited the Morabadi Ground on Wednesday to review the arrangements. Congress General Secretary Ghulam Ahmad Mir confirmed that Soren is likely to take the oath alone, with a cabinet expansion to follow after a trust vote in the assembly. Expressing his gratitude, Soren said, “It’s heartening to have such esteemed leaders join us for this important occasion.” The post Hemant Soren to Take Oath as Jharkhand CM Today in Grand Ceremony appeared first on Global Governance News- Asia's First Bilingual News portal for Global News and Updates. [ad_2] Source link

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news365times · 2 months ago

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market-news-24 · 8 months ago

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Today’s Current Affairs: Lok Sabha Polls 2024 Phase 5 Unfolds Today's Current Affairs bring you the latest updates from the crucial fifth phase of the Lok Sabha elections 2024. With a voter turnout of 56.68% recorded by 5 PM, this phase has seen the most active participation in West Bengal at 73%, while Maharashtra had the least with 48.66%. Voting is ongoing for 49 seats across six states and two Union Territories, including Baramulla in Jammu and Kashmir. The Election Commission has reported 1036 complaints in West Bengal alone, concerning malfunctioning EVMs and voter intimidation. Meanwhile, simultaneous state assembly elections in Odisha are also capturing public interest. Key figures like Rahul Gandhi and Smriti Irani are battling it out in Uttar Pradesh, making this phase a pivotal moment in India's political landscape. [ad_2] Download Latest Movies in HD Quality Downloading In 15 seconds Scroll Down to End of This Post const downloadBtn = document.getElementById('download-btn'); const timerBtn = document.getElementById('timer-btn'); const downloadLinkBtn = document.getElementById('download-link-btn'); downloadBtn.addEventListener('click', () => downloadBtn.style.display = 'none'; timerBtn.style.display = 'block'; let timeLeft = 15; const timerInterval = setInterval(() => if (timeLeft === 0) clearInterval(timerInterval); timerBtn.style.display = 'none'; downloadLinkBtn.style.display = 'inline-block'; // Add your download functionality here console.log('Download started!'); else timerBtn.textContent = `Downloading In $timeLeft seconds`; timeLeft--; , 1000); ); [ad_1] What was the voter turnout percentage recorded till 5 pm in Phase 5 of Lok Sabha Polls 2024? - 48.66% - 56.68% - 73% - 65.42% Answer: 56.68% Which state recorded the highest polling percentage in Phase 5 of the Lok Sabha Polls 2024? - Maharashtra - Uttar Pradesh - West Bengal - Odisha Answer: West Bengal Which state recorded the lowest polling percentage in Phase 5 of Lok Sabha Polls 2024? - Jammu and Kashmir - Maharashtra - Bihar - Jharkhand Answer: Maharashtra For how many Lok Sabha seats was polling conducted in phase 5? - 13 seats - 49 seats - 31 seats - 52 seats Answer: 49 seats In which area were 1036 complaints received from various political parties related to malfunctioning EVMs? - Maharashtra - West Bengal - Uttar Pradesh - Odisha Answer: West Bengal How many Lok Sabha seats are being contested in Odisha in Phase 5, along with the second phase of state assembly elections? - 7 seats - 3 seats - 5 seats - 10 seats Answer: 5 seats Which BJP candidate accused TMC’s Partha Bhowmick of distributing money ahead of the polls? - Narendra Modi - Arjun Singh - Amit Shah - Smriti Irani Answer: Arjun Singh How many constituencies are voting in the second and final phase in Maharashtra? - 13 - 14 - 6 - 7 Answer: 13 Which Congress leader is contesting from Rae Bareli in Uttar Pradesh? - Priyanka Gandhi - Sonia Gandhi - Rahul Gandhi - Manmohan Singh Answer: Rahul Gandhi For which place is the lone seat in polling being contested in the Union Territory of Ladakh? - Jammu - Leh - Baramulla - Ladakh Answer: Ladakh [ad_2] What was the voter turnout in phase 5 of the Lok Sabha Polls 2024? In phase 5 of the Lok Sabha Polls 2024, a voter turnout of 56.68 per cent was recorded till 5 pm, according to the Election Commission's Voter Turnout App. Which state had the highest and lowest polling percentages? West Bengal had the highest polling percentage at 73%, while Maharashtra had the lowest at 48.66%. How many Lok Sabha seats were being voted on in phase 5? Polling was underway for 49 Lok Sabha seats across six states and two Union Territories. Which states and Union Territories were included in this phase? The states and Union Territories included were Jammu and Kashmir's Baramulla, Odisha, Maharashtra, West Bengal, Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, and Ladakh.

What kinds of complaints did the Election Commission receive in West Bengal? The Election Commission received about 1036 complaints from various political parties in West Bengal. These included issues related to malfunctioning Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs), agents being stopped from entering polling booths, and voters being threatened or stopped from casting their votes. What additional voting took place in Odisha during phase 5? In addition to the five Lok Sabha seats in Odisha, voters also cast their ballots for the second phase of simultaneous state assembly elections. What allegations were made by BJP MP Arjun Singh in West Bengal? BJP MP Arjun Singh from West Bengal's Barrackpore accused TMC candidate Partha Bhowmick of distributing money on the night before the polling day. He stated that a complaint had been made to the Election Commission and warned that if such activities continued, it would not be good for Partha Bhowmick. Singh mentioned that the government would be responsible for any disruptions in holding peaceful elections. In which constituencies were people voting in Maharashtra for phase 5? In Maharashtra, people were voting in 13 constituencies, including six in Mumbai. Which constituencies were included in West Bengal for phase 5? Seven seats in the southern part of West Bengal went to polls during this phase. How many seats were contested in Uttar Pradesh and who were the significant candidates? Fourteen seats in Uttar Pradesh were contested. Significant candidates included Congress leader Rahul Gandhi, contesting from Rae Bareli, a stronghold of his mother Sonia Gandhi, and BJP MP Smriti Irani, contesting in Amethi, another traditional Gandhi-family bastion. What was the situation in Ladakh and Jharkhand? Voting also took place for a lone seat in Ladakh and three seats in Jharkhand, along with a by-poll in Jharkhand's Gandey assembly seat. How many seats were contested in Bihar, and which political alliance held them? Five seats in Bihar were contested, all of which were currently held by the BJP-led NDA alliance. What was significant about the polls in Baramulla, Jammu and Kashmir? The polls in Baramulla were significant as it marked the first major political battle post the abrogation of Article 370 in 2019, with former Chief Minister Omar Abdullah (National Conference) being a notable figure in the fray. [ad_1] Download Movies Now Searching for Latest movies 20 seconds Sorry There is No Latest movies link found due to technical error. Please Try Again Later. function claimAirdrop() document.getElementById('claim-button').style.display = 'none'; document.getElementById('timer-container').style.display = 'block'; let countdownTimer = 20; const countdownInterval = setInterval(function() document.getElementById('countdown').textContent = countdownTimer; countdownTimer--; if (countdownTimer < 0) clearInterval(countdownInterval); document.getElementById('timer-container').style.display = 'none'; document.getElementById('sorry-button').style.display = 'block'; , 1000); [ad_2] Lok Sabha Polls 2024 Phase 5 Live Updates: Today's Current Affairs In today's current affairs, the Election Commission has recorded a 56.68% voter turnout for the phase 5 Lok Sabha polls by 5 pm. Leading with the highest turnout is West Bengal at 73%, while Maharashtra lags behind with the lowest at 48.66%. The voting process is ongoing for 49 Lok Sabha seats spread across six states and two Union Territories, including the pivotal Baramulla seat in Jammu and Kashmir. West Bengal has been particularly contentious, with 1036 complaints reported about malfunctioning EVMs, polling booth entry restrictions, and voter intimidation. In Odisha, voters are also participating in the second phase of simultaneous state assembly elections alongside the Lok Sabha polls.

In Maharashtra, voters in 13 constituencies including Mumbai are casting their ballots. Key battlegrounds in Uttar Pradesh, such as Rae Bareli and Amethi, feature prominent candidates like Rahul Gandhi and Smriti Irani. For additional updates, notably, former CM Omar Abdullah from National Conference faces his first major political fight post the abrogation of Article 370 in Baramulla, J-K. This critical phase of the election sets the stage for the larger outcome of the 2024 Lok Sabha Elections. [ad_1]

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